Atlanta weekly intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 185?-18??, September 08, 1859, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextA. GAULDING & CO. “ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS, WHEN REASON IS LEFT TO COMBAT IT.”—JEFFERSON. PROPRIETORS.: yjjW SERIES, YOL. 2. ATLANTA, GEO., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1859. Ctf intelligencer. ^ursday, September 8, 1859. ^r^foTsUBSCR PTION • iw>r annum in advance, *6 00 “ in ^vancc 4 00 151"". ' <i “ in advance 2 00 iftSi'-' • ,f paid within sixmonths 2 50 “ if |>aid witliin twelve months, 3 00 ‘Intelligencer’ dispute our as.ser . , National American. •JOB Wh'it' s ,,sc ■ ^ do much harm. ..Intelligencer” dont “dispute.” The ^iiigenccr” for the future, holies to be in '* business, than to be found disputing Gentlemen quit “as and try the truth awhile. lietter .nth the “American, sertion, -- ^- c ,] 0 not know of our own knowledge . t Col. Buncan did write it. but one thing d , kno" . and we still assert it, that we ^ the best of evidence that Col. Duncan ■Either write, or entirely remodel the In- Address of Gov. Brown.—[Southern ‘ I Duncan neither wrote, remodeled, saw, h.rod. heard read, or had any, the least, tbin« to do with “the Inaugural Address of JV 'grown.” He new nothing of its con- ,t. till i< was delivered. We know' what r . Sil yiur r when we make the above state- lent." V - ig” The people of Cherokee Georgia were ,^r more thoroughly aroused in favor of civ candidate than they are at present, in fa- Mr of Akin. We assert that which we know, ,},* m ,t -peak for Buiwomb.—[Atlanta American. The “Atlanta American” is a knowing paper. Itj. n0I( . s j us t :i “leetle” too much. We have .,,r, blowing chaps liefore, but they never mounted to much. The “American” does nut qx-ak f ir Huncomb.” Then it does “not .-ak for' itself. Poor fellow, “political tricksters" have got it by the nose, and the ,iove is a specimen of the way it is being led. Mr • American,” do give Brow n it few votes in “Cherokee.” just a few. V. •Hut while on the subject of humbugs, ,,tinned ' "l- Akin, lie would call attention . the most consumatc humbug of the day— r meant the management of the State lload i ii.tv. Brown and his Supeiintendent.”— icorgia Citizen. We dip the above from the Citizen’s rcjiort Col. Akin's Macon sjieecb. Col. Akin is . -.it mi "humbugs.” Did you ever see a ftmtio I'onstantlv crying “humbug." Read W.b.-tvr. Calhoun, Clay, anybody worth rend- When Col. Akin gets through this can- ,i-- w ith a little help from Barnum, he will - very well prepared to write a hook “or: the •ubjectot humbugs.” We would suggest as Cx-ginning that lie give us bis biey/iaphy. V. Warren Akin vs. Opjiositlnn Pnrly. The “Georgia Citizen,” an Akin paper, in ... article giving an account of what Col. Akin ■all in his speech in Macon, reports him as Diving said—"lie (Akin) belonged to no par- We believe that Col. Akin’s supporters : -lally proclaim themselves as belonging to dv i (pjiosition party.” Well, Akin and his friends, to keep out of a quarrel, must admit “at “Oppesition )»irty' ’ mean:sew; port;/. Per- it docs As the Congressman says, he light to lie allowed “to define his position.” Mav be Col. Akin will feel, after this elet-tion • mvr. tli u he spoke the truth. We are in. lined to the opinion that the party opposing • r Democracy in Georgia, at tin'present time, "nr s pretty near up to the definition of its -vl. r. By the time he is beaten about 30,- • »' votes, by Joseph E. Brown, who belongs t ribe Democratic party, he will probably real- v that ‘‘he belong* lono parly.’’ It is a pity, :t if he will do so. we can’t help it. \ . |tf” Perhaps no people were ever more dc- •ived t.r worse humbugged by political trick- •:ers than the American p ople.—[National American. Poor fellows—“the American people.”— What a pity! How infatuated ! What an flatted opinion the “American” has of “the American people.” If we had so lowr an opin ion of “the American people,” we would not ill our pajier “the National American.”— May be the “American,” by the above, means to confess, being a part of “the American peo- :>." that it is “humbugged by political tricksters.” Perhaps it is. We are of that opinion. and have been for some time. Be sides being ••humbugged,” if there is any "me humbug, in proportion to its ability, than the "American” of thi3 city, we have never • and it. By the by, if you want to see, as the Frenchman would say, one grand humbug, ’■•Kik at that man who is ever shouting “hum bug.’’ _ V. tk Recorder’# Compliment* to tile Ojifio- sltIon Candidate for Governor. The editors <>f the Southern Recorder in their paper of the 12th ult.. about one month *?o, thus frankly spoke out : As W E HAVE SAID BEFORE AND STILL SAY, IT is USELESS TO ENDEAVOR TO MANUFACTURE ENTHU SIASM against Gov. Brown. We speak what vs KNOW, WHEN’ WE SAY, fFOR WE HAVE TRAV ELED MUCH IN THE STATE AND CONVERSED WITH IHS THINKING MEN OF OCR PARTY,) THAT GoV. BbOWN’E ADMINISTRATION MEETS WITH THE AP- fSOVALOF VERY MANY OF OUR PARTY, AND WILL SOT BE CONTROLLED RV ANY ACTION’ IN OPPOSITION io him!” rince the above was penned by the editors of the Recorder, and but about one month al- the Recorder came out for Warren Akin [or Governor, and is endeavoring “to manu facture enthusiasm against Gov. Brown.”— But to tire their own language, ‘ ‘it is useless.” Hie Recorder boasted on the 12th of July last that “the thinking men of our (Opposition) tarty" approve of Gov. Brown's Administra- : >"U. and "cannot and will not l>e controlled by any action in opposition to him,” Here *c have the deliliarate judgment of the .Sou thern Recorder, in favor of Gov. Brown's ad ministration, and a declaration that the think- h:g men of the opposition party cannot and "ill not support Warren Akin for Governor, m opposition to Gov. Brown. We thank the Recorder lor its honest confession, made when 'here was no cause to use deception. All 'heir endeavors to “manufacture enthusiasm” b' r Akin is useless, because the Recorder has “id it knows, from intercourse with the people 'hutopposition to Gov. Brown “is useless." Sentiments similar to these from the Recor- < * er appeared about the same time in the Jour nal k Messenger and other opposition papers m the State, and if we hail files of them we could place them side by side with the Recor der f confession, as standing matter for the Cam paign. the Recorder well knows that the honest in the Opposition party are in favor of ’iv. Brown’s re-election and will vote for him ~~that they cannot and will not be controlled, 'he endeavors of it and its contemporaries to manufacture cutJiusiasm against Gov. Brown.” "Fed. Union. HP In a letter from Wm. F. Samford to J. "•Hooperof the Mail, under date of August *‘ j th, we find the following melancholy an nouncement : . “My confidence in the Rational Democracy ls greatly shaken.” Don’t wonder at it in the least. Thirty-two 'housand majority against, a man in a small toting State, is enough to shake his confi- otnee in even “the rock of ages. ’ ’—Montgomery ^federation. NO. 46. For rbe Intelligencer. Atlanta Female Seminar}-. Messrs. Editors: As the establishment of a Female Seminary in our city, for the secular education of our daughters, is now placed be yond doubt, it behooves us, not only as stock holders, but as citizens of a free government, to exercise a supervision and control over its management, so as to shield it from immoral tendencies, and at the same time protect it against the evils of sectarian dogmas. As a stockholder, and as a friend and advo cate of civil and religious freedom, and of uni- veisal mental liberty, I suggest, most respect- fttlly, that no branch of science he introduced except such as admits of jiositive demonstra tion ; and that mere speculative matters, about which mankind disagree and shed each others blood, be left to the care and keeping of sectarian theological seminaries, where they projierly belong. IN e profess to be advocates and supporters of a free government—a government which lias unfettered the human intellect, by secu ring to us the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Now let us manifest our sincerity, by so conducting the above institution as to exclude all matters foreign to a purely section al education. This course rigidly adhered to, "ill insure to our daughters the greatest pos sible mental and physical development, there- b\ qualifying them to aid us by their counsels ot wisdom, and through their future influence as mothers, to perpetuate that freedom of which we boast. Such a course of education will not only tit and qualify them for useful and happy stations in this life, but will, through the instrumentality of largely devel oped intellects, enable them to adopt such views in relation to a future existence, as would rationally and naturally occur to an en lightened mind. Ignorance, priestcraft and superstition, bigotry and intolerance, are in separably connected. They have lieen the bane of society in past ages—the great moral hydra which has never been subdued, except through the influence of enlightened minds, or the dissemination of useful knowledge. Let us embrace the present opportunity, to establish, if possible, a better institution for the education of females than any the world lias ever produced. Lot us tolerate no Ime of distinction among the students, arising mere ly from the accident of birth, or the circum stance of wealtii ; but let us excite in them a lively emulation—a desire to excel in moral rectitude, in the acquisition of knowledge, in the application of that knowledge to their well-being, and in the refinements and embel- isliincuts of education, calculated to subdue and soften the asperities of human nature, and to smooth the rugged pathway of life. I have tlius briefly and respectfully, (as one deeply interested) set forth my views in rela tion to the proper object and purposes of a sec ular female education ; and I beg leave, through the medium of your paper, to pre sent them for consideration to an enlightened public. I was able to subscribe only two shares—to which I will add my ardent desire for the success of the institution. Yours truly, J. A. STEWART. HT The latest political scintillation is of special significance, because of the intrinsic merit of its combinatioi s, and of the popular favor with which it is at once received. John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky for President, with Bobert Tyler of Pennsylvania for Vice President, is the latest suggestion of Demo cratic councils, and is received with acclama tion by the Democratic masses of this State. Both the gentlemen named in this connection are young men, strong in native vigor of char acter, of unspotted political record, and each the Representative man of great and growing interests in the moral and religious powers of the republic. At present, I but mention the fact that these names have recent]}- bee’- se lected as the ones around which the young volunteer warriors of the great Democratic party seem disposed to rally for the next Presidential contest, and that the suggestion ha, been received with general and enthusias tic favor, as ti e lore-runner of certain victory. As the movement gathers stiength I shall take occasion to speak at length of the general merits of the candidates named, aud of their special adaption to the peculiar present neces sities of the National Democratic party.— [True American, Aug. 17th, 1859. Additional by the Indian. The ship Tranquebar, for Savannah, arrived at Liverpool on the 13th ; the ship Mackin aw and Chicago sailed from Liverpool on tiie 13th for Charleston. Rumored Loss of the Frigate Congress. Philadelphia, Aug. 30.—An unverified ru mor, believed to have originated at the Navy Yard, says that the frigate Congress and all on board, have gone down at sea. The Frigate sailed from here on the 14th instant. Arrival of the Moses Taylor. New York, Aug. 29.—The steamship Mo ses Taylor arrived at this port on Saturday. She brings the report that the Nicaraguan Congress had ratified the Lamar Xeledon trea ty. General News. Nothing was known in regard to the Zurich Conference. The Empress Eugenie is ‘enciente.’ The National Assembly of Tuscany.declares that the dynasty must not he re-called. The National Assembly of Modena was tak ing strong grounds in favor of national lib erty. Mons. Fould had accepted the Dictatorship of Parma. The work on the fortifications of Koonigs- berg were vigorously resumed. Cardinal Antonelii hail resigned the Presi dency of the Council of Rome. The King of Chide had been released. The harvest prospects in Great Britain were favorable. A Dangerous IV of Photography. A curious circumstance lias just happened to M. Agnado, whose talent in photography has given him an European celebrity. He laid a wager that lie would so exactly imitate a French bank note that the difference should not be perceptible. By the time appointed the note was ready, and laid side by side with the original upon his desk. Judge, jury, all were there ready to seize tlic smallest indica tion which should lead them into a right guess. The gentleman, who laid the wager, took both notes in his hand to examine them in the strong light of the window. By some accident he changed or shuffled them from one hand to the other; and when he returned them to the desk neither Mr. Aguado himself nor any one of the company could tell winch was the false note and which was the true !— There they lay still—two two-thousand franc notes—and all connoisseurs are invited to give an opinion. Needless to say that the Bank de France has sent its most expert judges, but without effect.—[European Times. Death or Mrs. Quitman.—We learn from a friend, says the N. 0. Picayune, of Thursday Aug. 26th, to whom the sad news was this morning telegraphed, that the widow of t late Gen. Quitman, died on the evening of the 22d inst. We do not hear of the nature of her disease. It is beyond doubt that Governor Banks will again be the Republican nominee for Gover nor of Massachusetts, and it appears very prob able that Hon. B. F. Butter will be his com petitor. What per cent the State Road.pays. We see labored articles in some of the Opi>o- sition papers, attempting to convince the peo- pie that the State Road does not pav a sulli- dent per cent upon the original capital inves ted. How stands the case ? Official reports set down the whole sums paid out of the Treasury of the State for the construction of the road at $4,495,652*43.— ’Phis is every dollar that the State ever paid out of her Treasury for the construction of the Road. We say nothing of the former profits of the Road, or of their application, as we are now speaking of original cost. The report of th* Superintendent shows that the net profits of the^ Road^ for the year 1858 amounted to $405,773 47, which sum was paid to equip ment construction, buildings, debts of former administration—into the State Treasury, &c. This was over nine per cent upon the original cost of the Road. This year the Road will pay into the State Treasury by the end of the pres ent fiscal year, 30th Sept., $400,000 in cash, besides over $20,000 of the bonded debt, and a large amount for new iron, construction, &c., making over $450,000 of net profits, which is over ten per cent upon the original cost.. But this view of the case, satisfactory as it is, does not still do Gov. Brown’s admin istration justice. It is known to all that the Road was built when but little was known about railroading—it was also built by the State as a public work, the consequence was that it cost nearly double what it ought to have cost. Is it reasonable then to hold the present administration, that had nothing to do with its original construction, responsible for a large per cent upon money, that was was ted by others in its construction ? Suppose, for instance, the Road had been built under an extravagant system of mismanagement, and had cost $20,000,000, when it could have been built by a company for $3,000,000, would it be reasonable to hold the present adminis tration responsible for interest upon the $17,- 000,000 that were wasted, and say that the Road is badly managed if it does pot pay a good per cent upon the whole $20,000,000 which it cost ? No reasonable man would so • contend tor a moment. If we desire to make a just comparison of the present management, and require it to pay ! as large a per cent upon the original cost as a j Company Road pays, we must, of course, count j the per cent upon such sum only’ as it would have cost a Company to build the Road with ordinary economy—such as a Company usual ly practices in the construction of a Road.— Let us apply this test. We apprehend no one will deny that a company using ordinary econ omy could have constructed the Road with $3,000,000 original cost. Gov. Brown must then pay into the Treasury as large a per cent upon-that sum, as companies pay upon the original cost of their Roads, before he can j claim that the Road is as well managed as a i Company could manage it. Is he doing this ? \ We have said that the Road will pay to the : people of Georgia, wno are the stockholders, ; $400,000 in cask this fical year. Are we right ? It has already paid into the Treasury $361,000 iu cash this year, and we doubt not will pay $40,000 more for the month of Sep tember. Tliis will be $401,000, which will he nearly 14 per cent. a For the last two months it has paid $50,000 per mouth which is just sixteen per cent upon the amount, which it would j have cost a company to build the Road. How- does this compare with com puny Roads? The Central Road pays its stockholders only ten per cent from both the Road and the Bank i ihcomes. The Georgia Road only eight per j cent from the incomes of the Road anti Bank, j (the State Road has no Bank.) The South- j Western Road eight, and the Macon & West- ! ern, we believe, eight, upon what it cost to j build these respective Roads, under company management. The State Road is now paying into the State Treasury in cash sixteen per cent upon what it would, under company manage- j ment, have cost to build it. Facts and figures j therefore show that Gov. Brown’s manage- j ment of the State Road does not suffer by a j just comparison with Company management. | But it may be objected that $3,000,000 would FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1859. fUT* We refer our readers to an extract in to-day’s issue, from the Report of the State Central Committee of Pennsylvania. It is worth reading, and shows that there is some soundness North even yet. V. Mr. Myron Bartlett Has purchased an interest in the “Southern Confederacy” of tliis city. We learn that Mr. Bartlett is a racy writer, and somewhat famil iar with Editorial duties. We welcome him among us, hoping that he will become a val« uable spoke in the Editorial wheel. V. Commencement of Atlanta Medical College. The Commencement exercises of this insti tution, took place yesterday. Fifty-eight grad uates received the Degree of M. D. Dr. A. Means presented the Diplomas, accompanied with a few touching, pertinent remarks, such as Dr. Means alone can make on such occa sions. The Valedictory to the Graduating Class, was delivered by Mr. B. F. Ward, of Mississippi, a member of the Graduating Class. It was chaste, pathetic, pertinent, and just right. Dr. Ward is dotii. tless a young man of promise, and will make his mark in the world. * The regular annual address was deliv ered by Dr. Hillyer, of Rome. It was chaste, learned, beautiful, and eloquent. The Atlan ta Medical College is doubtless on the high road to honor and renown. It has the ablest faculty of any College in the Southern coun try, and her success has become manifest des tiny. [communicated ] Messrs Editors: A day or two ago, I was in formed that a new paper published in Mari etta, charged me with exerting my influence to prevent the men in the employ of the W. & A. R. R. Shop, from going to hear the speech delivered a few nights ago in Atlanta, by the Hon. Warren Akin. To-day I learn that the article is copied into one of the Augusta pa pers. I have seen neither of the pieces, and wish simply to say, that I care not a copper where the men go to hear upon any subject. I go to hear whom I choose, and they are as free as I am. I never said a word to any one, dissuading them from going to hear Col. Akin, and if 1 knew of a man in the employ ment of the Road, who would permit me as Superiutendant of the Road, or any one else, to yield their privilege as freemen, I would dis charge them. Such an animal I would not knowingly employ. JNO. W. LEWIS, Sup’t. Atlanta, Aug. 30, 1859. W. & A. R. R. not have built the Road under reasonable j company management, and that the per cent ! must be estimated upon a 1 irger sum in com paring its present management with compa ny management. We have not before us a statement of the original cost of all the com pany Roads. We will make the comparison with the Central Road. By reference to tiie report of L. O. Reynolds, Chief Engineer, dated 25th March 1844, it will be seen that that the original cost of the Central Road, including motive power and cars, was only $2,581,723. That Road is 190 miles long.— The State Road is only 138 miles long. 'The iron it will be remembered is oneof the heavi est items of expense per mile in building. If then the Central Road is 190 miles long, was built for a little over two and a half millions, could not the State Road only 138 miles long have been built by a company for three mil lions ? But it may be said the capital stock of the Central Road has been increased since 1844, and that it now pays ten per cent upon a larger sum. Well it may, for by reference to Mr. Cuyler’s report for 1858 it will be seen that the Road realised that year from the op erations of the bank connected with it $55,- 889,29. By reference to the same report, dat ed Decemler 7th 1858, on page 4, it will he seen that the whole sum paid by the Central Rail Road and Banking Co., to its stock-hold ers for the year 1858 was only $399,595 ; as the same Company is only paying ten per cent again this year it will only pay ilie stock-hold ers the same sum. This Road as we have said is 190 miles long. The amount paid the stock-holders per mile is $2,103,13 ets. How does this compare with the State Road ? It is paying into the Treasury this fiscal year $400,000 in cash. It is 138 miles long. This is $2,899,27 per mile, which it pays to the people of Georgia, who are its stock-holders. 4 his is $706,14 per mile more than the Cen tral Road, the highest paying company lload in tjic State, with the aia of its bank, pays to its stockholders. It is therefore shown by liguies which can not be disputed, that the State Road is now paying to the stockholders a larger net^ divi dend per mile than any Company Road in the State, and that it is paying a larger per cent Good at trying to make Something out of Nothing. The ‘ Confederacy” and “American” of this city' have in part abandoned their impu tation of dishonesty against Dr. Lewis, in the Pig Iron matter and have each written an edi. tonal upon tiie subject of “Protection.” The “Confederacy” says: “Did the Democracy of Georgia know that Joseph E. Brown had actually given the influ ence of liis administration to a high protective tariff upon Pig Iron against the State of Ala bama. and those citizens of Georgia, who are interested in the Iron business in that State ? It is so! Can there be anything more oppos ed to the genius and spirit of our institu tions V ’ Gov. Brown obeyed the resolution of the Legisl i hire cf the State of Georgia, which in its noble generosity, lent a helping hand to those who were struggling to develop the mineral wealth of our up country. For this the “Confederacy” would destroy the Gover nor. The ‘‘American” says: “Here is a party which, in their resolves and platforms, assert the principle of Protection to be unjust and dangerous, and yet we see them passing a law making a most odious discrimi nation.” Is not the above nice talk for two Georgia papers? Why should the “American” grum ble? Is not the “American” a protection paper ? We learned upon good authority that in the committee room of the late Macon convention, the Senior Editor of the “Ameri can” offered a real old whig protection tariff resolution. But then, 'it seems that if the Democracy do what the Opposition want j done, it don’t suit them. communicated. Messrs Editors: Perhaps it would interest some of your readers, to hear from the Music al Convention, which is known by the name and style, of the “Mason Musical Union,” in honor of Dr. Lowell Mason, the'great au thor. The fourth annual session of this body, was held at Betlisaida Church, Fayette Co., Ga., from Wednesday, the 17th Aug., to Sunday next, inclusive. A full minute of the pro ceedings of this session, would be too tedious, and dry to publish, therefore I will only give you a short sketch of the proceedings. Thursday evening, on motion, elected of ficers viz : Wm. E. Haskins, W. G. C. Jones, J. A. Collins, F. B. 'lhronton, J. C Huie, upon the sum which it tiie State of Georgia could afford it, company to build it-, than any Company Road _ in the State is paying upon its cost. We fit to carry all Georgians and Georgn challenge the opposition press to tiie compari son ami defy them successfully to controvert either of these positions. If they cannot do tliis, they are obliged to admit if they will deal candidly that the State Road under Gov. Brown’s administration, is better and more successfully managed than any company Road in the State. Hie people are satisfied upon this subject, and all the ef forts ol’ the opposition Press to create a ditier- ent impression or to induce them to change this management lor that of an untried man, will be unavailing. We are fully satisfied that Dr. Lewis, the present excellent Superin tendent, for indomitable energy and perse verance, strong common sense, good busi ness habits, incorruptible integrity, and all the qualities which are required iu a good Rail Road man, has no superior in Georgia.— Do the people desire a change of administra tion, whicli will turn him out of office, to make room for an untried man? The re sponse, in the negative, which they will give from the ballot box, in October, will be an overwhelming one.—Federal Union. Webster and Crockett—No two charac ters could be more dissimilar than those of Webster aud Crockett. One had penetrated to the profoundest depths of law, statesman ship, and diplomacy. The other had penetra ted to the profoundest depths of the forest, and was a passionate lover of its wild de lights. Crockett paid Webster a compliment that both pleased and amused him. It is re lated that when his celebrated speech upon Foot’s resolutions was published, he sent a copy of it to Davy Crockett. Shortly after wards Davy called upon him to make his ac knowledgements for the favor—remarking that it was the only speech that lie hud ever been enabled to read without the aid of a dic tionary- Mr. Webster, it is said frequently remarked, that, although, perhaps, a compli ant was not intended, none was ever bestow ed upon him that he valued so highly^ The Democracy might do just what the “Opposition” propose to do and then they would complain. Why ? Because they wan’t the offices. That’s why. Please the Opposi tion ! “It can’t he did-'—unless Democrats are ousted from office and their enemies are put in their places. We have quoted from a protec tive tariff, old line Whig paper, and said pa per speaks of the aid offered to our iron man ufactures of our own btate for the purpose of developing home wealth, and interesting our own people in our own mines as “a most odi ous discrimination.” We venture the statement, that when the resolution passed the Legi-lature,three-fourths if not all, the members of the Legislature vo ted for it. Is there any wrong done to past professions of Democracy, by the passage of that resolution. We say none. The great evil of a protective tariff is that it makes one section of the country bear more than its share of the burdens of government. Besides, there is some difference between State protec tion and United States protection. 'llie State Road belongs to the people of Georgia. The people of Georgia are all inter ested in seeing her mineral wealth developed. Every citizen of Georgia that desires can take the benefit of this resolution. The freight lias to be high enough to save the road from loss. Iron manufactures are encouraged.— Our mineral wealth increased and nobody harmed and yet, for want of something better to say , we are feelingly reminded of Old Whig times, by an essay upon protection. Did Ala bama pay anything towards the building ol our State Road ? If the State Road carries Alabama Iron on about tiie same terms that company roads charge, who lias any right to complain ? If and see ia produce free, would the producers of adjoining States have any right to complain ? This whole con- troversy about Pig Iron is so ridiculous and the attack upon Dr. Lewis and Gov. Brown so unkind, after the resolution of the Legisla ture has been republished, that we have been astonished at the course of some men in this matter, of whom better things might have been expected. Those who censured ignor- ally can be pardoned, but now their magna nimity should force them to give their readers the facts and “the law.” Those who stand up on the law, ought to hush. These feeble and silly attacks upon tli:: pres ent State administration, will only redound to its good, when the truth shall be known, if the truth ever gets to all the people. Our Dem ocratic papers ought to scrupulously set all this matter before their readers, for many of the Opposition who have, ignorant of the law, censured Gov. Brown will never give their readers the whole truth unless “a change comes over the spirit of their dreams.” X, „ home without a girl in it is only half blessed; it is an orchard without blossoms, and spring without a song. A house full of Editorial Items. Rev. E. W. Warren, has taken charge of the Editorial department of the “Christian Index,” published at Macon, Georgia. James H. Mackey, Esq., has become asso ciate editor of the Mongomery (Ala.) Adver tiser & Gazette.” The Macon (Ga.) “Citizen” will be publish ed daily during the present political canvass. We received the first number yesterday. We extend a welcome to the new comers. President. 1st. Vice “ 2d- “ Secretary. Treasurer. Jeptha M. Murphy, Ceaplain, by acclama tion, all of whom hold their respective offices one year. The chief object of this institution, is for the advancement and promotion of Music in the South. A branch of science very much neglected in this country. The next session of this body, will be held at Rainah Church, near Palmetto, Ga., commencing at ten o’clock, Thursday morning, before the 4th Sabbath in November next, a full attendance is desired. A MEMBER. [communicated.] Cols. Gartrell and W T riglit—Discussion ai LaGrnngc* Messrs. Editors: The above gentlemen met here on yesterday, and discussed the political questions of the day. Col. Gartrell opened the discussion in a speech of an hour and twenty-five minutes in length. He showed that lie had faithfully discharged his duty as the people’s representative—that the great extravagance, fine mirrors, fine carpets, cush ioned- bottomed chairs, settees. &c., which the Opposition press, and especially the LaGrange Reporter, nnuJe such a fuss about, he was in no wise responsible for.; that in every instance while in Congress, he had voted against it— and particularly the three thousand dollar car pet, that having been bought by Cullum, the Know Nothing Clerk of the House under Banks. The administration is, he showed by the record, the most economical one that has been for twenty years, and challenged his competitor to show otherwise if lie could ; saie^that lie voted for the admission of Kan sas under the Lecompton Constitution, but her admission as a slave .State, under that con stitution, was prevented by the treachery of six Southern Americans, who voted against it. After which, ns the only alternative, lie had voted for her adm ssion under the English Bill, which measure, though not liis choice, did not have in it one feature objectionable to the most ultra Southern man—thatTrippe, of this State, and the American members had voted for it, and every Black Republican against it. He said the wail of the Opposi tion party now is, “where is Kansas?” when in fact, they, themselves, had voted it out.— They had proclaimed from the house-tops that they never wanted it. Joshua Hill told the Black Republicans in Congress, just before the voting for her admission under the Lecomp ton constitution, that he never expected it to be a slave State. The leaders of tlieir party, and the “Chronicle & Sentinel,” their organ, had taken the same position. Yet they de nounced the Democracy and Buchanan’s Ad ministration, for not making it a slave State. “Consistency thou art a jewel.” Mr. Gartrell denounced Douglas, and disap proved some acts of the administration—its Central American policy and African Appro priation Bill; he had voted agaiust them, not withstanding he cordially sustained it in the many instances which it had stood by and de fended the rights of the South. He showed that Ben. Hill, the leader of their p rty in the State, and their party Platform, adopted unan imously at Macon, which his competitor, Wright, was a member of, concede that Buck’s Administration is the best that has ever been for the South. He read from Hill’s letter say ing that our rights are as well guaranteed to us now as they can be, and we need only stand by them. Their party, in convention, had, in effect, at Macon, unanimously said the same thing. He charged Wright with repudi ating his own Platform, and that he had de nounced Bell and Crittenden. The time being out, Mr. Wright arose aud addressed the people in a speech of the same length. He proposed to show everything by the record, but I must confess that lie failed to show anything more than that he was ut terly incapable of coping in argument with his competitor. He said that the Administra tion was corrupt, the English Bill a cheat, Old Buck was a traitor, the Democracy was rotten, and had kept Kansas from being a slave State—that thereby the fourth resolu tion in the Georgia Platform had been viola ted—denounced Joe Brown as a Lilliputian Governor, for not calling a convention of the people, that they might remedy the evil. He said there was three absolute rights of individ uals—personal liberty, personal security, and private property—private property was the most important; a man’s negro was Ills prop erty, and when he took him into any Territo ry of the United States, the people in conven tion assembled to form a constitution, nor no other power on earth, could divest him of his title—that he was there a slave forever. Said that he voted for Old Back, but done it under protest; that the Cincinnati Platform, Janus like, had two faces, either of which was equal ly obnoxious to the South, and conceding the best construction that is contended for, be giv en it, (i. e.) Squatter Sovereignty does not ex ist, (hen a majority of the people, when they come to frame a constitution, could say negro or no negro, which, according to his Black- stone argument, would be unconstitutional. He said that it was tru_- that he was a dele gate to the Macon Convention, and that the Platform they adopted, endorsed that portion of the Cincinnati Platform, giving to the peo ple, when they assembled to make a State Constitution, the right to say whether they will have slavery or not; hut that he then vo ted or objected to it, and now repudiates it, though he was unaule to show how it was the Platform there was adopted unanimously.— He expatiated largely on extravagance, but failed to show anytr.ing by the record. Both concluded in a short speech of fifteen minutes. Col. Gartrell’s conclusion and his first speech, were the most telling I ever heard. The glaring inconsistencies into which his competitor had fallen, were shown up in a manner that would have done honor to any statesman. The people of this District should be proud of him as their Representative. He bSs won golden opinions here, even among the Oppositionists. DEMOCRAT. Death of Mnj. A. J. Donelson. The Louisville Democrat says that Major A. J. Donelson died recently in Louisiana, of erysipelas. Mr. Donelson was formerly pri vate Secretary of President Jackson, and edi tor of the Washington Globe. In 1856 he , ijifg Lebanon with its cedars ; but 1 was the candidate of the American party for itauLhters bv the fireside are like the roses of Vice President. He removed from Tennessee Sharon ? t° Louisiana a few years since. HP An extract from an address of the “Democratic State Central Committee.” o Pennsylvania: “But there is one question comparatively new to the country, in the form in which it is presented, that has occasioned some diversity of sentiment among us, and which has been settled authoritatively, as some Demorrats contend, by the highest councils of the party. We refer to what is commonly known as the Territorial question. The most ingenious and labored efforts have been made to confuse the public mind on this subject, but when rescued from the incomprehensible jargon of the dem agogues, it merely raises an enquiry, which should be camly and candidly met, as to the nature and extent of the Legislative power possessed by the inhabitants of a territory of the United States, in the political relations ot such Territory to the Government and States of the Union. We do not now propose to dis cuss this question at any consideraLle length, or to say much more than briefly to express our views regarding it. We presume that ev ery true Democrat will yield his ready adhe sion to the principle of Popular Sovereignty, when rightly interpreted and applied. But real Popular Sovereignty is not a spurious po litical idea, indfinitc, vagrant and accidental. It is, when properly defined, nothing more nor less than the right of self-government per vading our entire system, but expressly limi ted in its action by the Constitution and the laws. It cannot exist legitimately outside of these. Otherwise instead of being, as it is un der our government, the touchstone of order, justice and peace, it would become the source of multiplied disorders and constant anarchy. Thus defined and limited, Popular Sovereign ty is equally incompatible with the rash pro ceedings of a mob, as with the edicts of a ty rant. We cannot, therefore, subscribe to the illegitimate assumptions of “Squatter Sovereign ty”. We are clearly of opinion that a Terri tory of the United States can, in no respect whatever, be reg irded as either a Foreign or Sovereign State. Nor can it enjoy, by possi- bil.ty, any political capacity independent of, or inconsistent with, the government of the Union established by the States, by whose agency they, the States, through an expendi ture of treasure, audit may be, their blood have acquired the very Territory in question, as so much public demain or “common proper ty”- Where, let us ask, resides the right of eminent domain ovei a Territory of the Uui- ted States? Is it not admitted by all to be with the Federal Government ? Where shall we look for the right and power to ascertain and fix.all Territorial boundaries? Is it not to the Federal Government ? Where shall we seek the right and power and duty to dispose of all lands embraced in the Territory? The answer is, in the 1 edernl Government. Where in the government of a Territory is lodged the Executive authority ? It is lodged in the handsofaFcdtr.il Governor. Where is the Legislative power ? Every one knows it did not exist, and that it could not legall exist, until called into being by the Federal Con gress, in the organic act of Territorial Govern ment. Iu all these demonstrations of power, and there can be none others outside of them in a Territorial Government, we behold the direct, positive and tangible evidences of the presence of the sovereignty of the Govern ment of the United States, excluding the pre tensions of Squatter or Territorial legislative sovereignty, or Popular Sovereignty when us ed as a convertible term with these, as being alike untenable in fact, and preposterous in logic. But it must be borne ill mind that the Fed eral Government cannot act in a Territory as a despot, or arbitary rulier; and here is the dif ference between our doctrine, and that of the Wllmot provisoites. It must govern in % territory in the sense of the Constitution, from which it derives its lile audits every function, audit is bound to respect, with strict impartiality, the rights and interests of all parties concern ed, the parties being the State and people of the States respectively. Now the government of a territory is not natural and indefeasible, but derivative from the Congress; otherwise, the few thousand inhabitants of a territory, after its acquisition by purchase, or as indem nity for war expenses perhaps, would have the right to set themselves up as a foreign State, if they so liked, and to deny the jurisdiction of the United State. But Congress, when establishing a government in a territory, can not impart to it authority to do, by feeble territorial enactments, what Congress itself cannot undertake to perform under the Con stitution, undo n never venture to undertake, except in flagrant usurpation of powers not delegated but reversed to the States, VVe are opposed, however, to the introduc tion of any provision particul rlv protecting slave or any other kind of property, into an act organizing a territorial government. But if a territory attempt nulification or rebellion, in the shape of resistance to acts of Congress, or to judicial decisions in tlieir proper logical and legal consequences, or to any other legit imate acts done in and by virtue of the Con stitutional authority of the United States over the same, then the Federal government should at once interpose and put it down, not so much for the sake of slave, or any other kind of property, or even of the personal rights of citizens that may he thereby invaded though consisting a sufficient reason for the movement, as looking to the necessity of its, own preservation. But before the happening of any such act of nulification, or rebellion, anil at the time of organizing a territorial govern ment, the presumptions are all in favor ot a legal and peaceful course of political conduct on the part of the inhabitants of a Territory ; whereas the doctrine of Congressional intervention would assume the reverse. In fine, we are dis posed to maintain on this question aud at all times, the fundamental principle of the equality of the State. We are distinctly opp<>s eel to any compulsory relinquishment, in the name of squatter sovereignty, of the rights <>i the State of Pennsylvania, as one of tiie sov ereign proprietors of all the public domain or territorial property of the United States, and we will occupy, without any change of opin ion, the ground held by the following resolu tion of the Cincinnati Convention of 1856, to wit: “Resolved, That we recognise the right of the people of all the territories, including Kansas and Nebraska acting through the le gally and fairly oxpressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the num ber of tlieir inhabitants justifies is, to form a Constitution with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States.” This resolution distinctly represents the marked difference between the revolutionary efforts of the first squatters in a new Territo ry to abolish Negro Slavery or to prevent the introduction of Slave property into the Terri tory, by the incompetent agency of a Territo rial Legislature, and the constitut onal and quiet exercise of the rights of Sovereignty, by the people of a territory in tlic formation of a State Constitution with or without domestic slavery, as they may determine. In the mean time, tbs citizens of each and every state. Vic ing in all respect* eqifal with each other under the Constitution, take their various kinds of property with them into the Territory, and while in a Territorial condition they and their property are all equally protected by the Con stitution of the United States aud the Dred Scott decision. We thus stand on the sure foundation of the Constitution and the Law, which sternly ami justly deny the arbitrary pow er of one set of settlers to confiscate the property of another set. We thus avoid, too, those contests between settlers, by which the people are kept in a constant state of commotion and turbulence, with murder, rapine, burnings and all kinds of violent acts, throughout their entire Territorial existence, and to the preju dice of their best interest, and of the peace and harmony of the States of the Uuion. Mr- Douglas as a Slaggazlnlst. Harper’s Magazine, for September, contains an article entitled : “The Dividing Line be tween Federal and Local Authority—Popular Sovereignty in the Territories,” by Senator Douglas. As the Magizine is copy righted, we cannot transfer this article to our columns. The Evening Post, (Black Republican,) has the following notice of it: Mr. Stephen A. Douglas, whose successes in the political world are well known, has be taken himself to a naw sphere of labor. In Harper’c Magazine tor the current month he appears as a literary contributor. It is an ad mlrable stroke of policy on tve part of its ed itors to procure so distinguished and able a writer—as great as Benner made when he se cured the services of Edward Everett for the Ledger. But in donning the plumes of the magaziirst, Mr. Douglas does not abandon his political tastes and proclivities. He is the same original Douglas. He still harps upon the old string, and iu his literary effort, which is entitled : “Tne Dividing Line between Fed eral and Local Authority,” we are treated only with a new dissertation upon popular sovereignty. Let us remark, however, that this entertaining monthly, which has hither to avoided all politscal discussion, appears jn a new character, if Mr. Douglas does not. As tha papers in this periodical are copyright ed, we do not feel at liberty to vuote the esay of Mr. Douglas at length, but we presume there will be no offence iu furnishing our rea ders the substance of his argument. Under our complex system of government, he says the first duly of an American statesman is to marli distinctly the dividing line between the authorities of the [federal and local govern raents, It is a question which aiises most prominently, at the present time, in regard to the government of the territories of the Un ion. One leading party, the Republican as serts that the Constitution 'confers the su preme right of legislation over the territories u)kjii the Federal Congress ; but, on the other hand, the Democratic party, which oppose this assertion, is divided into two opinions, which "seriously disturb its harmony and threaten its integrity.” These ditlerenccs of opinion arise according to Mr. Douglas from the different interpreta tions placed on the constitution by persons who belong to one of the following class es. “First, Those who believe that the consti tution ot the United States neither establish es nor prohibit slavery in the States or territo ries beyond the power of the people legally to esntrol it, bnt leaves the people thereof per fectly free to form and regulate their domes tic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.” “Second, Those who believe that the con stitution establishes slavery in the territories, and withholds from Congress and the territo rial legislature fails to enact the requisite laws for its protection, it becomes the imperative duty of Congress to interpose its authority aud furnish such pro tec tion. “Third, Those who, while professing to be lieve that the constitution establishes slavery- in the territories beyond the power of Con gress or the Territorial Congress to control it. at the same time protest against the duty of Congress to interfere lor its protection ; but insist that it is the duty of the Judiciary to protect and maintain slavery in the territories without any law upon the subject.” It is needless to say that Air. Douglas ad heres to the first named of these opinions.— The advocates of the other two agree on the theoretical point, that the constitution estrb- lishes slavery in the territories, and compels them to have it whether they want it or not ; ancl differ on the practical point, whether a right secured by the constitution shall be pro tected by an act of Congress which all other remedies fail. ° ® -• o © The writer then proceeds to demonstrate his own position in an exceedingly elaborate, mi nute, and closely reasoned account of the whole history of our federal government in its relrtion to State and territorial organiza tion. We shall not follow him through his long dissertation, nor believing as we do, that SATURDAY SEPTEMBER 3, 1859. . Remarkable Phenomenon. On Thursday night, a very remarkable phe nomenon appeared in the Heavens. The sky was overspread with a crimson mantle, through which the stars shone brilliantly.— The light occasioned by it was almost equal to full moon light. It lasted from 12 o’clock at night till about 4 o’clock in the morning. Whence it came and whither it went, this de ponent saith not. We leave it for natural philosophers to explain. A Sew Way of Collecting Debts. A few days ago, a couple of men met in our city. One said to the other, pay me what thou owest. The demand was declined.— Whereupon the creditor commenced to give the debtor a genteel thrashing. After a few knocks, Mr. Debtor said hold on, step this way, I believe I will pay you. They stepped a litte one side from the fighting ground, aud Mr. Debtor drew his weasel and forked over the change, and went on liis way. Wonder if we could hire that man to collect for us. We will give him a liberal per cent. V. Messrs. Cook and Ely, These gentlemen—the former a candidate for the House of Representatives from Early, the latter for the same office, in Dougherty county—have been spending several days in our city, and have paid frequent visits to our sanctum, and to which they were most heart ily welcome. We have known G’ol. Cook for many years ; he is one of nature’s noblemen, chivalric, generous, honorable, talented ; Ear ly county was represented by him at the last session of the Legislature, and she will no doubt return him again, by a triumphant ma jority. Mr. Ely is a young man of promise—well cultivated in mind, and accomplished in man ners. He will no doubt be elected, and do honor to the Democracy aud his county.— South-Western Georgia i> rapidly improving, in every particular. Send a plenty of such men as Cook and Ely, to the Legislature of Georgia, and that interesting portion of our State will stand pre-emin-nt in our Legisla tive councils. liis proniiseiyire fundamentally false as to the (lowers of CTfhgress, undeitakc to criticise the course of reasoning. Neither shall we dissent from his main conclusion that, under our pol itical system, “every distinct political com munity, loyal to the Constitution and the Union, is entitled to all the rights, privileges and immunities of self-government in respect to their local concerns and internal policy, subject only to the Constitution of the Uni ted States.” To Clears Room of Mosqnltoeg. A writer in a South Carolina paper says :— “I have tried the following and find it works like a charm. Take of gum camphor, « piece about one-third the size of an egg, and evaporate it by placing it in a tin vessel and holding it over a lamp or candle, taking care that it does not ignite.' The smoke will soon fill the room and expel the mosquitoes. One night, I was terribly annoyed by them, when I thought of and tried the above, after which I never saw nor heard them that night,, and the next morning there was not one to be found in the room, though the window had been left open alt night. Electioneering. Governor P- 11, of Kentucky, tells a couple of good ones on himself. When on a canvass proceeding his election, he stopped at a cabin on the wayside, in the Eastern moun tains of the State, for a bit of dinner. The good housewife served him a better repast than be expected, tender and jucy fresh veni son being one of the courses, followed by a tempting display of past.y. Cutting into one of the (lies and tasting the same, his palate was entirely propitiated, and he paid liis com pliments to the lady by way of making an in quiry : “Madam,” said he, “this is a very deli cious pie : but upon my avoid I don’t know wliat is the fruit in it—pray tell me if you please.” “Why! stranger, where did you come from ?” demanded the dame in turn. “Well, I’m from the lower part of the State but no such fruit as this grows there. Indeed madam, I am ignorant of this fruit, and beg you will inform me what it is.” ••Up for Governor,” exclaimed the aston ished woman, “and don’t know huckleber ries! Well I mistrust you ain’t fitten for the office!” T he Governor would have relinquished the track, but hs party wonld’nt let him off; and he was elected in spite of his ignorance of huckleberries. On another occasion he stopped for supper at a cabin not so weil provided as the former. Tli'- poor woman of the house had neither su gar, tea nor coffee, and spread before him a dish of clabber, uttering a profusion of apolo gies and regret that her house was so ill pro vided. “Why, madam,” said he with perfect truth, “I prefer this to tea or coffee, or even straw berries and cream and often take it in prefer ence, on hot evenings like this, when at borne. It requires no apology, for 1 eould’nt be bet ter suited. “Now stranger,” responded the doubting lady, “are you lying jist because you are a candidate ; for I’ve hearn tell them candidates is the liengest critters on the yetli ?” _ The Governor could only vindicate bis truth by bolting a second dish of clabber. GIANTS Going to Atlanta. Our town is about to lose one of its oldest The bed ol Og. was twenty-seven feet long and seven feet broad. The height of Goliah was eleven feet; his coat weighed one hundred and fifty and liis spear nineteen pounds. The body of Orestes, son of Agamemnon, leader of the Grecian expedition against Troy, was elev en ami a half feet high. Maximus a native of Spain , the Roman Emperor, was nine feet high. Maximus, originally from France, an other Roman Emperor, was eight and a half feet high- His'wife’s bracelets served him for finger rings. His strength was such that he could draw a loaded wagon, break a horse’s jaw with his list, erush the hardest stone with his fingers, and cleave trees with liis hand.— His voracity was equal to Ins strength, eating vui M/nu — xuo vuiunij iuw v'juuit w mo om “a 1 1 and most enterprising citizens, in the person i f or ty-two pounds of flesh, and drift ring nine- of John Robson, Sir Mr. Robson has done ; teen bottles of wine daily. Bryne and O'Brien much for Madison in days of yore, and his | x r i«li giants, were eight feet high. A Tenues- withdrawal from our midst, at this time, wdl j see giant lately died, seven feet high, weigli- make a void which will be sensibly felt by our | j n g more than one thousand pounds. The community. He leaves us with the very best t Kentucky giant was seven feet ten inches wishes of our citizens for his future welfare and happiness. His sons, Messrs. Sion B. and i C. R., (we call them Si and Neal,) intend en- I gaging in an extensive grocery business in At- J lanta. We predict for them mueh success in their new home.—[Madison Visitor. fiT* There is thought to be very little use in a man’s meaning well, if he cannot express his meaning by his acts. fir?” We learn from a friend that the Hon. Allen F. Owen, of Talbot county, formerly member of Congress from this State, and Con sul to Havana, under Fillmore’s administra tion, was stricken down by paralysis, on the 28th inst., and doubts ure entertained of his recovery.—[Columbus Times. When will Misreprf *-ntatlon least I Some months ago, we beard it currently reported, that Gov. Brown was very partial the Baptist church, in making his appoint ments to office. Some violent. Anti-Brown men went so far, as to say, that if a man wan ted office under Brown, il was absolutely ne cessary’ that he should be immersed. With all Gov. Brown’s popularity, among the mas ses of Georgia, he is blessed with some of the most willing and ze.'lous enemies, that ever man had the fortune to obuin, many of whom ■are but little what tale they start, so they can start one, which will tend to injure their ernor. We learn on pretty good author ity, that, in certain localities, below this where sectarianism runs high it is being earn- stly reported, that Gov. Brown has appointed ardly any to office, since lie lias been Gover nor except such as arc members of the Baptist church. We understand, that this tale is graveling the rounds, from mouth to mouth and that the policy is to use iU where it will make some votes for Col. Akin, and let other' localities be deprived the benefit of it. This effort, wherever, it lias been made, to bring religious matters, into polities and oper ate upon over-strenous and sensitive religion ists, so as by their church predilections, to in duce them to vote contrary to tlieir political notions is botli shameful and detestable. We want no Baptist, who legitimately belongs to the Opposition by political preference, to vote for Gov. Brown because lie is a member of the Baptist Church. The friends of Gov. Brown should be vigilant not that there is any fear of liis getting beat en, but we want that 36,l>00 majority. The enemies of Gov. Brown wi! I let pass no slander, no insinuation correct no error nor leave any stone unturned by whicli they may hope to gain a vote. The desperation of madness has seized them. Many of them, are eating tlieir own words and are going it blind. One month more of ra ving and tlieir agony wiii be over. But to the main purpose of this article, let us notice Gov Brown's appointments in a religious point of view. Has he given Baptists undue prominence? We answer, unhesitatingly, no. We have ta ken the trouble to secure the religious associa tions of the more prominent appointees under Gov. Brown’s administration; we give tlieir respective Churches. If we have got any name wrong, it has beeii by our being misinformed. Methodist Church.—Eli Me: onnell Prin cipal Keeper. Ga, Penitentiary; Wm. A. Wil liams, Book Keeper ; Dr. Green Supt, Lunatic Asylum; T". B. C'ook, Capt Guards of Peni tentiary ; Presbyterian Church.- -Dr. Case, Plij’si- cian for Penitentiary ; Pro:. Smith, Chaplain Dr. C. Campbell, Commissioner Lunatic Asy lum ; Dr. IS. White, Commissioner Lunatic Asylum; Col. Miller Grieve, Commissioner . Lunatic Asylum ; j Baptist.—Talbot, overseer Car Shop Peni- I tentiarv; ON STATE R< 'AD. I Methodists.—George Kellogg < tenoral Freight Agent &c ; John Anderson, Agent at Marietta'» W. P. Hammond, Agent nt Atlanta; J. R- Wykle, Agent at Cartersville; R. H. Caldwell; Agent at Ringold; Presbyterians.—James Hoge, Agent at At lanta ; Wm. Grumbling, Master Carpenter : W. J. Houston, Assistant R-.>ok Keeper ; Catholics.—John Flynn. Master Machin ist ; Owen Lynch, Book Keeper ; X. H. Doo ly, Supervisor. Episcopalians.—\Vm. H. Barnes. Assistant agent at Atlanta ; E. B. Walker, Master of Tv anspotation. Rapt I is.—John W. Lewis. Superintendant; J. H. Smith, Recording clerk Atlanta ; Jo seph Wood, “ A. H. Northcutt, Agent at Ackworth ; J. E. Elliot, “ Kingston. Primitive Baptist-—J. M. Mims, agent at Calhoun ; Jesse Samford, a^ent at Resaca. The following gentlemen are not members of any church.—Col. May, Treasurer ; Dr. G. D. Phillips. Auditor ; N. J. t amden, agent at Chattanooga ; Lawson Fiel I, trans-shipping agent at Atlanta. The foregoing contains a list ot nearly all the chief appointees in office under Gov. Brown. Of the large number ot mechanics aud laborers, on the State Road, some are Methodists, some Baptists, some Presbyteri ans, some Episcopalians, some Catholics, some Bible-Christiaus, and s >me Universalists The statement published some months since shows, that these are about equally ilistribu. ted in proportion to the relative strength-ol the respective Churches. We have no idea that Gov Brown, in making appointments, ha s ever been controlled by religious bias. We know of several prominent Democrats in Georgia, who are Baptists, who have been refused office by Gov. Brown. ’• 'his Charge - -c*- churcli favortism by Gov. Bro.vn, is of a piece with the Pig Iron charge, without a reasona ble foundation—utterly worthless, and abso lutely mean and contemptible. All such charges will rebound unfavorably upon those who are unscrupulous enough to make them, and unfair enough not to make the amende honorable, when the been told. truth has V.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Atlanta weekly intelligencer. (Atlanta, Ga.) 185?-18??, September 08, 1859, Image 1