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K A. GAULDING & CO LffSERIES, YOU. “ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON. PROPRIETOR ATLANTA, GEO,, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 24,1859. NO 18 hr Jntrllipnr. i; FEBRUARY 24, 1859. JToTsUB S C RI P TIO N "L „, r annum in advance, *6 00 -PAP*-* in advance, 4 00 JjfljjvlA • PJ it in advance, 2 00 MS- -,r R vJ within six months,.. 2 50 l f within twelve months, 3 00 ,Uc Renders of ,Uc I,,<clu S cnccr - fith tlii! ■, number, the interest of the under- thc Intelligencer Office, ceases. My lanta Press, has been Most of the time it lots L,vjpion w . r ".'short duration. 1: ' viant witli now and then a slight bub- .P’-c peace and distract tiie mind.— .mart outside of the . axe few persons, if any.. ■ ,rlio know anything at all of the i"! of a newspaper life. It, however, has , nts of pleasure, as well as its times of 311 Like every other business faitli- rJ.Xlty- mfttntly 1 successfully prosecuted, it requires perseverance ; the mind must be and actively engaged; the imagi- uick and perceptive, and all thc pow- ,1,. intellectual man easily brought into iti- k. alike . ;. u n. without distracting any of its parts. mikca^ Editor, a man must <levote his •' lime and attention to the duties of his )ie mns t not l»e troubled with the cares Lj business of life—his mind must be free Li unbiased- ti lth the -Intelligencer,’ I sever my connec- , with many regrets. At one time, all my of future prosperity were centered in its Its acceptance with the people—the „. iis the ultimatum of my ambition.— •ncTtries my time—my little patrimony, live all liccn given to accomplish that one •„hject. So far, pecuniarily, the paper laveded beyond my most sanguine ex altations. With mv co-partners in business, I part with ■Huh reluctance. For them all 1 have the r< wr ar d. In their capacity to conduct \enterprise successful!j, I have thc most hounded confidence. The Senior Editor, for .List four years, has been my warm and i friend. In prosperous as well as ad- mc circumstances, lie has never, to my know- forsaken me. In his bosom beats a art. whose sympathies are easily touched ovc d bv the wants and distresses of his t j wmi'i). His hand and purse are always 1 tn the wants and demands of the needy. I .-ml him, in many respects, my paternal l-neiactor. I part with him as I would a fa- -» brother—a dear friend. May heaven’s .stand richest blessings abide with him, when that noble heart of his shall cease I: i> at on earth, may he he gathered to the ad of his fathers in peace. II rdm-from tin- ’Intelligencer,’ entertaining linis of hostility towards no one. If, du de my short career, I have offended or hurt be feelings t>f either friend or foe, I beg their rivoness. My intercourse with thc citizens Atlanta, has been of a very pleasant and Lr- alile character. To those warm friends U * 1 have so kindly tendered their services, in «wavs than one, to advance my interests, ;,tum my grateful acknowledgments. jVrhajis. it would lie proper to state that ir withdrawal from the ‘Intelligencer,’ is on- iie result of a difference of opinion in re. |:c.l to the conduct of the paper—not politi- -lmt as to the proper mode of conduct- lmsiness generally, and that I bum out |»iiii kind feelings towards each member of ttouaru. J. II. LOGAN. Col. J. II. Logan. Utr present issue contains the valedictory Of |.. aUivc named gentleman, who has for sev. 1 months past, been one of the Editors and mprietors of this paper. In taking leave of |i*r partner, we feel great pleasure in rccipro- riiin:- the kind feelings which he expresses It wards 11s. especially the Senior Editor. We pglily appreciate the compliments he has paid It-, and offer to him our good wishes that in Iriiatsiever lield of labor lie may engage, that liappincss and prosperity may he his reward. |E«evtr ] ainful the separation may he to all . circumstances have made it necessary, ■ind we trust it may l>e beneficial to all parties Ills interest in the office lias been |furdiuM.-d by A. A. Gaulding and the firm of '“biker At Gaskill. The business will be [inducted as heretofore, and however we may I-! the need of the valuable services of our re* I'bing partner, we hope by increased efforts led renewed diligence, to continue to deserve It;■ patronage and support of our friends and 4c public. Atirli ultiiral College Bill. bLs bill, having passed both Houses of Con 's awaits the signature of the President, become the law of the land. We do not pose to discuss the merits of this bill at seat, but simply to notify our readers of its »ago. If it shall receive the name of the blent, we will probably notice it more par- nlarlv. We have looked upon this hill fa ulty. It offers to the people—the farmers the sturdy yeomanry of the land, a blessing bin conferred by our politicians. We hope ivfer to this matter again. KlnjEfHfon—Music—F. A. Huson. r --i a recent trip over the State Road, we I pent an evening at the pleasant village of | Kingston. We witnessed the performance of tae brass Hand under the tuition of Prof. B. IJ Anson, i he execution of the pieces brought 'it. were truly astonishing, when we tike in- 1 consideration the fact, that the hand lias ccn organized only one month. We wish for | b Band and its worthy teacher, great success, 'ttr old friend F. A. Huson, lias in this village 1 30 excellent Hotel, where travelers will re vive su-h fare and attention as will render tiiem comfortable and happy. GT Oregon has been admitted into the Un- • 11 as a State. We hear constant talk about fevh ing the Union, and yet it is spreading it- k V- and who knows or can imagine where the T ‘'l will he ? It may be next year, and it may a century, before our political destiny shall have been achieved, and providence see fit to t ' ; n P another system of government. God -’rant that “wisdom, moderation and pru. *** ’ may prevail among our people, and !R it we may continue to feel “one and insep- ara *'lc- now and forever.” '' s "as once said of Napoleon, “grand, tb-oiny and peculiar, we stand upon an emi- and glory- covers us.” Let us wipe off ’ R< *t gloom, and cause a bright blaze of un billed glory to burn with increased splendor ! J this “land of the free, and home of the ra >e. Would that we could look into the ” u rc fearlessly. Let us look hopefully, pray- ’fully. Great is our country, and great will * !ti ^11 when that fall shall come. A fire occurred at Dalton Ga., on Fri- Ati» « ^ destroying the Western and j; 7, ntlc Hotel and the stores of Morris & D. v., . rown . loss estimated at about $17,000.— •'Oiniuronce. Pass him round Again. We perceive from the Montgomery Confed eration, that A. G. Jones, the individual al luded to by a correspondent in a late number of our paper—has recently ‘ ‘turned up’ ’ in that city. He was charged by our correspondent with swindling a young man by the name of Kern, out of the sum of ten dollars. It seems he has lately made his appearance in Mont gomery , Ala., under the name of Capt. Con- way-, and confideticed a ’negro trader by the name of Page out of $31. Suspicions were excited as to the bona fides, of his pretensions, when he was identified by the description given of him in our paper, and lodged in the guard house. It is however much to be re gretted that upon refunding the $31, he was released from custody, and is now at large. Rumor says, that he has since been seen in this place. We caution the public against his stratagems, -and hope our cotemporaries of the press will pass him round. Saved by a Newspaper.—A few days since, Mr. R. H. Martin, one of the superintedents of the laborers at work at the new Wash ington Spring at Saratoga, New York, being engaged near the steam pump, by some means slipped so that the skirt of liis coat caught in the cogs of the pump. One bite of thc cogs in the coat and it commenced drawing him in pretty fust. He had no time to give an alarm before he was brought up with a prospect of being maimed by the cogs ; hut, fortunately he had in his pocket, a newspaper, tightly folded together, and when the cogs came to that they stopped, throwing the band off the pullies. I ou, who do not subscribe for our paper had better do it at once, and pay in advance. It isagoed life-preserver. We venture Mr. Martin had paid for bis paper or he might have been pinched a little for his delinquency. A two dollar hill in that pocket in the place of thatpajier would not have “stopped the cogs.” A good paper will throw “the band off the pullies” amidst thc vicissitudes of life in more way-s than one. Reader, w-alk right up to the “Intelligencer Office” and leave your name upon our (we are happy to state) increasing list of subscribers. We will do you good. “The Aurora ; a monthly for the mothers and daughters of the South and West. Mrs. E. M. Eaton, Editress.” The February- No. of this monthly is before us. We hope this periodical will succeed. We believe it worthy. This number contains ex cellent reading matter. Terms, $2 a year for single copies ; 5 copies, $8 ; 10 copies $15.— Address W. R. Gulley, Publisher, Murfrees boro, Tenn. St. Valentine's Day. W’e tender as an apology, for our tardiness in noticing this ancient festival, a press of mat ter of more importance crowding our columns. We will premise our remarks on this subject, by saying this festival, according to the usa ges of the present day, w-ould be “more hon ored in the breach than in the observance.” Instead of its being an occasion for the young people of town and country, to express their tender sentiments, the one for the other, it is used for the purpose of sending grotesque, dis torted, comic pictures, through the medium of thc post office, for thc gratification of those feelings and passions which do but little honor to the human heart. We received but one of these missiles, on the occasion of the late festi val, which was a horrid representation of an old bachelor in most hideous form. It was wholly-inappropriate to our social status, as we never belonged to the honorable fraternity of old bachelors, and of course we now never can. Hut we received two beautiful poetic ef. fusions, most delicately- and elegantly written, unaccompanied by any- of those horrid pictures which have of late been in such common use. These effusions remind us so much of the days of “Auld Lang Syne,” that we shall give them to our readers at the risk of being charged with egotism. The first was post marked “Atlanta, Ga.,” and about which we have this to say : OUR VALENTINE. Some fair one was considerate enough to remember us on “mating day,” by sending us a Valentine, the sweet sentiments of which are well calculated to disturb the quiet slum bers of the most confirmed bachelor, or love sighing widower. The fair incognita can scarce ly- imagine how softly- the words of her sweet lay fell upon our slumbering heart. It com menced thus : “Oh! There’s nothing half so sweet in life, as love’s young dream.” This is doubtless thc true sentiments of that young careless heart, whose beautiful day dreams a e betrayed in thc sweet sentiment. Yet, -'Thru’s a bliss beyond all tliat “this” minstrel has [told, When two, that are linked in or.e heavenly tie, With heart never changing and brow never cold, Love on through all ills, and love on till they die ! One hour of a passion so sacred, is worth Whole ages of heartless and wandering bliss ; And oh ’. if there be an Elysium on earth, It is this, it is this.’’ As what we have said above, about our Val entine, may have excited the curiosity of our readers, we publish it entire for their gratifica tion. "Oh ! there’s nothing half so sweet in life As love’s young dream. The bee thro’ many a garden roves, And hums the lay of courtship o’er, But when I10 finds the (lower he loves, He settles there, and hums no more. By day or night, in weal or woe, Tills heart, no longer free, Must bear the love it eannot show, And, silent, ache for Him.” February 14th. Your VALENTINE. The second was post marked “Rig Creek,’ Ga., and reads as follows : TO A. A. GAULDING. I’ve never seen that face of thine Nor heard thy voice. Oh ! no, But I hear you are a widower, And doubtless it is so. I know not if thy hair be light, Or of a d,irksome hue, But I’ve read you are a Democrat, And 1 know tliat you will do. Your hand it may he hard and brown, Or smooth, and soft, and white ; 1 care not since it wields a pen In a good cause to write. Your eye it may be lustrous black, Be grey, or melting blue, I care not, if from out its depths It speaks the soul is true. I know not which, thy countenanco May bright or gloomy be ; And care not, if when I am near You’d sweetly smile ou me. I know not of thy wealth or power, Or what thy prospects be, And care not, so you’re unengaged, And that your heart be free. And should I ever come, my friend. Your city fair to view, Don’t he surprised, or wonder that I set my cap for you. Your saucy correspondent, you Would like to know, no doubt, But I’ll repay your vigilance, If you can find me out. Feb. 14th, 1859. KATE. To whom we arc indebted for these favors, we are at a loss to divine. We mnst acknow ledge that our curiosity has bean excited, and we make this proposition to the writers; if they will make themselves known to us, so that we may not be mistaken as to their iden- ity, we will make them life-time subscribers to the Atlanta “Intelligencer,” free of expense to them. This is all we have to say about St. Valentine’s day at present. Cuba. We are gratified to perceive in various quar ters, a streng feeling in favor of the acquisi tion of Cuba by the United States Government. We have again and again expressed our views in most unequivocal terms, in favor of this measure. Recent events have produced no change in our opinion on this subject. We are in favor of using every lawful and consti tutional means of accomplishing this desira ble object. Its commanding position at the entrance of the Gulf of Mexico, makes it a matter of paramount importance, that we should have the control of it. The vast quan tity of our western produce, must always find an outlet through the mouth of the Mississip pi River and the Gulf of Mexico, to the mar- kets of the world. This branch of our com merce is annually increasing, and will contin ue to do so, as our vast fertile territories, ly ing upon the navigable rivers which empty into the Mississippi, shall become populated. This increase will probably go on for the next centuiy, as the immense mineral and agricul tural resources of that vast territory, constitu ting what is called the valley of the Mississip pi, and its tributaries are being developed.— This Island under the dominion of Spain, weak and insignificant as-shc is, as a nation, has for many years been a source of annoyance to our commerce and our people. Should some more powerful nation get control of it, the result might he a total annihilation of our Mississip pi and Gulf Trade. In this view of the sub ject, dollars and cents should not be taken in to the account. It would be difficult to esti mate the damage by pecuniary considerations. We may lay ourself liable to the charge of Fillibusterism, but we are candid to confess, that we believe a stern necessity is upon us, to have possession of this Island. We should re gret it, if we should be compelled to acquire it by force, but by all means, we say, let us have the “Queen of the Antilles.” Stales Rights Men. There was a time when to speak of Southern Rights men conveyed some distinct idea. So there was a time when there was a meaning to the term “States Rights,” but now, so far as we can see, they mean nothing. It is a great misfortune for good principles to take a eneral name, for as soon as the principles ren der the name popular, men take the name and kick the principles off. Everybody in the whole country is now a State Rights man.— Formerly when a man was known as a State Rights man, it carried with it the idea that he was opposed to the tariff, to internal improve ments, to a national bank, and to all exercise of power by Congress except that for which a grant could be found in the constitution. Now a “State Rights” man can vote for anything, no matter what it is.—[Corner Stone. Well brother Bethune, it is very cool in you to talk this way about “State Rights men.” — Who has contributed more than you to demor alize (politically speaking) the States Rights doctrines of the people of Georgia ? When the advocates of these doctrines in 1850 and 1851, unfurled the flag of “Southern Rights,” which was but another name for “State Rights,” what did you, and those who thought with you, do? Why you organized the “Coffin Regiment,” unfurled the flag of Disunion, and called upon the people of the South to rally around it. The masses stood aghast at the rash act—consternation pervaded the ranks of the State Rights men of the country. Then the ruin of the Southern Rights party com menced, and you and your colleagues struck it a blow, from which it was never able to re cover. Your “coffin regiment” was forced to fall back upon the lino of conseivatisin, occu pied by the Southern Rights party, and to gether we made the best fight we could. But the leaders of your coffin regiment, both on the stump and through the medium of the press, had put themselves upon the record in such an odious light before thc people, that the moderate Southern Rights men, whose de clared policy was to fight for the rights of the South in the Union—disclaiming any inten tion of dissolving tho Union for past acts* could not convince the people of tho honesty and ‘sincerity of our intentions. The conse quence was the utter overthrow of our South ern Rights Party in 1851. The convention of 1850, passed the celebrated 4th resolution of the Georgia Platform, with which the South ern Rights party of Georgia were satisfied, with a few exceptions. Yet so completely had the (‘Coffin Regiment” alarmed the people, that they repudiated almost every man who had not, from the beginning of the controversy, taken strong ground in favor of the Union.— You are mistaken, when you assume that the State Rights party exists only in name. The Southern Rights party of 1850 and ’51 still lives, and in its ranks are now to be found thousands of noble patriots who were then Union men, and the rights of the States, and thc rights of the South, will call forth their sendees whenever the exigencies of the times may demand them. Ultraism may cripple them, hut their enemies can never conquer them. State Aid to Railroads In Missouri. Missouri is the identical State which has been held up or attempted to be held up by the modem opponents of State Aid in Geor gia, as a case of utter ruination from the adop tion of the State Aid policy. We beg leave, therefore, to call attention to the steps which mark the progress of this ruination in that State, and it is a pity that some other States cannot be ruined in the same way. In 1850 the entire property of Missouri amounted to only $137,247,000, and at that time nothing, or next to nothing had been done in the State, towards the construction of Railroads, since then the State Aid System has been adopted, and as the Governor informs us in his last message, the State obligates herself to grant Aid to certain Roads to the amount of $24,950,000 and has already bound by bonds to the amount of $19,056,000. There is al ready in complete operation in the State 547 miles of Road and a large amount besides nearly completed. The report of the Auditor of Missouri gives the following valuation of the property of the State for 1857 and 1858: 1857. 1858. land, $124,747,730 * 221,605,766 Town lots, 64,375,033 14,287,027 Slaves, 41,655,608 45,090,025 Personal prop’ty, 31,187,291 39,072,373 Money and bonds, 96,013,470 35,556,380 Total, $ 287,980,032 $ 355,621,572 “Thus showing an increase in the valuation of 1858 over those of 1859 of $67,641,000. The increase in the revenue of the State, “says the report” is 93 per cent, being largely in ad vance of the estimate of the auditor in his an nual report to the last Legislature” to which we may add the increase of valuation of property in the State, since 1850 is over 228,- 000,000 or nearly three fold in eight years It is hardly possible that the State will have any of the bonds to pay, but even if she should have all to pay allowing the enterprise and wealth of the State to increase as they must for the next twenty years and her Railroad system, the increase of revenue with the same rate of taxation on the increased value of property, will more than pay the debt. The bonds of Missouri have been as low as 65 cts. on the dollar. They now stand even among the Shylocks of Wall street as high as 90 cts. in the dollar. Is it not a pity that some other States cannot be ruined in the same way f |W* We have seen several of our Editorials traveling the rounds, without the proper cred it. We have just noticed one in the Greens boro “Gazette.” Tote fair, gentleman. Hat Store. Mr. J. M. Holbrook has become the sole proprietor of the Hat Store on White Hall street having purchased the interest of his late partner Mr. A. Taylor. This is a fine es tablishment presenting every variety of articles usually kept in a store of this kind. Mr. Hol brook is a good merchant, polite and accom modating and though deprived of the valua ble aid of his former partner we trust that the friends and patrons of the firm will continue their favors, as we feel assured it will he then- interest to do so. Hon. I.. J. Gartrell. In our issue of yesterday morning, we pub lished an extract from the Washington Globe, containing a discussion upon the subject of the claims of “Maine and Georgia,” in which our immediate Representative acted a conspicuous part, as he always does whenever the interests of his State, or of the Southern States arc in volved. Bold and fearless, he pitches into the fight, and his antagonists have but little to boast of, when the conflict is over. We re ceived a letter from him dated the 12th inst., from which (though of a private character) we venture to make the following extracts. Sa gacity, prudence, and patriotism are his dis tinguishing traits, and he seldom takes a po sition which every true hearted Southern man cannot safely endorse. But to the extracts: “A strong effort is being made by the pro tectionists to increase the Tariff, but this at tempt will be strongly resisted by the South and West. The present impression is that a restoration of the Tariff of 1846 for two years, will be finally resorted to. Our friends say that we can thus prevent a radical change in the existing Tariff, and supply the necessary revenue until a revival in trade and commerce. As at present advised, I shall vote against all increase of duties, believing that with proper economy, the government may be carried on with the amount of revenue now received.— We have had some excitement in the House for the last day or two, upon the Bill admit ting Oregon as a State. Its admission was warmly advocated by the Democratic party, and sternly resisted by the Black Republicans and Americans. The Americans opposed it on account, as they say, of the alien suffrage fea ture, and the Republicans because by the con stitution of Oregon, the superiority of the white man over the African is fully acknowledged, and, also, because negroes are forever prohibi ted from voting. The opposition of the lat ter shows that abolitionism is still rampant.— They opposed Kansas at the last session be cause slavery was admitted, and now they op pose Oregon because negro equality is denied in its constitution. The Bill passed the House to-day, by a majority of eleven. Mr. Stephens made a great speech in favor of it. The ad mission of Oregon at this session, was of vast importance to our party. We secure by it two sound national Democratic Senators and a sound man in the House.” « Lugubrious. ” Such is the title, which our cotemporary of the Journal & Mescnger, applies to an article which appeared in our paper a few days since, and to which he makes the following reply. The above excerpts, caption and all, are from a lugbrious article in the Atlanta Intelligencer. We should have passed it by without com ment, but for thc irratuitous allusion to what we suppose the editors might without a stretch of courtesy, have styled Americans. As re ■ gards the disaffected Democrats and their ef forts “to sow seeds of discord among party friends,” we shall not question the ability of our friends of the Intelligencer to give very re liable testimony. Being in the “Gate City” —in short a political as well as railroad Babel —where the democratic idiom is about as va ried and unintelligible as weie thc utterances of the confounded inhabitants upon whom that magnificent democratic tower casts it shadow —or the shrill dialect of its own multifarious steam whistle—it is not surprising that the In telligencer should be rather nervous in regard to democratic harmony and unity, in respect both to men and principle. We must however, protest against having the responsibility of democratic discords sadd'ed upon Americans. If our friends of the Intelligencer will point out one solitary political principal or measure, State or National, of primary importance, up on which there is concord in the democratic party, we shall not object to his attributing the manifold troubles of democracy to Amer icans. Nor is their remarkable party in much better plight in regard to men. How he could have conceived that we were “lugrubrious,” in reference to the condition of the Democratic Party, we are at a loss to determine. We certainly had no such feel ing when we penned the article which was the subject of his comment. The prestiges of success with which our party has been crowned for so long a period of time,—the confidence we feel in the correctness of its principles, and the intelligence and patriotism of the Ameri can people, forbid that we should ever feel “lugrubrious,” in looking to the future of our policy. His inuendo of our want of courtesy, was founded upon the fact of our denominating his party the ‘ ‘Know Nothing Party. ’ ’ Well, we suppose a party has the right to select a name for itself, and when the name is selected every body has a right to call it by that name. The present American party was for several years known and distinguished as the “Know Nothing party,” and until they repudiate the odious doctrines of that party they have no right to complain of being called by that name. So much for the inuendo of our want of courtesy. As to our location in the “Gate City,” “a sort of political as well as Rail Road Babel, where the Democratic idiom is about as varied and unintelligible as were the utter ances of the confounded inhabitants upon whom that magnificent democratic tower casts its shadow,” we make this remark. As to the thrust at our “Gate city,” made by the secret “blade of Joab,” in the above quota tion we will not deign to reply. In reference to the Democratic party of Atlanta, we have only this to say, that no city in our State can boast of a nobler hand of patriots—devoted to their country and their party, than they are. We have no “collar men,” amongst us. Every man is a sovereign. We differ about men, and sometimes about party policy; but when the time comes for action the Know Nothings, the brethren of our Journal & Messenger Editors,—can testify that we match in solid column and vote the Democratic ticket, from principle. We know that dissention does pre vail in aur ranks, to a certain extent in ref erence to men; and to a very limited extent, in some quarters, as to measures. This is con sequent upon the peculiar construction of our party. We have no secret oaths to bind our men, to a certain line of policy, right or wrong, and although these discrepancies of opinion may exist among us, yet we are gen erally content to act upon the Republican doctrine that the majority shall rule. The Editors of the Jour. & Mess, know very well, that whenever a Democratic Editor or politi cian makes a tick at his party, the Know Nothing press usually takes sides with them. If this is not “sowing the seeds of discord,” among the Democracy, we should like to know what is. If the Jour. & Mess, means by “con cord” that every member of the Democratic party should he agreed upon any matter of public policy, we must confess, that there is a want of concord in the party. And if he will piont out a single article in the Democratic creed upon which an overwhelming majority of the party, everywhere, are not agreed, then will we ad id it that our article was “lugubri ous.” • Claims of Georgia and Maine. Mr. GARTRELL.—I ask the unanimous consent of the House to discharge the Com mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union from the further consideration of Senate reso lution (No. 48) for the payment of an unex pected balance to the State of Georgia, on ac count of militia services; and Senate bill (No. 380) to provide for the payment of the claim of the State of Maine, for expenses incurred by that State in organizing a regiment of vol unteers for the Mexican war. These measures involve the same principle. The question is a very clear one ; and if gen tlemen will hear the bill and resolution read, I do not think there will be any objection. Mr. CLARK, of Missouri.—I want them taken up one at a time. I object. Mr. GARTRELL.—Then I move to suspend the rules to enable me to move to discharge the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union from this hill and joint resolution. Mr. JONES, of Tennessee.—If that motion is decided to be in order, I think we might as well discharge the committee from all the bills on the Calendar, and bring them into the House for its action. Mr. GARTRELL.—In reply to the gentle man from Tennessee, I will say that this bill and joint resolution were reported by the chair man of the Committee on Military Affairs, and should have been sent to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, but were sent to the Committee of the Whole House on the Private Calendar, but were sent to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and thereby lost the advantage which their position would have given them on the Private Calendar. I hope the House will consent to take them up. The same prin ciple is involved in each case ; and that prin ciple is so correct, that I am sure even my vig ilant friend from Tennessee will not object when he comes to understand it. Mr. HOUSTON.—I do not know whether I should object to the gentleman’s bill or not, but it is important in my judgment that the question of order should be settled properly. It seems to me that it is competent for the House to suspend the rules to bring into thc House for its action only one subject at a time ; because if the rules can be suspended and two bills brought into the House at the same time, you can bring in three bills, or a dozen, or a hundred, or all the bills on the Calendar ; and then, as the House can only consider one of them at a time, the others must go to the Speaker’s table, and be beyond the reach of the House and within the influence and con trol of some other rule of the House. I re gard the motion of thc gentleman from Geor gia as involving a very important principle, and it seems t > me that it should not be en tertained by the House. Mr. KELSEY.—Is debate in order ? The SPEAKER.—It is not. Mr. LOVEJOY.—I object to it, then. The SPEAKER.—The Chair will receive the motion of the gentleman from Georgia, re ceiving it, however, with very great doubt as to its propriety. The Chair entertains the motion upon the ground that, although he thinks the rules may be suspended, perhaps, to bring two bills out of committee, they must be considered separately in the House. Mr. STEPHENS, of Georgia.—The House may, by a two-third vote, suspend any rule ; and it strikes me, tliat by that vote, they may suspend every rule of the House. The SPEAKER.—The gentleman is correct. Mr. REAGAN.—This is a log-rolling move ment. Mr. GARTRELL.—I desire to call the at tention of the House to the fact that this is not a motion to bring up separate subjects of legislation. 1 he same principle is involved in each case, a a o a a a a Mr. GARTRELL.—I had no expectation when I submitted the motion I did, that my proposition would give rise to a protracted de bate. I certainly had no wish to embarrass the House or the Speaker, or to raise a new point, for we have enough questions here al ready, without raising new ones. I will there fore modify my request, and ask the unani mous consent of the House that the Commit tee of the Whole on the state of the Union be discharged from thc further consideration of the Senate resolution (No. 48) for the pay ment of an unexpended balance to the State of Georgia, on account of militia services. The resolution was read. It directs the Secretary of the Treasury to apply the unex pended balance of the amount appropriated by the act of August 11, 1842, entitled “An act to provide for the settlement of the claims of the State of Georgia for the services of her militia,” to the repayment to said State of any amount which she has paid to her militia, mentioned in said act, since the date of its pas sage. Mr. HARLAN.—Is that motion amenda ble? The SPEAKER.—It is not. Mr. HARLAN.—I object. Mr. GARTRELL.—I move, then, to suspend the rules for the purpose I have indicated. ’Hie question was taken : and, on a division there were—ayes 90, nocs 39. So the rules were suspended, two thirds hav ing voted in favor thereof. ’lhe motion to discharge the committee of the Whole on the State of the Union was agreed to, and the resolution was brought be fore the House for consideration. Mr. GARTRELL moved the previous ques tion on the third reading of the joint resolu tion. The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered: and, under the operation thereof, the joint resolution was or dered to a third reading,- and was accordingly read the third time. Mr. GARTRELL moved the previous ques- , tion on the passage of the joint resolution. Th e previous question was seconded ; and the main question ordered to be put; and, under the operation thereof, the joint resolu tion was passed. Mr. GARTRELL moved to reconsider the vote by which the joint resolution was passed; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsid er on the table. The latter motion was agreed to. Largest Load on Reccord. ’Hie steamer Maria Deming touched at Mem phis on the 5th inst., and took on 729 bales of cotton. Below will be found a statement of her cargo, which is the largest that ever floated down the Mississippi: 5,989 barrels of flour, 1,746 barrels of pork, 120 barrels of lard, 75 barrels of whiskey, 83 barrels of lard oil, 620 barrels of lime, 406 tierces of lard, 465 kegs of lard, 32 casks of bacon, 63 hogs heads of tobacco, 19 harrels of eggs, 35 barrels of beer, 715 bags of com, 640 bags of brand, 998 bags of oats, 133 packages of sundries, 98 packages of crackers, 70 tons of pig iron, 103 head of cattle. 72 coops of turkeys, 929 bales of cotton, 80 head of mules, 300 boxes of soap, and 90 tons of hay. Me. Stephens and the Senat.—Rumor Cor rected.—The special Washington correspon dent of the Tribune says, in despatch of the 9th instant: “Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, desires me to say that their is no truth in the report that he desires to succeed Mr. Iverson in the Senate. He intends to withdraw entirely from public service for the rest of life, and says he prefers a seat in the House to any other in the Govern ment.”—[ Sav. Rep. He that in the world would rise, Must read the news and Advertise ; For he that will no paper take, Carries a miserly, illiterate pate ; And he that will not Advertise, The people should not patronize. Anotlier Slave Trading Document from our State University. The “Constitutionalist” of Saturday con tains another letter from Mr. Daniel Lee—the northern gentleman to whom has been confi ded the Agricultural professorship in our State University—in which he follows up his first communication with additional reasons why the South should review her settled policy, and enter anew into the traffic in African slaves. The Professor comes out strongly in favor of “cheap labor.” which he maintains is essential to preserve the natural aad political power of the South. This, he alleges, can be effectual ly accomplished by the importation of “a mil lion of men and women, now worthless in Af rica,” into the southern States’ in which event he maintains that the “now valueless muscles of these savages will pay a fair interest on a valuation of a thousand dollars each, or of five hundred, as the future may develop.” As to the mode in which this importation of a million of slaves is to be effected, in view of the existing stringent laws forbidding the traf fic, and characterising those who engage in it as guilty of piracy, and punishable with death, the Professor gives us his views in the following dubious, but oracular language: (The italics are our own.) “We have a right to judge for ourselves and “for the South, what rightis, and what wrong “is, in a matter that lies between us and the “Author of our being. We are not bound to “the resolves of an abolition convention, nor lt the enactments of a very fallible Congress, as the “final settlement of all questions relating “either to the national interests, or the moral “obligations of citizens who are able to think “and act without any special foreign guardian ship.” As Professor Lee is writing upon a great pub lic question, and the public would like to un derstand his meaning fully, it is to be regret ted that his views are given in language which, though obvious in its honest acceptation, may, or may not, commit the writer to a certain line of policy in regard to federal enactments, and subject him to such responsibility as may properly attach to the position. It is unneces sary that we should give, in this place, what we understand the above language to mean ; we therefore content ourselves with quoting it leaving the reader to affix his own construc tion. We would simply add, that if by the term, “foreign guardianship,” the Professor means laws passed by the federal government, of which Georgia and her sister 8tates of the South form a part under a solemn compact of a union, and that we are not bound to accept those laws as interpreted by the constitution al authorities of the country—then, we differ from him, and protest against his doctrine as revolutionary and most dangerous—a doctrine that undermines the whole theory of our gov ernment—that teaches rebellion to all distaste ful laws, and to the inculcation of which we hope the people of Georgia will never consent to subject their children.—[Sav. Rep. [It is with sincere satisfaction that we find in the N. 0. Catholic Standard the following account of our venerable and esteemed friend.] —U. S. Cath Miscellany. The venerable Father O’Neill, the saintly clergyman of Savannah, Geo., has been spend ing a few weeks in this city and will soon re turn to thc scene of his pastoral labors in im proved health. Father O’Neill, as he is familiarly called, is one of the oldest and most universally esteem ed clergymen of the Catholic Church in the United States. Having from his youth pre pared himself for ecclesiatical duties, he was selected before he reached the age of man hood, by that unerring judge of human na ture, the lamented Bishop Engiand, to occu py a conspicuous place in the diocese of Char leston, S. C., which at that time and until very recently embrace the States of Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina. So large a field, at a time when Railroad and Steamboat facilities of travel were unknown, demanded the most untiring efforts and cease less solicitude of the good Bishop and his faithful assistants. The labors however, proved too severe for most of them and near ly all have been called to tlvir reward except the subject of these remarks. But the work of God never faltered and the Mission then comprised in the Diocese of Charleston is now divided into two flourishing Bishoprics. Where all did so well, to bring about this result, it would he inviduous to make distinctions ; but we cannot forbear the remark that to none more than Father O’neill is this success due. Although further rest would doubtless con tribute to his improving health, yet duty, which has ever impelled him to shun personal indulgencies for the sake of others, constrains him to make but a brief stay with us, and lie intends to hike his departure in a few days. May his journey home prove a pleasant one and may he long enjoy the prayers and good wishes of a deserving people who are so blessed as to have such a pastor. Insolence of the Mormons—Thc Federal Authorities Powerless. A letter to the St. Louis Republican, dated Salt Lake City, January 14, says : I have nothing important to say, other than that things have arrived at such a pass, that the authority of the Federal Courts is a mere mockery of justice. Neither murder nor other crime has been or can be published. The Mormons have everything their own way.— Judge Sinclair has adjourned his Court, and will, on Monday, adjourn it sine die, for the reason that the laws of the United States can not be executed this Territory Both Judges Sinclair and Cradelbaugh will leave early next spring, satisfied as they are thattliesr presence as federal officers in administering the laws is merely farcical. A manifesto, carefully pre pared, will be issued, as I am informed, clear ly setting forth their reasons in detail. I have been a careful observer of events in this Terri tory, and am now more than ever satisfied that there is no loyalty to the government among the Mormon people, and while to a certain extent they pay respect to the mere form of law, they neither recognize nor res pect its spirit. The officers of the govern ment (and I refer particularly to the Judi ciary) although not openly insulted, feel that they are powerless, and are treated with such contempt and sneers, as to make their situa tions anything but enviable. Anonymous notes have been placed under the doors of the building where the court is held, not intimi dating or threatening, but dealing in inuen- does and criticisms, so peculiar to the Mormon nation. It may be asked why this state of things exist with the presence of an army here ? I answer, that the army is under instructions, a mere military posse, a police, if you please, and is bound hand and fact, so far as active operations are concerned, and cannot act ex cept under orders. An Incompetent Witness. Madame Lola Montez was one of the notori eties of London, when the last steamer left.— Her discourses on Men and Manners in the United States, the journals there describe as piquant-; but judging by the slight sketches ot them which have reached this country, we should say they are very Trollopy. Here is a specimen of some of the kind things she is pleased to say of us Yankees: “Fashion, she said, possessed an unlimited control in England and America, where it ex tended to every department of life, even to morality itself, and to religion sometimes; but she thought fashion was more powerful at present in the United States than in England; indeed, there was no portion of the world where its sway was more universal or absolute than in the States. Madame declared that no where else had she seen piety and religion so amazingly dependent upon fashion as in that country. Guess Lola, when site was here, was not in the habit much of going among “piety” or “religion” of any kind; but even if she did, we further guess, her education, habits, and training, did not over well qualify her to be a judge of the article. At the same time, it is undoubtedly true, that the United States has a great deal of “fashion,” that could well be dispensed with, and a good many other very naughty institu tions ; but then, after all, we are not so bad as we might be, seeing that we have had an American Lola Montez. There is not a spider hanging on the king's wall, but hath its errand ; there is not a nettle thnt groweth in the corner of the church-yard but hath its purpose; there is not a single insect fluttering in the breeze but ac- complisheth some divine degree; and I will never have it that God created any man, es pecially any Christian man, to be a blank, to be a nothing.—‘Spurgeon. [From the Augusta Constitutionalist of Saturday.] Another Letter from Dr. Lee. Mr. James Gardner has placed at our dis posal another letter from Dr. Daniel Lee, on a subject at this time attracting much attention at the South, throughout the Union, and per haps throughout the world. Practical views, from talented and logical writers, on the sub ject of re-opening the slave trade, cannot full to have a salutary influence in properly en lightening and directing public sentiment; University of Georgia, Feb. 7, 1859 James Gardner, Esq.—My Dear Sir: In your letter you say : “The future of the South is wrapt in much mystery to me, in view of the scarcity of negro labor, and .the relative decline of her political power. How are we to make her ttronger within, and more popu lous, in her present area?” Grave and momentous as are your questions, I will not decline answering them by the aid of the best light before me. To make the fu ture of the South all that it ought to be, we have only to do now what ought now to be done. The fruit of an oak tree does not pro duce itself. It comes from the vitality in an acorn, planted long before. What the present generation shall plant in the Soil of the South, future generations must reap. Our forefath ers planted the seeds of negro labor and negro slavery in this quarter of the world; and al though the crop has been badly cultivated, from an early and a misplaced tear of a fail ure, yet the harvest is giving pretty general satisfaction, and more seed is wanted of tho same sort. Living as we do in an age of great improve ment and rapid progress, the Southern mind is able to discover and remedy such defects in the application of negro labor as render it in ferior to the labor of white persons for any industrial purpose. All that has been done to elevate the black race in the scale of the mor al, social, intellectual and Christian culture, and all that has been done to develop and utilise every power of body and mind, that God had given them, can be five fold better done to the heathen savages that may be hereafter brought from Africa. For the right use of our abilty to do good to our fellow creatures, we are responsible to Heaven. We have no right to repeat the wrongs and sins of the past; but we have a right to judge for ourselves and for the South, what right is, and what wrong is, in a matter that lies between us and the Au thor of our being. We are not bound to ac cept the resolves of an abolition convention, nor the enactments of a very fallible Congress, as the final settlemet of all questions relating either to the material interests, or the moral obligations of citizens who are able to think and act without any special, foreign guardian ship. In visiting the principal coal and iron dis tricts of Maryland, within the past six months, I was forcibly impressed by the wealth of the State in valuable materials, and bv the large sums expended to construct the Chesapeake and Ohio canal and a Railroad from the Cum berland mines to Baltimore. The canal from the coal region to tide water at Georgetown and Alexandria, has more than twice the busi ness capacity that the Erie canal has had for the last thirty years, before its enlargement; and yet, from the lack of labor to dig and de liver coal on boats and cars, these expensive works, and the business connected therewith, are languishing, and either yielding no inter est on the investment, or a small one. In vis iting the coal, iron, salt, and gold producing districts of Virginia, I found the same want of cheap labor to develop the much larger miner al resources of tliat noble old Commonwealth. Her citizens and her legislature are expending many millions on public works to reach her mineral treasures, which cannot be produc tive any more than wild land, without the ju dicious application of human labor. The same remarks will apply to the coal, iron and gold that so aboundin North Carolina. South Carolina and Georgia have much gold bearing granite and sand from which cheap labor would extract indefinite millions of the precious metal. The copper, coal and iron mines of Tennessee need nothing but the hon est toil of human muscles to produce incalcu lable wealth. Arkansas and Missouri are har dly in any, less rich in valuable materials.— Indeed, I think it more than probable that Missouri may yet excel all other States, ex cept California, in the value of her coal, iron, salt, copper, lead, silver, and other minerals, taken in the aggregate. One million pounds of her lead have yielded three hundred and fifty pounds of pure silver. The copper re gion of Missouri covers over seventeen mil lion acres; while her iron and coal forma tions are wonders, for their magnitude, in ge ological science. The silver mines of Arizona are within the legitimate range of Southern institutions and enterprise. Fully to meet the mineral requirements of the South, will demand the labor of a million of men in the next twenty years ; and it is a practical ques tion of the highest moment whether we shall bring any of these laborers from Africa or not. Speaking of that continent and its inhabitants, Mr. Harper says: “In western Africa, which contains a popu lation of forty or fifty millions, slaves are sold at two or three pounds (ten or fifteen dollars) a head. The supply which that entire coun try would furnish, is incalculable and inex haustible. Even the feeble State of Brazil imported, prior to 1850, about seventy thous and slaves a year from Africa, and did it under the discouragements and harrassments of a British squadron on the African coast, which oppressed and coerced her traders, as Great Britain will ever do it to a weaker power. It is not altogether impossible for the people who live on the little island of Great Britain, to learn one of these days the wisdom of mind ing their own business, and of letting Brazil and the United States take care of their in terests in negroes without British interfer ence. For one, I am happy to learn from such good authority as Mr. Harper, that there is so much unemployed [lower in human muscles in western Africa ; and that this dynamical force mavjbe had at from ten to fifteen dollars, as it exists in each person, ready for active and useful employ ment. It seems providential, in view of the fact that the South now has near ly, if not quite, seven hundred thousand square miles of wild and unimproved land, and mines of vast extent and inestimable value, w^ich require human labor alone to render both ex ceedingly productive. It will not be pretended that the laborers already in the Southern States, whether white or black, have not all the land and all the mines they need, and all the work they are willing to perform, while they leave unim proved, unproductive, and therefore valueless for the time being the land and mines to which I have j ust referred. Not one industrious per son, male or female, bond or free, would I throw out of profitable employment by bring ing into the South either a black man from Africa, or a white man from Europe, to take his, or her place. All I ask or contemplate is, to take a million of men and women, now worthless in Africa, and make their labor so productive in working the now unproductive gold, copper, iron, coal, and other mines in the Southern States, as to cause these mioes to pay a good interest on a thousand million dol lars at their just valuation ; and to cause the now valueless muscles of these savages to pay a fair interest on a valuation of a thousand dollars each, or of five hundred, as the future may develop. In one year after they commence work in the mines, they will refund all the money paid for them in Africa, together with the cost of bringing them in their respective places of employment in the most humane and com fortable manner. They will then be worth, at five hundred dollars a head, five hundred mil lion dollars to the South, as an enduring, ever- living and reproducing industrial power. Un_ der the three fifth representation in Congress, and allowing one hundred thousand inhabit- ante to a delegate or member, they will give the South six new representatatives. And while they will more than pay interest on fif teen hundred million dollars in mines and slaves, they will incidentally create such a de mand for farmers, gardeners, mechanics, arti sans, merchants and professional men, by thc immense business of a million active miners, that a million of immigrants from Europe will settle in the vicinity of these new centres of Southern enterprise and industry. From this source the South will gain ten more represen tatives in Congress. Can there be a doubt of the fact that immigrants from Africa and Eu rope, and their offspring have made the im provements of the South, just as we now see them ? To expend these colossal works, worthy now of any great empire, colsolidate its strength, and harmonise all interests, the South must draw equally on Europe and Africa for living men and women to complete what it has so skillfully and nobly begun. To open the ports of the South to all immigrants from Europe, and close them against all immigrants from the parent land of the negro, is to discrimin- ate against the labor of the latter with any good reason whatever, If a free, white, voting man cannot meet on equal terms of commercial freedom the black, non-voting African, it is a confession of weakness, and of incurable idleness, most disgraceful to tho party making it. If I bring ten negroes from the valley of the Niger to till my land, I wrong no white man in Georgia, or elsewhere, a particle more than I should by bringing ten Germans from their father-land to do the same thing. If I have a moral right to do the one thing, I have to do the other. If the negroes are wild and worthless, that is my business to look after, not another man’s. Daniel Lee. MAKE YOUR MtRlr. BY “A CALIFORNIA FARMER.” In the quarries should you toil, Make your mark! Do you delve upon the soil ? Make your mark! In whatever path you go, In whatever place you stand, Moving swift or moving slow, Make your mark ! Life is fleeting as a shade ; Make your mark! Marks of some kind must be made ; Make your mark! Make it while the arm is strong, In the golden hours of youth ; Never, never, make it wrong ; Make it with the stamp of truth ; Leave your mark! From the New York Sun. Our Treaty with Nicaragua. ’^Some time ago, we published the main pro visions of ihe Cass-Yrissari Treaty, which, ac cording to late advices from Nicaragua, has finally been ratified by the Government of that State; but the following synopsis may inter est many of our readers at the present time. It is understood that England has negotiated a similar treaty, which, most^ probably, has also been ratified :— By tliis treaty, the 'Republic of Nicaragua concedes to the United States, and to their citizens and property, the “right of transit between the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean through the territories of that Republic, on any route of communication, natural or artificial, wheth er by land or by water, which may now or hereafter exist or be constructed under the authority of Nicaragua, to be used in the same manner and upon equal terms by both Repub lics and their respective citizens ; the Repub lic of Nicaragua, however, reserving the right of sovereignty over the same.” The United States agree to extend their protection to all such routes, and’, to guaran tee the neutrality of the same. They also agree to employ their influence witli other nations to induce them to guarantee such neutrality and protection. Nicaragua engages, also, to establish a free port at each extremity of the transit, for mer chandise and effects, in transitu. Troops and munitions of war can be carried by the United States across this transit. The Postmaster General is authorized to convey the mails across this transit, by con tract or otherwise. Nicaragua agrees that in case she should fail to protect persons and property upon t>e transit, that the United States shall have power to do so, so long as such military pro tection may be considered necessary. Any company establishing a transit commu nication through Nicaragua, is only entitled to the protection of the. United States so long as it fulfils the purposes and adheres to the spirit and intentions of the treaty. If any transit company whatever imposes exorbitant toils or otherwise misconducts itself, the protection of the United States can be with drawn, upon due notice being given to Nicaragua. The rights and privileges guarantied by this treaty cannot he infringed by the terms of any transit contract, any charter of grant infring ing upon these rights and privileges being essentially null and void ; and by the same article, the protection of the United States is withheld front any trans’t company until they shall make the terms and conditions of this treaty, in effect, a portion of their char ter, as fully as if it had been embraced in the original grant. It is further “provided that nothing herein contained (i. e. in the treaty) shall be con strued either to affirm or deny the validity of any of the said contracts. Any transit company which may be estab lished, is forbidden to pay or declare divi dends exceeding fifteen per cent, per annum. The ensuing article declares that nothing in the treaty shall affect the rights of Costa Rica to a free passage in the river San Juan. [From Tho Savannah Republican. U. S. DISTRICT COURT. True Bills against the Wanderer Sla vers. The U. S. District Court being in session in this city, the District Attorney sen*, in, Friday last, bills of indictment’charging Capt. Corrie, Brown, Aguira and R jesta, of the Yatch Wanderer, with piracy, under the laws of Con gress prohibiting the slave trade. The Jury instituted a thorough investigation of the case, and Saturday, last brought into Court the true hills in each case that had been sud- mitted to them. It now remains to he s en whether a jury, on the trial, will execute the law. Should the proof come up to the requi sitions of the statutes, we believe they will. Otherwise they should not. From what we know of public sentiment in this city, we be lieve that no extraneous influence can induce a verdict in opposition to the clear require • inents of law. The following is a list of the Grand Jury who found the bills on Saturday : Wm. H. Cuyler* Foreman. Edward Padelford, sen. Lewis F. Harris, \V. C. O’Driscoll, N. B. Knapp, J. L. Locke, Chas. F. Mills, Wm. B. Hodgson, P. M. Kollock, Edward C. Anderson, D. B. Nichols, Robert Hutchinson, John J. Kelly, H. D. Weed, Wylie Wooilbridge, Francis T. Willis, N. A. Hardee. Southei n "Vote against tlie Oregon Bill. Washington, Feb. 14.—The following Southern Representatives voted on Saturday against the Oregon bill: Mayrland—James B. Richaud, James; M. Harris and Henry Winter Davis, all Ameri cans. Virginia—John L. Millson and Wm. Smith, both Democrats. North Carolina—John A. Glimer, and Vance, both Americans ; and Alferd M. Scales and Henry M. Shaw, Democrats. South Carolina—Milledge L. Bonham, Wm. W. Royce, Laurence M. Keitt, John McQueen and W. Porcher Milles, all independent Dem ocrats. Georgia—Martin J. Craivford, Democrat, and Joshua Hill and Robert P. Trippe, Ameri cans. Alabama—W. R. W. Cobh, J. L. M. Curry, James F. Dowdell, George 8. Houston, Sidney Moore, Eli S. Shorter, James A. S/tallworth, all Democrats and the entire delegation from that State* Missouri—Francis P. Blair, Republican ; and Samuel H. Woodson, American. Kentucky—Humphry Marshall and Wm. L. Underwood, both Americans. Tennessee—Felix K. Zollicoffer, Ameri can. Texas—Guy M. Byran, Democrat. All the Republican members of the House, with the exception of 12, voted in a body against the measure. The passage of thc hill caused great rejoicing. A large body of stran gers and citizens on Saturday night serenaded the Oregon Senators and freinds of the Ore gon bill. President Buchanan and Vice-President Breckenridge were called out and they respon ded in short speechss, and the Vice-President, in his remarks, took strong grounds in favor of the purchase of Cuba.