Newspaper Page Text
BT A. A. GAULDING 4 CO.
“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROCS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON.
PROPRIETORS.
\EW SERIES, VOL. 2.
ATLANTA, GEO., THURSDAY, AUGUST 4, 1859.
NO. 41.
f he intelligencer.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 4, 1869.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION
y I'xl'ER. !«*r annum in a'lvancc, $6 00
Till WEEKLY, per - in advance, 4 00
T “ “ in advance, 2 00
" if paid witliin six mouths 2 50
if paid witliin twelve months 3 00
Tlif Empire State.
^Ve publish to-day, an article from the Em-
j,; r e State, which we heartily endorse. The
■aim' sentiments would be quite apropos to
other localities as well as Griffin and Spalding
0 mnty The only policy for the Democratic
party every where, is to pursue a straightfor
ward course ; look neither to the right nor to
the left, but “lie sure you’re right, then go
ahead." ^
Mr. Thweatl’a Letter.
In another place, we publish the letter of
Peterson Thwcatt, Esq., Comptroller General
p r the State of Georgia. There can be no
d oU bt that many honest men are dec ived as
to the payments made by the State Road into
the State Treasury. Mr. Thweatt’s letter is
conclusive to prove that when money is paid
into the State Treasury, it can only be drawn
out by act °J H‘ e Legislature. The Governor has
jfn control over the funds in the Treasury, ex
cept so far as he is authorized by law. We
hope Mr. Thweatt’s letter will lie satisfactory
to every one, and that we shall hear no more
of this matter about money b ditig paid into
the State Treasuty, by the State Road, and
then drawn out to pay the expenses of the
Eoad.
The Opposition Cnmlfdatc fdFGovernor.
The Macon “Citizen” gives the names of
gome thirty-one prominent individuals for the
nomination for Governor, in opposition to Jo
seph E. Brown. Who will be the unfortunate
one to lead this forlorn hoi>e, we suppose the
2d Wednesday in August will determine. If
we could be allowed the privilege of making a
siursrestion, (which we presume we are not),
we would advise that a draft be had, and
choose* by lot, who the victim shall lie. Grand
and Petit Jurors are drawn in this way, and
when burthens of this sort are to be borne,
the only way to decide who shall bear this
burthen, is to decide hv lot. Would it not
lie better for our Opposition friends to have
all the names mentioned by the “Citizen,”
put in a hat and-draw out one, who shall sub
mit to a beating from Gov. Brown.
In the Intelligencer of the22d inst., we took
occasion to state that we did not endorse all
.senator Iverson’s speech—that “there are
. ■me things in it quite objectionable.”
The Confederacy of the 26th inst., takes u s
to task for our article. “We believe that
nine-tenths of the Yankees in the South, are
secret enemies to her institutions and should
there be a rupture between the North and
South they would be found like the tories of
the revolution on the side of New England
and If needs be on the side of Old England,”
says the Confederacy. Northem-bom men of
Atlanta, what say you to that assertion ? Citi
zens of Atlanta, how dare you allow your
nortliern-born associates, to join your volun
teer companies and get command of your
Shame on such an unkind and un
called for announcement. The “Confederacy”
admits the l<elief that some few “Yankees”
in the South are true and loyal” hut charges
tkal “interest” makes them and not “patriot
ism." Complimentary quite ! According to
the “Confederacy” no man am become a good
“exponent of Southern sentiment” or bean
honest and safe defender of Southern interests
except he be born on slave soil. Our Foreign-
bom citizens came from lands hostile to sla
very, ergo, they are “secretenemies.” Beau
tiful logic.
The Know Nothings used to say that for
eigners were hostile to slavery because of
“education and prejudice.” We wonder if
the “Confederacy” is not half inclined to re
vive Know Nothingism again, and proscribe
“Yankees” and foreigners, both? Its pres
ent political association would seem to indi
cate a journey in that direction. But it finds
itself embarrassed with “Yankees,” in the Op
position ranks, and they do say that the “Con
federacy” not long ago had the unspeakable
honor, of sleeping with a live 11 Yankee," when
in Newnan fixing up a platform lor the Oppo
sition party of this District. Did he find him
a “seerer enemy ?” Is there “no patriotism”
except in those to the manor born ? Is not
such wholesale denunciation of a very respec
table portion of our community as impolitic
as it is untrue ? Where has the slavery inter
est of the South materially suffered at the
hands of “Yankees” as “secret enemies ?”—
Let us look at this slavery matter a little in
the light of history. Whence came the move
ment that rejiealed the Slave trade and thus
put a ban upon slavery itself ? From Virginia
the “Confederacy’s” native State. Whence
issued the ordinance of 1787 which gave up
the great North-west to freedom ? From
Virginia, the Confederacy’s native State.—
Whence issued the Author of the odious and
uncoustitut ional Missouri compromise of 1820 ?
From Virginia,*the* Confederacy’s native
State. W fie nee issued the Anti-Texas candi
date for the Presidency, who w< v’d have de
prived if he could of that vast aud invaluable
empire as an outlet for slavery ? From Vir
ginia the Confederacy’s native State. Whence
originated the author and chief man in adopt
ing the unjust compromises of 1850? From
Virginia, the Confederacy’s native State.—
Who rejKjrted the “Conference hill” which the
Confederacy calls a “cheat, a swindle and a
fraud ?” All Southern men but one and
among theiri the “Confederacy’s” candidate
for the next Presidency and a Senator from
Virginia, the “Confederacy's” native State-
11" "Yankee” never would have luirmed the South,
lad the South been united and true to herself?
“V. of Vermont” is not ashamed of his
birthplace. Virginia we think, commences
with a V. and there the resemblance of the two
words ends. If there is anything in a name,
iaiid some say there is,) give us Vermont,
idle one, in admiration of nature, took its
Lame from the Green Mountains in prefer
ence to a Brisb title. The other named itself
bom a British Queen. Besides, the sons of
' erniont, unlike the sons of Virginia, if the
1 onfederacy is a fair sample, have indepen
dent. j 0 think for themselves after they have
'*lt their mother’s leading-strings, and tear
away the prejudices of education” when truth
and iight require it, and like the Green old
Mountains from which they sprang, stand firm
to the convictions of duty, though It be neoes-
* a >v to modify the “warp and bias” of thepa-
rental roof. The “Confederacy” hates “Yan-
bres” to hard we don’t see how it can afford
to work in a party where one can be found.
The Confederacy is a “bad exponent of South
ern sentiment.” In fact, surely it does not
r *8wt or “know what Southern sentiment
is’ for if the South felt as the ‘.‘Confederacy”
belitvet it would never allow another man from
a free country to settle in her midst and
would soon expel those already here. It
seems to suit some, when in controversy with
one of Northern birth, where there is little
else to say, to cry out, Yinkee, Yankee, Yan
kee. Well every man to his taste. Ben Hill
wanted to cry Yankee, when he was beaten for
Congress by Hiram Warner. He went so far
once, as to say, that the District ought to
elect a native Georgian. To which Mr. War
ner replied that he had been in Georgia Ion*
ger than Mr. Hill had. Is that unanswered
and unansiverable argumene in favor of the
South, made by Mr. W. any the less South
cm because its gifted author grew to manhood
in New England ? We are tired of this matter
and will close by suggesting to the “Confede
racy' to look after the slavery record of Virgin
ia before it threws any more venom at Vermont.
Let it lash itself soundly for its own summer-
sets which it has made even since its advent
into Atlanta, before it stops to waste its
breath in the foolish and senseless cry of “Yan
kee.”
That foolish cry, shall not deter us, from
fairly and boldly expressing our matured opin
ions, even at the expense of the annoyance
and impolitenesss of those who when their ar
guments are gone, try to raise a little “noise
and confusion” by the all-conquering shout—
Yankee, Yankee, Yankee.
We will at our leisure, for the benefit of the
“Confederacy” give a passing notice of Mr.
Iverson’s speech. When we do so, we will not
commence by shouting, the Virginia “gentle
man’ ’ came from a State where slave antece
dents are not the best. We will not inquire
whether he was bom on a dung-hill, or on a
bed of down. We shall work on and write
on, pursuing the even tenor of our course,
under the serious belief, that “worth makes
the man and the want of it, the fellow.
V.
From (lie Georgia Citizon.
Our Correspondence. -
Comptroller Gen’ls Office. |
Milledgeville, July 19, ’59. f
Dr. Andrews, Editor Georgia Citizen :
Dear Sir :—In your weekly paper of the
16th inst., while alluding to Gov. Brown and
the Western & Atlantic Railroad, you use the
f blowing language :
“For aught we know, he [Gov. B.] mav
monthly put §36,000 into the State Treasury
and as often take it out to pay some indebt
edness of this Road, merely to make'a show
of doing something until after the election !’
&c.
I do not know that I would trouble yon
with this notice of your remark, had I not
seen this idea suggested before. But, suppos
ing perhaps some good meaning persons, in
their disgust of others, and for the want of a
proper knowledge of the Constitution of Geor
gia and the laws governing th« Treasury, may-
have some such erroneous and absurd ideas,
and believing that you will take pleasure in
giving correct and reliable information in
your paper, I have concluded to address y-ou
this communication, not doubting but that
you will bike pleasure impublishing it.
Let me, therefore, say to you, that after the
Railroad, or any other money is paid into the
Treasury, by r the Constitution of the State,
(see art. 1, sec, 24,) and the Acts of the Legis
lature, the Governor has no more control over
it than you or any r other citizen, except to
draw his warrants for money- expressly appropri
ated by the Legislature. The last Legislature
however authorized him to make some ar
rangement (if he could,) with some one of the
Banks of Savannah or Augusta, to secure the
interest on the $100,000 Common School
Fund, and to effect as good arrangement as
possible, and authorized him to have the de-
posites of the State transfered (if necessary)
to such Bank agreeing to his terms. But,
with this exception, the Governor can only
draw money- from the Treasury after it has been
appropriated by the Legislature, and his war
rant then is not legally good at the Treasury,
unless ‘ ‘approved’ ’ and endorsed by the Comptrol
ler General.
When money is paid into the Treasury, the
Treasurer gives his certificate for the same—
the certificate is brought to me, and for it I
give the holder my receipt. I then charge
the Treasurer with the amount, and keep his
certificate as my- voucher for the charge. All
these vouchers or certificates can be seen by
any one at any moment, and at the end of the
year, after having been examined by the Fi
nance Committee, and the Treasurer has ac
counted for the money received on them, they arc
sealed up, and cannot be ojiened again, except
by order of the Legislature. For the safe keep-
iny and proper dislmrsement of the money receiv
ed by- the Treasurer, be gives a bond of $20,-
000, for the faithful performance of my duties.
without authority of law, draw a warrant on
the Treasury for monry, and I were to approve
it, and the Treasurer were to pay it, the law
does not hold the Governor responsible, but
the bonds of both the Treasurer and Comptroller
are responsible to the State for the same, So you
will perceive that it is Altogether a mistaken
idea about the powers of the Governor over
the Treasury-. He cannot touch a dollar in
the Treasury unless the law expressly gives
him authority ; and if the Comptroller General
refuses to approve his warrant, he cannot legal
ly draw any money- from the Treasury; and
even if it be approved,” should the Treasurer
differ from the Governor and Comptroller as
to the construction of the law, and refuses to
pay, he ainnot even then draw any at all, ex
cept, perhaps by a mandamus. It is a much
easier matter to pay money into the State Treas
ury than to draw it out, as many will tell you,
who have had experience in both instances.
Let me, therefore, my dear sir, assure you
that you and others need not be at all alarmed
about the Railroad money. It has all been
paid in, as published, without any draw backs
whatever from the Road, and is only subject to
an appropriation by the Lcyislaiure. Gov. Brow-n
is too honest and conscientious to think of at
tempting to meddle with it improperly- in any
way. And, as the Treasurer and myself de
sire to discharge our duties faithfully, and
have the approbation of our friends and the
people of Georgia, and as we do not desire to
be injured ourselves, or permit our securities
to be injured by any act of ours, we are always
very careful to examine the law very closely,
so * as not to pay out any- money whatever from
the Treasury unless it is expressly authorised by law.
Consequently, as we cannot find any- law auth
orizing this Railroad money to go back to the
Road, or pav any of its debts, after it gets in
to the State Treasury, you and others may rest
assured “ it cannot yet back there !”
While upon this subject, and to show you
and others that Gov. Brown and Dr. Lewis
have been prudent in their payments into the
State Treasury, and have not the remotest idea
of at any time paying less into the State Treas
ury than af the present, (unless some unfor-
seen or great calamity should come upon the
Road or the State.) I herewith give you a
statement from my bqoks of the monthly pay
ments of the Road since March, 1858, at which
time it commenced paying into the State
Treasury under Governor Brown’s administra
tion. It will be seen that thtJre has been a
gradual increase at different times:
Payments into the State Treasury as the net earnings
of the Western Sc Atlantic Railroad, from March
1858. to June 1859, both months included :
March, 1858, $20,000 Nov’r, 1858, $25,000
April “ 22,000 Dec’r, “ 25,000
Mav ' “ 25,000 Jan’y, 1159,
25,000 Feb’y, “
25.000 March, “
33.000 April,
25.000 May, “
26.000 June, “
From the Empire State.
“Tlie voice Is Jacob’s voice, but the hands
arc the hands of Esau.”
Our neighbor of the South, while a majority
of his patronage is obtained from Democrats,
never suffers an opportunity to pass in which
he can give them a side thrust. If he has ev
er stud one good word for Democracy since he
started his paper we have not seen it. The
old adage, “he that is not for us is against
us,” is certainly applicable in his case. He,
no doubt, predicates his right to support from
the Democratic party, upon the fact of his ex
treme Southern Rights pretensions, while he
seeks to break up and destroy- the usefulness
of the party in future. He may be a Demo
crat—a good Democrat—but he don’t act like
one ; he don't talk like one ; he “don’t smell
like one.” If by his advocacy of extreme
Southern ground, and by the use of smooth,
oily words, he expects to distract the party-,
and burst it asunder, we opine he will find
himself much mistaken. The same attempts
have been made before, even by giants, and w-e
are proud to say. failed to accomplish the de
sired end. This is not the first time we have
known the “secret blade of Joab” thrust into
the bleeding sides of the Democratic party,
but still she moves onward and holds her head
erect—none the less daunted Oy the little side
issues that cross her pathway to greatness.—
This holding “w-ith the hare and rnnning with
the hounds,” is not the way, in our judgment,
to make a strong fight for the South, or for
her rights. There must be something tangi
ble to fall back upon—something solid—some
thing to hold to—-something to remind us of
that sacred instrument, the Constitution, the
compact between the States, when every oth
er means have been exhausted : and no where
else, in our opinion, can it he found, but in
the Democratic party. Factionists may rave
and rant, and make a great splutter about
Southern Rights, but it w-ill do no good, un
less the great heart of the Democratic party
beat responsive thereto. The Democratic par
ty, South, is, indeed and in truth, the only-
true Southern Rights party of the country.—
‘-Upon that question they fell, in Georgia, in
the memorable contest of 1850. They have
been battling for the same principles ever
since—“equality in the Union, or indepen
dence out of it.” They are willing to battle
for their homes and their fire-sides ; for Con
stitutional liberty- within the camp of the Dem
ocratic party, as long as there it one lingering
ray of hope of justice being done us. When
we have exhausted every means, and argu
ment fails, then we are ready- to sound the
“tocsin of war,” and call upon the “brave
hearts and stout arms” of the sturdy yeoman
ry of the South, to take up the Hdc of march
to do battle for the soil of our nativity ! When
all these fail, our cry shall he, “liberty or
death!”
Break up the Democratic party, and the
“last hope of the Democratic party- is gone !”
Civil commotion, intestine wars, and blood
shed may- be the result! If come it must—if
it cannot be averted, then are we prepared for
it—and the sooner the better ! We occupy no
half-way- ground upon this subject. But our
neighbor's voice is the voice of Jacob, xvhile
“his hands are the hands of Esau. ’ ’ He is not
with us. Democrats liad better not he lured
by the “syren song of his lute,” into by and
forbidden paths. The old beaten track—the
old party war-whoop—the old land-marks, are
the best and surest guides into the port of
safety. Therefore, we prefer to fight the
hordes of Northern Abolitionists within the
ranks of the Democratic party, until it is
“known and acknowledged of all men,” that
she lias become paralyzed, powerless, and un
able to give us our rights, in the Union, then
we will resort, if necessary-, to the sword for
protection ! It is always best to let well
enough alone, and never go off “half-cocked.”
We are not willing to run after “strange
Gods.” The way is plain, straightforward,
and admits cf no turning to the right or left.
Democrats, to your post! Be not deceived :
“The voice is Jacob’s, but the hands are
Esau’s”—and remember, “he that is not for
us is against us.” Choose ye !
FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1859.
\eiv Nomination for Governor.
Col. Benj. May informs us that he has re
mitted to the. State Treasury Forty Thousand
Dollars nett earnings of the State Road for
the month of July. Hurrah for “Forty Thou
sand" dollars against “ Thirty-six Thousand."
Lagrange Female College.
The catalogue of this institution shows the
total number of students tor the past collegi
ate y-ear, to be 137. This is, doubtless, a good
institution. We have seen Mr. Harris, the
President, Mr. Akers, one of the Professors,
and Mr. Briggs and Lady, Professors of Music,
both of whom we know well, and can safely
vouch for their cleverness and competency.
pfV The “National American” has nearly
two columns devoted to tjje “jy^cuTsscBs Nat
uralized Citizens.” ♦•attempts to make a
point upon the “Intelligencer” by taking
extracts from its columns and using them im
properly. It tries to make the letter of Gen.
Cass and of Mr. Black speak conflicting senti.
ments. Gen. Cass and the “Intelligencer”
never denied the rights of any government
“to naturalize a Foreigner.” We never de
nied the rights of expatriation. \\ge fece but
little, if any difference l>etwe^»Cass and
Black after all. The “American” proceeds as
follows:
“At any rate General Cass, the “ Intelli
gencer ” and various other Democratic—alias
Imposition—-journals assert that THE RELA
HONS OF A FOREIGNER TO HIS KING
AND OF A SLAVE TO HIS M A STEP, ARE
IDENTICAL.”
This charge, so far as we are concerned is
simply false. Again,
“ The application of these principles to the
case of any citizen who returns to his native
country is simple and easy- enough. He is li
able. like anybody else, to be arrested for a
debt or a crime, but he ainnot rightfully be
punished for the non-performance of a duty
which is suppos'd to grow out of that allegi
ance which lie has abjured and renounced. If
lie was a deserter from the army, he may be
punished when he goes back, because deser
tion is a crime. On the other hand, if he was
not actually in the army, at the time of his
immigration, hut merely liable likeother mem
bers of the State, to be (.ailed on for his share
of military duty, which he did not perform,
because he left the country before the time
for its performance came round, he cannot
justly be molested. Any arrest or detention
of him on that account ought to be regarded
as a grave offence to his adopted country.—
What acts are necessary- to make him a part'of
the army—what constitutes the crime of mil
itary desertion—whether a person drafted,
conscribed or notified, but not actually serv-
may be called a deserter, if he fails to
report himself—these are qestions which need
not be discussed until they arise.
From tlie above, we sec that Mr. Black ad
mits that the Foreigner may “ be arrested for
a debt or a crime.” If a criminal when leav
ing, should the foreigner return to his native
land, lie must take the consequence of his
General News.
The steamships Saxonia, Kangaroo, Ocean
Queen, and the Persia, had arrived out.
The news of peace was fully confirmed, but
no particulars had transpired, beyond the fact
that the Princes of Tuscany and Modena had
returned to their States.
The result of the treaty is generally mis
trusted in England
The Emperor Napoleon was on his way- to
France.
The Sardinian Ministry had resigned, and
Count Arese had been charged to form a new
cabinet.
THIRD DISPATCH.
Napoleon expected to reach Paris on the
18tli inst., when further details would be af
forded. In his address to the soldiers, he says
that peace was concluded because the contest
was about to assume proportions which were
no longer in keeping with the interest which
France had in the war.
The Emperor of Austria was on his way to
Vienna. He says, in his order of the day,
j. . . . . _ that he yielded on account of his unfavorable
Simula a Governor, therefore, by ereor, or „ “political position; and because his natural al
lies did not come to his assistance as he ex
pected they would.
Count Cavour is reported to have resigned
on account of the terms on which the peace
was obtained, being unsatisfactory to him.
The Paris Bourse closed at 68.60.
FOURTH DISPATCH.
Letters from Paris note much discontent
concerning the terms of the peace, and that
Austrian influence is still suffered to remain
in Italy.
The Paris Siicle calls for the expulsion of the
petty Italian princes, who are only confeder
ates of the Emperor of Austria.
Napoleon declines making an official entree
into Paris, until he makes it at the head of
his army.
Austrian correspondence officially announ
ces the conditions of peace.
Thus, France and Austria will support the
Italian confederation ; Lombardy-, as far as the
line of the Minoio, is to be given up by- Aus
tria ; while Mantua. Peschiera, and the whole
of Verona, remain as Austrian possessions.—
The Princes of Tuscany and Modena return to
their States; aud a universal amnesty is grant
ed.
The Vienna correspondent of the London
Times says that three applications were made
by Napoleon, to Austria, before the latter con
sented to the armistice. The same correspon
dent says that the Pope was burnt in effigy- at
Milan ; and that unfriendly- feelings existed
between Napoleon and Victor Emanuel. The
latter had issued a proclamation to the people
of Lombardy, announcing the annexation of
that State to Sardinia. He made triumphant
entry into Milan on the 13th inst.
31.000
33.000
35.000
36.000
36,000
36,000
Jnne,
July.
Agust,
Sept’r.
Oct’r.
$457,000
Thus you will perceive that the next pay
ment of $36,000, and perhaps more, to be
made in a few days, will make nearly a half
million paid into the State Treasury from the
State Road for the past seventeen months.
But I think I have said enough.
Veiy respectfully,
Your ob’t Servant,
Peterson Hhweat,
Cbm . Gen.
“Better to be born Lucky than Rich.”
It is a common and it may- be a vulgar say
ing, that a man “better be bom lucky than
rich.” If to be lucky is so happy a gift of
nature, we certainly should endeavor to learn
whether we were born lucky, when we are
convinced that we were not bom rich.
To be satisfied of this we must try our
chances. We are compelled to seek knowl
edge if we expect to find. So we should test
the peculiarity of our nature by taking judi
ciously the chances of life. The sentiment or
rather the impression that some are bom to a
peculiar luck is confined to no class of man
kind, but is common to all.
The Sage, the Hero and the Peasant, the
Savage and the civilized, in all ages have felt
this—inspiration, we think it may be called.
Hence Napoleon’s Star of Destiny. The com
mon experience in every day life, is full of
meaning. The bustling, active man replies
to your inquiry, how he gets along, by telling
ypu “I take the chances.” Our readers will
observe, by referring to the Schemes in our
■advertising columns, of the Georgia State
Lottery, McKINNEY & Go., Managers, that
no fairer or better opportunity can lie offered
to them, to test this interesting question of
Luck.
You can lose but a trifle—you may make
a fortune. Prizes from $8,000 to $70,000,
more than every other ticket a prize—more
than an even chance to draw back more than
you put in, and a good look for the splendid
prizes from $18,000 to $70,000.
Look at the Scheme.
“Union is not always strength,” as the sail
or said when he saw the purser mixing his
rum with water.
This is substantially all that we have con
tended for. We are content with the opinion
of V r. Black. It comes quite short of Botts’
“spread eagle ” doctrine. For the satisfac
tion of the “American.” We say in advance,
that, when we are ca’led upon to officiate “as
Attorney General of the United States ” we
shall hold in the main, In a straight line with
Mr. Black. The letter of Attorney General
Black is not half so hard Upon the “ Intelli
gencer” as the “American” would have its
readers believe. Its general tenor is not con
tradictory of our position as before taken, as
we understand it. But we do not expect the
“American” to do us justice. Politically, it
couldn’t if it would and at wouldn’t, if it
could. V.
{tf" “We would not be considered as en
dorsing all that the speech contains. There
are some things in it quite objectionable.—
We believe Senator Iverson to lie anxious for
the welfare o( the South. But if we rightly
understand his speech, he has come very near
throwing himself out of party line. We think
the speech almost, if not quite, a disunion
speech.”
The above is the language of “V.,” of the
“Atlanta Intelligencer,” commenting upon
Judge Iverson’s Speech, delivered in this city
on the 14th inst. “V.” thinks “the speech
almost, if not quite, a disunion speech.”—
Wonder if it is mure di-union than “V’s” ti
rades in ’50 and 51, when from almost every
stump in this part of Georgia he hi*10116(1101111
the hot lava of disunion. “Consistency thou
art a jewel.” Come, brother Gaskill, no
shuffling in ranks —no dodging now.—Empire
State.
We never made a disunion’speech. We glo
ried in the name of Fire-eater. We gave the
best we had to our country, to arouse it to re
sistance against actual oppression, and stay the
tide of ruin that was rolling over us, so that
the Union might be prolonged. Our whole na
ture rebelled against our treatment in Califor
nia. We grew indignant whenever we thought
how we were treated in the District of Colum
bia. We wanted a bold rally for our rights in
the Union, or our independence out of it.—
Had the Fire-eaters carried the day in 1850,
we would have saved south California, driven
that law. forbidding tlic slave trade in the
Federal capital, from the statute book, and
straightened things out generally. The South
said submit. We were in a feeble minority.
We yielded. Then w-e could have saved our
selves in the Union. Now we are not so clear
about.
Although we fear that, iu 1850, we suffered
a Waterloo defeat, yet we are now for a SOLID
SOUTHERN PHALANX, in support of Southern
rights, in the Union. Let us wait patiently for
another aggression. Shall we find the South
a unit then ? If so, we may hope—if not, we
may despair for the Union. There was much
more sense in being & disunionist “in ’50 and
’51,” than in being one now. Then we were
struggling under a severe oppression, and a
loss of valuable rights. Now the country is
quiet, and we have no great grievance, to lash
us into fury, which we have not agreed to pass
and endure. Then we were quarrelling al out
territory, which we might have enjoyed could
we have secured it. California was worth a
struggle. Now we have no such territory to
wrangle about. Kansas would have done us
hut little good, had we secured it. It is toe
far North. Them the Supreme Court had not
spoken the Dred Scott decision. Now the Ju
diciary of the country is with us. To be frank,
(and we always are) then we were more of a
disunionist than now ; simply because there
was more cause. Now, we counsel patience,
unity, determination. Let the next infringe
ment of the compact be the last. Let us have
no more compromises upon Constitutional
rights. Let us try earnestly to agree upon
our rights, aud then dart to maintain them.
V.
“ Help Me, Cassius B. H. Hill, Eiq,
We are indebted to Hon. Benjamin H. Hill,
of LaGrange, Ga., for a letter in behalf of T.
J. Judge, Esq., the Opposition candidate for
Congress in the 3d District of Alabama. It
was written to define his position, as some
gentleman bad heard that he was giving tbe
“benefit of his influence tf> Mr. Clopton.”—
Like the Montgomery “Mail,” we had never
heard the rumor, but still are thankful for the
letter. It comes in the very nick of time!—
We waive any notice of the compliment the
distinguished writer pays the Democracy in
charging it with being capable of “ saying any
thing near tbe close of a canvass,” and thede-
nunciatory spirit and ungenerous tone which
characterize the letter. We design now to
speak of its salutary effect in the coming Ala
bama election. It is known that Mr. Hill is a
strong Union man, having first left the Dem-
cratic fold in 1850, and fought under the Union
banner in that dark period of Southern sub
mission and wrong. In 1856 when Fillmore
Elector in this State, he addressed a letter to
the Columbus “ Enquirer,” in which he said,
Americans ! the tattle for the Union is with
you !” Thus intending to crush the Southern
spirit and chivalry rising in the hearts of true
freemen throughout the State, and make op
pression and inequality tolerable. Still later,
only a few weeks since, the opposition party
at his own home, passed resolutions extreme
ly National in tone and seutimeut. They
were willing to unite with “aU men North,
South, East and West,” in the organization of
| a uew party. They unequivocally said the
Democratic party was “too sectional,” aud
wanted a national party to rise on its ruins. —
This will give our Alabama readers an idea of
the antecedents of Mr. Hill, who thus comes
at this late hour to the rescue of Mr. Judge.
Will the endorsement of Mr. Hill help the
opposition candidate in the 3d District ? Mr.
Hill is for Union and a party of the odds and
ends of every political organization to defeat
the Democracy. Mr. Judge is no Union man,
and is opposed to uniting the Americans South
with the elemeuts of the Opposition faction
North. Mr. Hill says that the Democracy are
“ too sectionalMr. Judge that it is too na
tional. Mr. Hill defends Crittenden and Bell,
the allies of Douglas ; Mr. Judge denounces
them. Thus stands these great champions of
Opposition principles ? If Mr. Hill ran support
Mr. Judge, with all his Union-loving procliv
ities; it is time that the States Rights men of
the 3d District were beginning to inquire into
the causes of such affinity. This letter of Mr.
Hill may prove as disastrous to Mr. Judge at
this particular juncture of his canvass, as were
the political sentiments of John Mimor Botts
to the election of his friend, Mr. Goggin, to
the Gubernatorial chair of Virginia. They
smell of Union ! Besides, Mr. Hill, who is so
clever personally and worthy of imitation in
all the private relations of life, ought to have
a little more Christian forbearance, and not
abuse the Democratic party so harshly. It
only heaps upon his head vials of wrath, and
keeps in store for him, prejudice, which one
day he may have to encounter. But above all,
he should not wound his friends by the impol
icy of his own acts. We believe Mr. Judge
will receive no aid from a letter, whose auth
or differs so widely with the Southern Rights
men of Alabama, as to the policy and course
for the South to pursue! —Col. Times.
[communicated.]
Milledgeville, July 27th, 1859.
Col. Gaulding: The Fall term of the Supreme
Court for the 3d District, will commence at
Atlanta on the 2d Monday in August. Cases
from the Flint circuit will be first in erder;
Blue Ridge, 2d; Tallapoosa, 3d; Cherokee,
4th, and Coweta 5th.
ROBT. E. MARTIN, Clerk.
Inclined to l>e Q,ua»*it*I.oi>»<*.
The Tehama Gazzette tells the following
story of one Gardner, a Georgian, “a little,
slim built fellow, and rich as a Jew, and inde
pendent as the deviL ”
Riding along a highway he overtook a man
driving a drove of hogs by the help of a bisr,
raw-bowned, six-feet-two specimen of hu
manity. Stopping the last named individual,
hejaccosted him :
“I say, are these your hogs ?”
“No, sir, I’m to work by the month."
“What pay might you be getting, friend ?”
“Ten dollars a month, and whiskey thrown
in,” was the reply.
“Well, look here, I’m a weak, little, inof
fensive man, and people are apt to impose up
on me, d’you see. Now I will give you twen
ty-five dollars a mouth to ride along with me
and protect me,” was Gardner’s reply.—
“But,” he added, as a thought struck him,
“how might you be on the fight ?”
“Never been licked in my life,” rejoined
the six-footer. .
“Just the man* I want. Is’t a bargain!”
queried Gardnel *
Six-footer ruminated. “Twenty-five dol
lars—double wages—nothing to do hut ride
around and smash a fellow’s mug occasional
ly, when lie’s sassy.” Six-footer accep
ted.
They rode along till just at night they reach
ed a village. Dismountng at the door they
went in. Gardner immediately singled out
the biggest man in the room, and picked a
fuss with him. After considerable promiscu
ous jawing, Gardner turned to his fighting
friend and intimated that the licking of that
man had become a sad necessity. Six-footer
replied, went in and came out lirst best.
The next night, at another hotell, the same
scene was re-enacted ; Gardner getting into
a row with the biggest man in the place, and
six-footer doing the fighting.
At last on the third day, they came to a fer
ry, kept by a huge double-fisted man who had
never been whipped in his life. Whilst cros
sing the river, Gardner, as usual, began to
find fault and “blow.” The ferryman natur
ally got mad, threw things round kind o’ loose
and told them his opinion of their kind. Gard
ner then turned to his friend “from the shoul
der,’ and gently broke the intelligence to him,
“that he was sorry, hut that it was absolutely
necessary to thrash the ferryman. ’ ’ Six-foot
er nodded his-head, hut said nothing. It was
plain to be seen that he did not relish the job,
by the way he shrugged his shoulders, but
there was no help for it. So, when they reach
ed the shore Roth stripped, and at it they went.
Up and down the bank, over the sand, into
the water they fought, scratched, gouged,
bit and rolled, till at the end of an hour the
ferryman caved. Six-footer was triumphant,
hut it had been tough work. Going up to his
employer, he scratched his head for a moment
and then broke forth :
“Look here Mr Gardner, your salary sets
mighty well hut—I’m—of—the—opinion—
that you are inclined to be quarrelsome. Here
I’ve licked the three biggest men in the coun
try ! I think this firm had better dissolve ;
for you see, Mr. Gardner, I’m afraid you’re
inclined to be quarrelsome, and I reckon I’ll
draw !”
For tbs Intelligencer
THE LITTLE MAID I LOVE.
There is a little blushing maid,
With eyes of hazel hue,
Who wears upon her litle foot
The neatest little shoe.
Her tresses dark in ringlets fall
S* sweetly round her brow,
Ah ! gently I would speak to her,
But know not, when, or how.
Her pearly teeth, are nicely cased,
Within two coral lips,
From which, in sooth, metbinks I could,
The sweetest nectar sip.
Her eye emits a magic light.
That penetrates the soul,
A light so soft, yet dazzling bright,
So gentle, yet so bold.
Her form is faultless, sparely made,
Her movements all are grace,
And virtues, rich aud rare, enhance
The beauty of her face.
I saw her smiles, I heard her speak,
In tones so mildly clear,
Eolian like, their cadence fell
Upon mine eager ear.
Her arching brow, her winning smiles,
Her dimpled chin and cheek,
Her eye so radiant with the flower,
Of spirit pure and meek;
Her modest mirth, the index true.
That makes the guileless soul.
And shows in ev ry feature fair,
The beauty of its mould ;
Her simplest gesture, full'of grace,
Her light elastic step,
Her careless laugh, her pensive look,
Her tears, if clnmce she wept.
In fairest rank, did all combine,
To war upon my breast,
And bribe the jealous sentinels,
That keep the soul at rest.
Such is the maid, the blushing maid,
The little maid I love,
Mv morning song, my evening theme,
My hope, my turtle dove.
I sleep to dream, I wake to pray,
That she may e*er be mine,
My all of earth, my cliiefest joy,
Mv element divine.
MISSISSIPPI.
Atlanta, M. C., July 23d, 1859.
SATURDAY, JULV 30, 1869.
Her. Creed Fulton.
We publish to-day, a series of resolutions
passed by the Trustees of the Southern Mason
ic Female College, at the late commencement
of that institution, ia reference to the Rev.
Creed Fulton, who, for the last five years, has
been at the head of tbe College, at Covington.
President Fulton has the honor of introducing
into this State, a system of female education
which constitutes the epoch from which an
era may be dated, of incalculable benefit to
our people. He struck at the very root of the
evils which have pervaded our female semina
ries—extravagance and so called gallantry.
He will, for all time to come, be looked upon
as a benefactor to the female sex. He has
given away thousands of dollars in gratuitous
education to indigent young females. We are
gratifieJ to find the health of President Ful
ton so far restored, as to justify the belief that
lie could again undertake the arduous duties
of President of the Faculty, and we hope the
trustees will recall him to a position which he
has so long filled with “honor to himself and
benefit to the fraternity.” To Pres. Fulton
tiie S. M. Female College is indebted more
than to any other man, for the present high
ly prosperous condition of that institution.—
We hope soon to hear that President Fulton
has been reinstated in his former position as
President of the S. M. F. College. Editors
friendly to President Fulton, and the S. M. F.
College, will please publish the Resolutions.
End of a Murderer.
We learn from the Newark Mercury, that
on the 13th of June last, a German, nained
Peter Miller, residing in Walnut street, in
Newark, was stabbed at a picnic in Roseville,
by some person to him unknown, and that
four days afterward he died from the effect of
his wounds. The case was for some days en
veloped in mystery, no one having any defi
nite knowledge of the circumstances of the af
fray ; but a searching investigation by Coro
ner Craven, revealed certain facts which seem
ed to indiaite that the stabs had been inflict
ed by one Henry Kaufman, and the jury ac
cordingly rendered a verdict that “the de
ceased came to his death from a stab in the-ab-
domen, by a knife, or other instrument, in
the hands of one Henry Kaufman ; and that
the said Henry Kaufman did, willfully and
maliciously, inflict such wound with intent to
injure the deceased.” Kaufman then fled,
but turned up a few days ago at Montreal,
Canada, where he committed suicide last
week, by shooting himself. He appears to
have gone insane with remorse, and fancied
that everybody wanted to poison him.
Starving them Oat.
There is a good story told of Meohaj, the
native East India General. His followers took
from the English a lot of hermetically sealed
provisions, in tin cases, and not having seen
anything of the kind before, he mistook them
for cannister shot, and fired nothing from his
guns for three days but fresh lobsters, pickled
salmon, and other delicacies, thus supplying
the British camp (which he was trying to
starve into a surrender,) with a shower of the
freshest of English provisions.
Savannah, Albany & Gulf Railroad.—At
a meeting of the board of Directors of Savan
nah, Albany & Gulf Railroad Company, held
yesterday, John Screven, Esq., was elected
President, to supply the vacancy caused by
the death of Dr. Jas. P. Screven.—[Sav. Re
publican.
Covington, June 22d, 1859.
The Board of Trustees of the S. M. F. Col
lege, met. Members present—Bro. Barry in
the Chair, John Harris. T. Fallow, W. P. An
derson, T.*F. Jones, Samuel Lawrence, John
J. Floyd, D. G. Candler, D. E. Butler, A.
Austell, Wm. D. Conyers, C. D. Pace, and J.
B. Slack.
Resolved, That Bros. Furlow, Floyd, and
Harris, be requested to prepare and report a
suitable preamble and resolutions expressiu
our sympathy with Bro. Fulton in his afflict
ion, and our high appreciation of his past ser
vices, and our regret that his failing health
makes it, in Ills judgment, necessary to sever
his further connection with the College.
The Board of Trustees has been formally ad
vised that President Fulton has dissolved bis
official connection with the S. M. F. College.
Under almost any circumstances, would such
an announcement be received with regret by
the members of this Board ; but our feelings
are deeply impressed, and our sympathies
aroused into Ii veiv action, by the fact that the
prominent cause impelling our venerable Pres-
dent to this course, is his feeble and precari
ous health--the result, in a great degree, of
• his untiring energy anil herculean efforts to
build up and sustain our institution.
Nature bestowed upon Bro. Fulton a strong
and vigorous constitution. He came among
us by invitation, from his mountain home,
with this constitution but little impaired—
fresh from tbe field of many a hard struggle
in the cause of eduaition, with the laurels of
success encircling his brow, to try )iis strength
and test his prowess on the sunny plains of
the South. He entered upon the duties of his
new position with a spirit of uncompromising
hostility towards the evils and follies of a pure
ly fashionable female education. His long ex
perience in life, together with his habits and
powers of investigation, had enabled him to
locate these evils and imperfections. He care
fully made his reckoning, and liis course was
determined. He measures tbe strength of his
adversary with nerve, and coolly and deliber
ately he meets and combats the opposing ele
ments. We need not say that success brown
ed his efforts, for that fact is co-extensive with
he name'and fame of the S. M. F. College.
For several yeais past, we have failed to re
gard the peculiarities of our system of econo
my, as an experiment. Our success has ban
ished all doubt as to the correctness of that
system, as inaugurated and carried out by
President Fulton. And we am, to-dav. point
to scores of Georgia’s fair daughters, whose
hearts, under his instruction, have been
strengthened in all the elements of Christian
character, and with minds educated m the
principles <>t a solid literature—have taken
their stations in life, and become the pride and
boast of their Alma, Mater.
Resolved. 1st, That we deeply regret the cir
cumstances tendering it necessary to dissolve
the connection that has so long and so pleas
antly existed between this Board and Presi
dent Fulton. And personally and officially,
we tender him anil family our heartfelt sym
pathies, in their affliction, and invoke the
“Giver of every good and perfect gift,” to re
store them to their accustomed halth, and
bestow upon each “Heaven’s choicest bless- i
ings.”
Resolved. 2nd, That we fully appreciate the
labors of President Fulton, in behalf of the S.
M. F. College, and cheerfully concede to him
the honor of having been the chief instrument
by whom it has attained its present proud em
inence.
Resolved. 3d, Having such confidence in
President Fulton as a man and a Christian, and
knowing his energy of character, we earnest
ly request him to continue the agency he now
holds by virtue of the Grand Lodge of Geor
gia, at least until he shall close up the unfin
ished business of said agency. But if he feels
that duty to himself and family, demands his
removal from this State, he carries with him
our best wishes for his happiness and future
success in lile, and we trust his life may yet
be spared for many years, knowing from the
past, that how great may be the number of
liis days, they all will be devoted to the cause
of doing good , and the world made better from
his having lived in it.
Resolved. 4 th, That any engagement into
which Brother Fulton lias entered with any
young lady, or friends of any orphan girl, will
be faithfully and to the letter, executed.
Resolved. 5th, That this Board earnestly
hope that this severance of President Fulton
from the S. M. F. College, may be but for a
time,' and the day yet come when we can again
welcome him to the post from which he now
retires crown led w*ith its laurels.
T. M. Furlow,
J. J. Floyd,
John Harris
The foregoing preamble and resolutions are
a true extract of the minutes of the Board.
JOHN B. HENDRICK, Sec y.
To which is affixed the seal of the College.
ow,)
Com.
Death of the King of Sweden.
Our foreign journals, brought by the Africa,
anuounce the death of Oscar, King of Swe
den. He was bom July 4 th, 1809, and was
the son of Bernadotte, whom he succeeded as
King of Sweden and Norway on the 8th of
March, 1844. He has been a good and popu
lar sovereign. His health and mental pow
ers failed him some years ago, and since Sep
tember 1857, he has not administered the
government, having left it in the hands of his
son, Prince Charles, who succeeds him under
the title of King Charles XV. The new king
was bom May 3d, 1826, and was married June
19th, 1860, to a Dutch Princess, by whom he
has several children.
For the Democracy of Fulton.
A letter in the “National American,” of
the 28tli inst., signed by Capt. A. M. Wal
lace, demands a passing notice at our hands.
We regret the appearance of this letter. We
are willing for “a discriminating public” to
decide as to the propriety of our course. We
offered to publish said letter, if the author
would modify some of his harsh expressions
which not only affected severely many of our
Democratic frjpnds in the county, but reflected
heavily upon the Editors of the ‘‘Intelligence’ ’
We could not see the propriety of “an organiz
ed Democrat,” calfing an assemblage of his po
litical brethren “the so called Democratic
Convention.” That is a phrase that,peculiar
ly belongs to the Opposition.
“A few designing men” are charged with
having “arranged” the “manner” of calling
a county Convention. After the Convention
which-sent delegates to Newnan, to nominate
a Congressman, had finished that work, a
resolution was passed calling on each Militia
District in this country to send ten delegates
to the Court House on the first Tuesday in
August next, to nominate a Senator and Rep
resentative. Neither of the, Editors of this
paper, had any notice, nor did they look for
the resolution, which has made so much
“noise and confusion.” They advocated it,
because it was in accordance Democratic usage,
and they profess to be “organized Democrats.
Where was the harm in the May meeting
asking the county to meet in August ? That
meeting was composed of delegates from all
parts of the county, and was respectable in
numbers. If that call had not been made, in
a few weeks from that time, a few Democrats,
would have called on us to call the county to
gether through our paper. Which is the
most dignified, and characterized with the
most fiairness, the call which has been made
or a call volunteered through tliejpaper, and
signed “Many Democrats,” or perhaps made
by our editorial, saying “we are requested to
call a county meeting, &c.” We venture
the prediction that such an objection has nev
er before been raised in the history of the
Democratic party. Every count j'joining Ful
ton, whose meetings we have noticed, did just
as Fulton has done.'. 2 he May meeting simply call
ed the county to meet by Delegates in August. This
is the first great sin charged in this matter.—
No harm could or would have arisen from this
call, had it net been opposed with so much
violence and bitterness.
The next charge is that “the uninitiated
persons in the meeting had left. ” All we have
tc say on that point, is that the resolution,
so offensive to Mr. Wallace, was offered just
as soon as the Congressional business was fin
ished, and after a prolonged and bitter discus
sion,” the resolution was adopted by a vote
of 24 ayes, and 10 noes, making 34 votes, and
only 5 less than voted on Mr. Wallace’s test
vote.” We verily believe, if the mass-meeting
party had carried their point, all this fuss
would have never been. Had the mass-meet
ing party carried their wish by even one majori
ty, the other side would have quietly submit
ted.
Is the delegate system “more honored in
the breach, than the observance ?” Is it the
proper work of an “organized Democrat” to
break down tiie established usages of the par
ty ? We have no doubt but* that nineteen
twentieths of the counties in Georgia, nomi
nate by delegates, each Militia District having
aw equal number of delegates. The city of
Griffin, follows this plan in Spalding, the town
of Jonesboro' in Clayton, the City of Newnan,
in Coweta. We know of no counties in the
State, which do not adopt this plan, except
Richmond, Chatham, Bibb, and Muscogee.—
If any others do not, we venture it is because
the party is in the minority, and the nomina
tion is considered a burden rather than an
h.mor. Let us see if the delegate custom
“cannot reflect” the “will” “of the.people of
Fulton county,” as well as a mass-meet
ing.
You may as well ask all the county to come
up to the Court House, to vote on elections,
as to make nominations. Election precints
were established for the good of the people.
Besides, the people take less interest in nomi
nations, than elections, and if you require
them to ride 10, .15, or 20 miles to nominate,
few will go, and you in your nomination by
mass-meetings, express the will of those who
live near the Court House. A nomination by
a mass-meeting in Fulton, would be just giv
ing it in to the hands of Atlanta and would it
no tbe otherwise if the country vote was double
that of the town vote. Each district can elect
delegates who will reflect the wishes of each
district, more faithfully than each district can
reasonably express its will through a mass
meeting. The enemies of Democracy have al
ways abused the party, for adopting the two-
thirds rule in nominations, hut who would
not now look upon an “organized democrat”
as a “designing man” who would bolt the
two-thirds rule ?
The delegate custom based upon politcal di
visions, rather than the popular vote of the
party, so far us we know prevails al
most universally throughout the Union.
Troup county, has nearly twice as much pow
er, under our system in saying who shall
run for Congress, as Fayette county, and gen
erally gives 500 or more .votes against the de
mocracy, while Fayette almost always goes
democratic. In the nomination of a Govern
or, a county may not have more than 60 dem
ocratic votes, and yet it has as much influence
in putting out a candidate for Governor, as
the county of Fulton.
So far as the Editors of this paper are con
cerned, they deny most emphatically that their
actions were'influenced by a desire to suppress
“the voice of the city.” But they maintain
that “the voice of the city” can be fairly
and fully heard in a convention with but ten
city ’delegates. Every man knows or
ought to know, that the county delegates,
properly treated bj the city delegates will
always allow the city delegate their full
share ofinfluenccj in putting,out candidates.—
Even if the city delegates should ask for more
han their delegation vote, we do not fclieve
that a single county delegate would object to
their having as many as are fairly due. Mi
norities must be tre ited kindly in nominating
conventions, or they will not attend them,and
will not feel bound by them.
There is an old adage, if you want friends, you
must be friendly. We.have tried, to serve the
Democratic party of Fulton county, to the
best of our ability, since we have been in it.
We do not believe that’we *deserved to be de
nounced as “dematoges" for advocating “the
basis of representation” which was adopted.
We advocated the delegate system, but we did
not object to the city asking an increased
number of votes.
We most emphatically deny, that our course
was in the least degree influenced by “the
unholy lust for office” for ourselv* s or our
friends and consider tbe charge as unjust as it
was nil-called for. We confess that we have
not the assumacy to claim that those who fav
ored the delegate system, “by their mm unaided
efforts, wrested the city and the county from a
powerful, well organized and vigilant enemy!”
It is unfortunate for the party, that those who
oppose the delegate system, are mainly those
who were opposed to the re-nomination of
Gov. Brown and many of Brown’s friends are
jealous of their movements. But the Editors
of this paper have tried the best they know
how to reconcile all around and went so far on
last Saturday as to advocate a resolution, in
structing the city delegates to make an effort
to procure a nomination by a mass-meeting;
All of which was done solely for county har
mony and to accommodate those whoso warm
ly opposed the delegate system, though we
yet believe the delegate system preferable to
mass meetings, as a party custom. Mr. Wal
lace charges “two gentlemen” with “voting
with the majority who were not then legally-
entitled to vote in our county elections and
consequently not entitled to seats in a county
conqention.”
We regret to see this charge in print. We
hope Democrats from abroad, who have any
idea of coming to Atlanta, will not take this
as the general sen timent of the party. The
Democracy of Fulton, we unhesitatingly say,
receive into party affiliation, and offer full
party privileges, to all Democrats, as soon as
they locate here and make this county their
home. The “two gentlemen” are now enti
tled to vote, and would have been very clear
of entering a party convention, could they
have dreampt that surh unkindness would ever
have been thought of, much less published to
the country. They thought they were among
brethren, and would have taken it much bet
ter to have heard t lie point raised at the prop
er time, when they would have cheerfully
withdrawn at the hint of any gentleman, who
even then doubted tbs propriety of their course.
We have studiously kept our county difficul
ties from taking any course, in our paper,
tending to distract the party.
We have allowed ourselves to be misrepre
sented on the streets, without any editorial
effort to set oun elves right before the coun
ty ; preferring to suffer personally, rather
than do anything that might tend to widen
the breach. We would not now notice our
county difficulties as ive have, if we did not
feel that Mr. Wallace’s letter absolutely de
manded it at our hands, for our own justifica
tion and our party welfare. “The good old
Democratic usage, which secures equal rights
to all, and special privileges to none,” is not
“more honored in tiie breach than the obser
vance,” and whenever the Democratic party
abandons the delegate system of nomination,
as a general rule, then we will have scrubb
races, party discord, and party defeat.
If “disgraceful defeat” attends the party
this Fall, in Fulton county, it shall not be
the fault of the ‘‘Intelligencer.” We intend
to support the nominees of the party, wheth
er put out by a mass meeting or delegates. —
This editorial meets the approval of both edi
tors. We state this, as in ordinary c ses each
is alone responsible !<<r what he writes.
Washington, July 24.—The Liberal Govern
ment of Mexico tl rough an agent in the Uni
ted States, has concluded a contract for the
supply of Minnie and Sharp rifles and cannon
and ammunition to suit them, which jire to
be forwarded to Mexico by the first of Sep
tember. It is not ye known here whether
American voluntecis will be intercepted, as
Mr. Serdo has not arrived, and the character
of his instructions therefore have not been as
certained.
These warlike stores may supersede the ne
cessity for extraneous aid, except as to compe
tent officers, there being a sufficiency of Lib
erals ready to take the field as rank and tile.
Letters have been received here from various
quarters, the writers expressing an anxiety to
raise volunteers for the service of the Liberals
in any number desired.
There was an extraordinary meeting of the
Cabinet yesterday, called, it is understood, to
consider the desp itches just recieved from
Minister McLane relative to Mexican affairs.
The members of the different Legations
from Europe have had quite a rejoicing over
the news of the armistice and to show their
appreciation of the continued peaceful rela
tions among their respective sovereigns. The
jubilants, however, did not include the French,
Austrian and Sardinian Ministers, who are ab
sent from Washington.
Boston, July 22. —The private funeral ser
vices of the late Rufus Choate were held to
day at his late resi lence iu Winthrop Place, at
half past ten. At the conclusion ol these
services, the family delivered the remains to
the Committee ol the City Government, a
Committee from the Bar, and the pall bearers
who took them to. the church of Dr. Adams
in Essex street, where the public services were
held. An address was delivered by the Rev.
Dr. Adams,and appropriate exercises were had
At the conclusion of the services in the church
a procession of citizens was formed, and ac
companied the body to the Cambridge bridge,
where it was delivered to the family, under
whose charge it was conveyed to Mount Au
burn.
During the passage of the funeral proces
sion through the streets, minute guns were
fired and the bells tolled.
Popular Errors to be Corrected.—That
the annexation of Lombardy to Sardinia will .ik
increase the supply or dimmish the prices of ! 1
Sardines. Thut the French troops at Rome ' ’i
are supported on hi of from the Pope’s bulls. '
That the Emperor Napoleon was injured by J
the papal Bull which lately got loose and I
gored King Victor Emmanuel so severely.— | * 1
That the Emperor Napoleon gives frequent i *
dinner parties to the correspondents of the ': J
Engiish and American papers, and talks over
his plans with them. We are assured, on
good authority, that these common impres
sions ar« Entirely «i rouseus.