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UAILHOAUS.
w,-sim a AthmWr
NIGHT PASSENGER TRAIN—OCTWARP.
Leave Atlanta.... J-J 0 P. R.
Arrive at Calhoun 12 1» a. m.
Arrive at Chhttan- «f* 3 3*' a. m
DAT PASSENGER TH AIN - OUTWARD.
lew re Atlanta.. ......8 15 A u
Arrive »t Catboun 12. 1 p m.
Arrive at Cbattanoo** 4.20 P. M.
ACCOMOD TION TRAIN —OUTWARD.
Leave Atlanta.... 530 P M.
Arrive at Dalton 3.30 p R.
NIOHT PASSENGER TRAIN —INWARD.
Leave Chattanooga 7.50 p. m.
Arrive at Calhoun 11.44 P. R
Arrive at Atlanta 4 14 A. R.
DAT PASSENGER TRAIN —INWARD.
Leave Chattanooira 7 00 a. m.
Arrive at Calhoun ...10 29 A. M
Arrive at. Atlanta 3.27 P. m.
ACCOMODATION TRAIN INWARD.
Leave Dalton 200 p m
Arrive at Atlanta 9 00 a. m.
Georgia Railroad.
DAT PASSENGER TRAIN
Leave Augusta. 7.15 a. m.
Leave Atlanta. 7 00 a. m.
Ariiveat Augusta. 5.45 p. M.
Arrive at Atlanta. 7 10 P. m.
NIGHT PASSENGER AMD MAIL TRAIN.
Leave Augusta. 9.50 p. u.
licave Atlanta 5.45 P R.
Arrive at Augusta. 4.00 a. m.
Arrive at At anta. 8.00 A. m.
Macon & Western.
DAT PASSENGER TRAIN.
Leave Atlanta. 7.55 a. m
Arrive at Mucnn. 1.40 p. M
Leave Macon. 7.55 a. m
Arrive at Atlanta. 2.20 P. u
NIGHT EXPRESS P tSKENGKR TRAIN.
Leave Atlanta 7.18 P. m.
Arrive at Macon 3.23 a m
Leave Macon 8.50 P. m.
Arrive at Atlanta 4.4 H a m.
Rome Railroad.
DAT TRAIN.
Leave Rome 10.00 A M.
ariive at Kingston 11.30 A. u.
Leave Kingston 1.00 p. m.
arrive at Rome 2.30 P. m.
Connecting at Rome with accomodation trains
on Selma, Rome and Dalton Railroad, and at
Kingston with up and down trains Western and
Atlantic Railroad.
NIGHT TRAIN.
Leave Rome 9.30 p. m.
Arrive at Kingston 10 45 p. u.
Leave Kingston 11.10 p. 11.
Arrive at Rome 12*25 p. m.
Connecting at Rome ith tb'ough nigh' trains
en Selma. Rome and Da!ion R ilroad, and at
Kingßli n wiib night trams on Wes and
Atlantic Railro and 'o tlhstianooga and from and
to Atlanta.
Selma, Rome & Dalton.
PAS-KMJEIt Tit AIN
9.80 A A
8 1 5 p 11
at « '■ 'ton 11.50 P a
* o.iNMoOATIOR TRAIN.
>."ave Rome 4.45 p m
Arrive at K me 12.30 r. m.
?ivi 1 ialton lii.(K) a m
’ * iccotnin uti i 1 trim runs fn m Rome to
>i >'onviih‘ ailv, Sundays pxcented
e hi'Ulifb PRS-'en : r ( . r Iraiti nni. will be run
PROFESSIONAL CARDS.'
iV. s. JOHNBOS, , r
Vttorney A t T^aiv,
'ALU OCX, CCo It OIA.
Office in Southeast corner of the
*»'Tt Douse.
| Aug li 1 ts
v ' rv JOS. m’connell.
fain and McConnell,
Vttorneys at I^aw,
(A IAIOI \\ GEOR GIA.
Office in the Court House.
11 1 ts
H. M. TARVER,
Attorucynt Law.
CALUOL'X GEORGIA.
Office in the Court House.
Aug U 1
w. J. CANTRELL,
A-ttoi-ney At Law.
Calhoun, Georgia.
\V I f jL Ti P c aC r t i Ce in tbe Ch "okee Circuit,
trio, n S ‘ Dlstnct Court, Northern Dis
n ‘ of n 6eor K‘ a - < a ‘ Atlanta); and in the Su
preme Court of the State of Georgia.
E. J. KIKER7
Attorney at Law,
CALHOUN ; GEORGIA.
V>!)trr at the Old Stand of Cantrell $ Kiker. J
P ra ctice in all the Courts of the
*Vor(-a. r air»L Cl . r T C^ lt: Su P rcme Court of
a, Un,le ' l SU,e “ Court
WALDO THORNTON
DENTIST,
m,!?r NT
F'IANKFI L for 'orrner patronage, solicits
r»«c CoU^lnußnce th® Pa uie.
over Boa *< Aabrett & Co’s. sepls
Printing neatly executedhere!
POETRY.
Strew the Way with Flowers.
Oh, strew the way with rosy flowers,
And dupe with smiles thy grief and gloom,
For tarnished leaves and songless hours
Await thee in the tomb.
Lo! in the brilliant festal hall
How lightly Youth and Beauty tread!
\ et, gaze again—the grass is tall
Above their charnel bed !
In blaze of nogn the jeweled bride
Before the altar plights her faith:
Ere weep the skies of eventide
Her eyes are dulled in death!
Then sigh no more—if Life is brief
So are its woes; and why repine?
Pavillioned by the linden leaf
*La s.Vwi 11nort nrtn.
Wild music from the nightingale
Comes floating on the loaded breeze,
To mingle in the bowery vale
With hum of summer bees ;
Then taste the joys that God bestows—
Tlu* beaded win*-, the faithful kiss,
For while the tide of Pleasure flows,
Dea' h bears its’black abyss.
In vain the zephyr’s breatli p rfumes
House of Death—in vain its tone
Shall mourn at midnight round the tombs
Where sleep our blackening bones.
The starbright bowl is broken there,
The witchery of the lute o’er,
And—wreck of wrecks!—there lie the Fair,
Whose beauty wins no more!
“Woe Unto Him that Givetli his
Neighbor Drink.”
[llabakkuk, Chap. 11; v. 15.
BY A GOOD TEMPER.
Oh, ye who sell the liquid fire.
To madden and destroy—
That withers every budding hope
And blasts each household joy—
Oh ! think awhile—have ye no hearts
To feel for human woe ?
All may not have the strength of mind,
Temptation to forego.
The seed ye plant is bringing
A harvest, oh, how dread;
’Tis watered with the bitter tears
By wives and mothers shed :
Oh ! stop I pray, and view its fruit,
’Tis ripening at thy door;
Then place before thy fellow man
The damning bowl no more.
Have ye no fond, no loving one,
Who round your heart strings twine,
Whose life may reap the bitter fruit
Planted by hand of thine ?
Go look upon the prattling boy,
And pat his noble head ;
But 011, remember, though he’s born,
Yet, yet he is not dead.
That poor, forsaken, reeling one,
Was once a noble boy—
The pride of some fond sister’s heart
Some mother’s household joy.
How can ye stand and gaze upon
Your quivering victims here,
And think that, at the bar of God
With them ye must appear?
Ye men of God, why will ye stand
In silence all the day,
Nor raise your voices loud and strong,
To do this sin away ?
Your sluggish blood so slowly flows,
Or, stagnant as a pool,
You’ve learned to live, and think and feel,
And speak per chance by rule.
Go reach to him the helping hand,
And bid bin hope once more,
Nor by your cold indifference
Thus aid to sink him lower.
Oh ! bid him stop —this moment stop—
He’s just on ruin’s brink;
Another -top, and neath the waves
Os infamy he’ll sink.
Self-Reliance.
" n- iv is nothing more likely to result
in ».} career of n v nng mnn
! <*• soil -reliance. is as
- n; h w .uch more a y uth will
aec.implisii who relies upon himself,
■ne ho depends upon others for
■ u au.ee'. Having fit seertainedthe
direction in, and the ineansi by which
his object is to be reached, let him put
his whole energies to work, and with un
flagging industry press forward. The
young man who, instead of rising at five,
sleeps till seven or eight, and who
spends his evenings on the corners, or in
the companionship of those who are
wanting in laudable ambition, rarely ev
er wins a position of honor or achieves
a reputation above that enjoyed by the
common masses.
In a country like ours, where the av
enues to honor and wealth are open
alike to all, there is no reasonable ex
cuse that can be offered for a man’s fail
ure to achieve one or the othor, or both.
11l health, or extraordinary misfortune
may keep him down, but these are the
exceptions that establish the rule.
Few men know how much they are
capable of until they have first tested
their abilities. The amount of labor,
literary or mechanical which a person in
vigorous health can perform, is almost
without limit if a systematic method is
adopted and the proper spirit incited to
the effort. An hour each evening spent
with some good author, or in the study
of some branch of useful science, will in
the course of a few years give to a young
man who thus devotes this small portion
of his time an amount of information,
literary or scientific, which cannot fail
to fit him for positions to which he
could never properly aspire without this
attention to study.— Exchange.
An urchin being sent for five cents
worth of maccoboy snuff, forgot the
name of the article, and asked flu five
cents worth of nwke-a-boy sneeze.
Calhoun - , ga„ Thursday: October 13, isto.
Letter from A. H. Stephens.
Lib’ty Hall, Crawfordville,Ga. )
21st September, 1870. j
To the Editor of the Constitutionalist ,
Augusta , Georgia :
Dear Sir —You will, I trust, allow
me the use of your columns to take no
tice of two speeches recently made by
Hon. Amos T. Akerman, Attorney Gen
eral of the United States, as I think due
to myself, due to him, and due to some
at least of the very grave matters refer
red to by him in both.
In the first of these speeches I am
directly charged and accused by him of
having premulgated doctrines which he
characterizes as “pernicious” and which
he says “ must be suppressed .”
is omitted yet iGs umii«i —Axi nt/Tutr.vrfj. |
in like spirit, are chiefly directed against
the same political heresies, according to
his standard.
These dangerous and “ pernicious ”
doctrines, he is pleased to say, are to be
found in the two volumes published by
me upon the “ late wat between the
States.” . ' 7
This quasi public arraignment by the
Attorney General of the United States,
and would-be, perhaps, “ Crown Officer,”
of a firmly established Empire, I am by
no means disposed to evade; and there
fore, ask the favor, through the medium
of the Constitutionalist, to enter a
traverse , and to make known to him and
to the world that I hold myself in readi
ness to meet him or anybody else upon
the merits of his “ Bill of Information ”
thus filed: and without any technical
exceptions on my part, as to the infor
mality in which it has been brought
forward.
The only tribunal I desire is the bar
of an enlightened public opinion. The
only arena I wish for the settlement of
all the questions involved, is the forum
of reason, where no weapons or force
are to be used, but the power of truth
and logic. So armed on such a field, I
do not shrink from the fullest investi
gation of all matters discussed in the
work, to which he alludes, nor from the
judgment which may be rendered upon
them, after such a hearing, by the in
telligent and unbiassed of the present
or future generations.
AY hat, then, are the errors in fact or
argument in either of the volumes refer
red to, whieh, in the opinion of this
high officer, are so dangerous and
“pernicious”—so poisonous and death
producing—as that they ought not to be
thus inquired into, or even tolerated by
discussion, but ought to be summarily
and arbitrarily “ suppressed f”
Ist Is it an erroneous and “pernici
ous doctrine ” to maintain, as the book
does, that the United States constitute
not a single Republic, but a Federal
Republic; and that the Union , about
which Mr. Attorney General says so
much, is a Federal Union —a Union of
separate, distinct States, each State in
the Union being a perfect State, as
known in public law.
2d. Is it an error in fact or doctrine
to maintain, as the book does, that these
States, upon entering into this Union,
were recognized by themselves, as well
as other powers, as seperate, independ
ent sovereign States ?
3d. Is it an error in fact or doctrine,
to maintain, as the book does, that the
Constitution of 1787 is the basis of the
present Union, and that it was formed
by the States, in their sovereign char
acter, and for them in tHcir sovereign
character; or in other words, that it is
a Constitution made by States and for
States; and that the sovereignty of the
States was not parted with by them in
its ratification ?
4th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine
to maintain, as the book does, that the
Federal Government is entirely Conven
tional in its character—that it was
created by the States solely with the
view for the better regulation of their
iuter-State and foreign affairs, and the
greater security of their perpetual exis
tence as sovereign States by their mutual
pledge and guaranty to this end—and
that the Feveral Government, so created,
pessesses no inherent powers whatever—
that all the powers it rightfully holds or
can rightfully exercise are held from the
States and from them by delegation
only ?
sth. Is it an error, in fact or doctrine,
to maintain, as the book does, that all
the powers so held by the Federal or
Conventional Government are particu
larly enumerated and limited in the
Constitution } and that the exercise of
any power outside of these limitations is
nothing but a usurpation, and should be
set aside by the courts as a nullity ?
6th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine
to maintain, as the book does, that the
Constitution of the United States, so
made, was a compact between the States
ratifying it—the States being the par
ties to itj and that it is binding between
them, as all other like compacts by the
laws of nations ?
7th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine
to maintain, as the book does, that all
delegated powers by sovereign States
can; by the laws of nations be right
fully resumed by the party delegating
them; when the purposes for which
they were delegated are not attained ?
Bth. Is it an error in fact to assert,
as the book does that quite a number of
the Northern States of the Union, be
fore the secession of any of its Southern
members (under the influence of that
faithless faction which now rules this
country by fraud and usurpation) did
openly and confessedly refuse to perform
their covenanted obligations under a
clause of the Constitution, without which
that compact never would have been
agreed to, or the Union under it, enter
ed into by the Sonthern States.
9th. Is it an error in fact to state, as
the book does, that the present Chief
Justice Chase fully admitted this breach
of faith on the part of these Northern
States; and openly declared in the
peace Congress of February. 18G1, that
they never would perform these admit
ted obligations on their part ?
10th. Is it an error in fact to main
tain as the book does, that no one of
the Southern States which seceded, or
attempted to secede from the Union
because of this breach of faith on the
part of their Confederates, was ever un
true to her covenants iu the compact of
the Union?
11th. Is it an error in fact or doc
trine to maintain, as the book docs, that
this open and confessed breach of faith
on the part of the Northern Confedc
absolved the Southern States from their
obligations under the compact, and fully
justified their withdrawal ?
12th. Is it an error in fact to main
tain, as the book does, that the cove
nant constitution breaking States did
afterwards hold that the seceding States
were still bound to perform their part
of the compact, notwithstanding their
own acknowledged breach of faith, and
that they went to war against them to
compel them to remain in the Union,
and discharge their obligations under
the Constitution ?
13th. Is it an error in fact or doc
trine to maintain, as the book does, that
the war thus inaugurated, was a “ war
between the States ” and in no proper
or just sense a rebellion or civil war ?
14th. Is it an error in fact to main
tain, as the book does, that the only
pretext on the part of the Northern
States for waging this war, thus inaugu
rated between the States, was the pre
servation of the Union of all the States,
with all the dignity, equality and rights
of the several States unimpaired ?
15th. Is it an error in fact to main
tain, as the book does, that when the
seceding States abandoned their strug
gle for a separation and agreed to the
terms of capitulation, which was sub
stantially an acquiosence, so far as armed
resistance was concerned, in the declara
tion upon which the war was waged
against them; the other States—the
covenant-breakers themselves—u nd e r
the rule of the same revolutionary fac
tion—after the sacrifice of hundreds of
thousands of lives, and thousands of
millions of dollars, changed their posi
tion in Congress, and said that they
could not safely permit that to be done
for which they had waged the war—
that they could not safely allow a resto
ration of the union of the States under
the Constitution for which they had
shed so much blood and expended so
much treasure ! But that these acquies
cing States should be shorn of their dig
nity, equality and rights by a process of
reconstruction according to their liking,
though outside of the Constitution, be
fore being allowed representation in the
Congress of the States ?
16th. Is it an error in fact or doctrine
on the review of this conduct, to ask,
as the book does, “Is there to be found
in the annals of mankind a parallel of
such unblushing, double-faced, insolent
and infamous iniquity ?
These, Mr. Editor, are a few of the
positions and doctrines maintained in
the two volumes referred to by Mr.
Attorney General; and if they, founded
as they are, upon indisputable facts, set
forth irrefutable truths, to what or whom,
let me ask him and the world, is their
promulgation either dangerous or “per
niciousf” Is it to the cause of public
liberty, or to the true friends of the in
stitutions of our ancestors, or only to
the policy and secret designs of those
who are aiming at their overthrow and
subversion ?
Mr. Attorney General, in his bill of
information, makes very few distinct
specifications touching the li pernicious ”
doctrines of the two volumes which, he
says, “ must be suppressed ” Two only
of these are deemed worthy of notice at
this time.
The first is, that I have asserted that
“ the reconstruction measures were mon
strous, and pronounced that all the gov
ernment had done for four years was
monstrous and threatened the liberties
of the people.”
In answer to this I have simply to
say, that if the foregoing position main
tained in the Book are unassailable, is
it not unassailable, is it not undeniably
true that the whole of these Recon
struction measures,” with all their con
comitants, are not only monstrous out
rages, but most deadly bloics directed
at the very vitals of the Constitution, as
well as the liberties of the people.
The other of these specifications is,
that I have attempted to show that
“ Marshall,” and others named by him,
u were wrong, and that Calhoun was
right,” in his views of the Constitution.
In answer to this charge it is only
necessary to refer to the Book itself,
which Mr. Attorney General may very
well wish to have suppressed, if for no
other object than to shield himself from
exposure of having made a very unfair
statement, not to say palpable misrepre
sentation.
In the Book, no opinion of Marshall
is assailed ; but on the contrary some of
the most important positions in it—those
doubtless deemed by the would be
“Crown Officer,” most “pernicious” to
his own views, aims and objects—are
not only fortified but incontestably
established by the authority of the emi
nent Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States.
It was Le who announced from the
bench of that court the most “ pernicious
doctrine,” that the States composing
this Union at the time, formed their
present Constitution as sovereign State*:.
It was he who held and proclaimed
trom the same bench that all the legisla
tive powers of the Congress of States
under t he Constitution, depend upon
the will of a majority of the States.
. . was held in the Convention of Vir
ginia thrt ratified the Constitution, that
the powers conferred by that instrument
could be rightly resumed by those who
conferred them.
These perhaps is the most “ pcrnici
ous of all the doctrines set forth in the
ISook which Mr. Attorney General is so
anxious to have “suppressed ” And
perhaps moreover the true solution of
his unqualified denunciation of the
whole is that the array of facts present
ed in the two volumes, and the irresist
able conclusions established by them,
are so «pernicious ” to the schemes of
ed Empire over the ruins of the princi
ples of that wonderful Federal Union,
established by the “ Fathers,” that
they cannot be tolerated by them ; and
hence the official mandate, that the doc
trines therein set forth “ must be sup
pressed' f” Potent words these and of
most ominous significance coming from
the quarter they did! They express
the unmistakable language of tyrannical
men in power in all ages aud countries,
when they feel the force of truths which
are indeed dangerous and most “ per
nicious” to their own guilty acts of
usurpation upon the rights of States as
well as the liberties of outraged people!
This language from the present Attor
ney-General smacks strongly of like
cabinet anathemas, of the nationalists,
centralists and consolidationists of this
country in 1798-99 which ended in the
ever memorable Alien and sedition
“ laws, so-called ,” of that period.
The doctrines of the advocate of con
stitutional liberty under our Federative
System at that day, as promulgated, not
by Mr. Calhoun, as Mr. Attorney Gen
eral most adroitly attempts to make the
people believe, but by Mr. Jefferson and
his associates was. that the acta of usur
pation were not laws but nullities.
The doctrines inculcated in the two
volumes referred to, Mr. Attorney Gen
eral well knows, are the doctrines of
Mr. Jefferson, the great apostle of the
American Federative system for the
maintenance and preservation of institu
tions by neighboring States. They are
the doctrines which in 1798-’99 were,
as now, considered exceedingly “ per
nicious ” to their schemes by all the
enemies of the institution. By the ear
nest promulgation of these doctrines,
and a firm maintenance of them at the
polls, by the peoples’ of the several
States of this Union, the rights of the
States, as well as their own, were res
cued from the hands of usurpers at that
time, and on a like promulgation and
maintenance of the same doctrines at
this time, rests the only sure hope of
the future rescue and preservation of
the same rights and liberties from the
hands of the usurpers who now bear
sway. One of the most important as
well as saving of the principles of these
doctrines is that no danger need ever be
feared in a free country from any error
of opinion or doctrine however great,
“ where reason is left free to combat it.”
This Cabinet ukase of Mr. Attorney
General shows nothing more clearly
than the power of the truths promulga
ted in the two volumes thus denounced.
He and his associates know and feel,
that by nothing short of a suppression
of these truths directly or indirectly,
and the obliteration, if possible, of all
the great facts of our history, can they
bring the public mind to receive the
doctrine attempted to be instilled by
him in his Atlanta speech, which am
ounts to this that the States of this
Union have no higher position in the
scale of existence than mere legal cor
porations.
I will not say that such a doctrine
ought to be suppressed, but with all the
respect for high official position which
I can command, I will say that the At
torney General of the United States, in
putting forth such sentiments ought to
have blushed, if not for his own reputa
tion, at least, from a proper sense of
reverence for the memories of the illus
trious dead.
The Union of these States, nothing
but a Union of a sort of corporations to
be fashioned, moulded, controlled, and
shorn of their rights by and at the will
of the Central Government!
“ This “ Confederacy ” of States, as
Marshall styled it on the bench of the
Supreme Court —this Confederated Re
public,” as Washington styled it in his
message to the Senate—this “ Union of
Sovereign members,” as Jackson spoke
of it in his inaugurated address, accord
ing to the teachings of the present At
torney General, is nothing but an aggre
gation of corporations! Mere creatures
of municipal law! This, in substance
is my understanding of his most in
siduously inculated imperializing doc
trine.
If by the suppression of truth , this
doctrine can be established, then, in
deed, will be consumated that most
lamentable result which Hamilton
thought need never be feared, even by
the most vigilant and zealous guardians
of popular rights, when he declared in
the Convention of New York, which
ratified the Constitution, that “ The
States can never lost 7 , their powers till
the whole people are robbed of their
liberties .” Ycurs most respectfully,
Alexander H. Stephens.
——
Quite Out of Date. —Isabel: “But,
grandma dear, she’s not a bit pretty,
looks very stupid and hasn’t a shilling.
What can he be going to marry her for?”
Grandma: “Well, my dear, you will
think it one of my old-fashioned notions
—but perhaps it is fir love.”
The Siege of Strasbourg.
Every day the effect of the new bat
toricj is shown in increased damage to
the fortifications. Desperate efforts are
constantly made to cheek the progreas of
the besiegers. Finding that the fire
trom the walls inflicts but little injury
upon the German lines, the garrison
stnves by sorties to retard tho progress
of the attacking force. Last night a
vigorous sortie was made. With the
courage of despair, the French troops
threw themselves between the third and
second parallels, and took the troops of
the latter by surprise. As the
guns are breech-loaders for the most part
they cannot be spiked and thus rendered
useless. It requires some time to dis
lodere them from their places On the
pieces, and inflict losses upon the aofena
ers of the trenches. These losses have
been considerable, yet they can easily be
borne by the Germans. The besiegers
out-numbered the garrison by at least
four to one. When the time comes for
storming the fortress, this disparity of
numbers will make the task of the attack
ing party a very simple one. In order
to make assurance doubly sure, rein
forcements continue to arrive. General
Werder has resolved that, when he gives
the word to move forward, failure shall
be almost impossible.
Although Strasbourg is closely invest
ed and the batteries are directed yerainst
all assailable points, yet the principal
fire is brought to bear upon the portion
of the works adjoining the station of the
railway to Paris. I succeeded in getting
a good view of the operations there.—
Starting from the Mundolsheim, a vil
lage about four miles from Strasbourg,
and the seat of General Werder’s head
quarters, I walked along the road for
about two miles until L reached an.fn r
village called Xiedeih usberu m. Ti c
road which at first runs up the side of a
hill here descends and runs along the
slightly flat ground on this side of Stras
bourg. To the right is a hill covered
with vines, whence a good view may b
had both of the city and surrounding
country. Half way up this hill is asi ■-
mar house, which is used as a piae - 0
observation. As I had been allowed to
penetrate thus far within the lines, the
sentries seemed to think that it was need
less to ask me to show my pass, nor did
the soldiers in the summer house make
any objection to my joining them. In
deed, they appeared only too ready to
welcome the bearer of a glass by whieh
they could distinguish everything which
was being done in their own lines and
within the city.
• *
Both these soldiers and others with
whom I conversed, expressed great sor
row at the necessity which had imposed
on their army the task of partially des
troying such a city as this. They all
wished that it might be taken in order
to put a stop not merely to the effusion
of innocent blood, but to the destruc
tion of private property. The German
soldier is the reverse of bloodthirsty and
barbarous. He likes to conquer, but no
taste for slaughtering foes and sacking
cities. And all are most anxious that
such a splendid edifice as the cathedral
should be uninjured. It is greatly to be
feared, however, that the cathedral will
long bear marks of the destructive or
deal through which it has passed. The
close inspection which I was able to
make from the spot I have named, more
than confirmed the impression produced
by a view from a greater distance. The
nave appears to be in ruins. Where
stately houses lined spacious streets, are
now to be seen shapeless piles of stones.
Should thew r ork of destruction continue
much longer, Governor Ulrich w ill have
little to surrender, and General Werder
little to capture.
The fire of the German artillery men
is much better sustained than that of the
French. The former keep pouring a
continuous stream of cannon balls and
shells into the fortifications. At inter
vals the French reply by a simultaneous
fire, continue this for several minutes to
gether, and then pause as if in order to
concentrate their energies for another
combined effort. The effect is that of a
huge mastiff which remains silent while
a group of smaller dogs keep up an in
cessant snarling, and then suddenly
springing up, frightens his assailants by
several ominous growls and a nieuacing
attitude. There is this difference be
tween the two cases that the German
artillerymen instead of being terrified
by the tactics of the enemy, maintain
their fire with a regularity and precision
which must insure their success at n<>
distant day. lam informed th ; t the
number of wounded cit izens is very largo
More than once Governor Ulrich ha.-
sent an application, under a flag of truce
for lint and bandages for the uso.J’ these
unfortunate combatants. On tire las
occasion it was stated that as many -
one thousand citizens had been wound and
In striking contrast to the op-rati ns in
the vicinity of the city, was the w rk in
progress at no great distance. The cr p
had all been reaped. A few men and
several women were engaged in <rith r
ing in the harvest of the bountiful earth
almost within sight of the ground where
death was reaping a harvest of precious
human lives.
As I returned to the village where 1
intended passing the night. I found the
road almost choked with carts filled with
gabions. These gabions were being taken
to the trenches to be used in erecting
new batteries. Day after day, fire is
opened from an increased number of
guns, and the new guns are nearly al
ways of larger calibre than the old ones.
Correspondent London News.
Three things to love —Courage, gen
tleness and affection.
Number 10.
Meeting Hotel Expenses,
‘ Aro you the keeper of this ’ere Uvl
ern . inquire,! a tall, lanky ii,d?r.dual
belonjttnjr to the Ke*i a ,e,t, V, r th
l aruhna troops, and then in the Confed
erate States service.
‘*l am the proprietor of thbhott f fr_
plied the bustling little hotel keeper of
an establishment not far from Kich
inond. “What can Ido for you?”
do u for a bod ?” wild
tne soldier.
‘ Seren dollars, sir," responded the
gentleman addressed.
‘ Only seven dollars you sav ! W»*l|
that is cheap. dog.gone if it ain’t.—
Here s a Confederate five, and there’s a
two; its all right ain’t it. mister V’
f,ir ’ M r fi ,lied it’s
one oFTiis companions.
*‘l hearn him. * was the response.
“And you hearn him, too, didn't yott.
Ike ?” inquired he of another.
“In course I did,” was the reply. “I
\spect it’s all right between you.”
“That’s a blessin’, anyhow.” said the
soldier. “And now, es you’d only trav
elled as far as I hev, you would want to
sleep mighty sudden.”
“Certainly, sir, all right,” exclaimed
the’landlord. as he proceeded to direct a
servant to show the gentleman to his
apartment.
The soldier slept soundly, but \6ry
early in the morning he was seen de
scending the stairs with the mattress,
upon which he had slept, carefully tied
up aud slung over his shoulder, lie
had not proceeded far, however, before
he was met by the astonished landlord,
who indignantly demanded what he w <-
doing with that bed.
“Gwine to take it out to the regi
ment,” coolly remarked the soldier.
“ You are. are you ? roared the exas
perated landlord; how dare you carry
off my property in that manner.
“Your pn perty ? Well. 1 like that T
didn’t 1 give you seven dollars for this
ere bed only last night, and didn’t two
of our fellows hear the trade ? Your
property, ch !”
“The seven dollars y u paid me vv
for your lodging, 0 said the pr p- r,
growing somewhat ir to s h sj>
“Nary lodgin’ ei 1 know it.” re;-p fl
ed the soldier. “I paid you what ym
axed for a bed. and yer own price, and
accordin' to nutur of a trade the bed is
mine.”
“Well, sir, interrupted the angry host,
and what do you ask for ymr bed ? I
want it.”
“Now ycr talkin’.” replied the North
Carolinian, as he dumped the bed up n
the floor, and Carelessly throw hin self
upon it. “ I w.*nt to be reas. n.ibe, and
being its you. I’ll let you have the bed
for fifteen dollars.”
“Fifteen dollars!” gasped the land
lord.
“Just so,” quietly remarked the sol
dier, “es a man don’t make one hun
dred per cent, darn me if he can pay
hotel expenses.”
The landlord paid the money and
probably avoided speculating with any
of the North Carolina troops.
McMahon Facing Deatii.-A F-ench
officer who escaped to Belgium, writes :
To relate what McMahon did, is im
possible— steel, fire, melted metal explo
sive balls, and I don’t know what other
infernal mixtures the Prussians there
made use of for the first time, appeared
to stream off or to rebound from him like
hail from a roof. He went to the front
seeking death. “Leave me,my friends,”
he said to as all. who sought to prevent
him from going forward, “let me show
those Kings, those Princes, who hide be
hind their masses of men, that a mar
shal of France knows how to fight, and,
when beaten, how to die.” And he
smiled upon us a sad smile, which made
us weep, and redoubled our rage. Ah,
miserable ! We kill, we massacre, and
the living appear to spring up from the
dead, which we heap up around us. We
climbed a little mountain of dead bodies
that we might reckon h>w long the
butchery would last. My sabre, broken
and reeking, fell from my hands when 1
saw what masses we had still to deal
with. The plain, the horizon, was black
with dust. We were but ants in a largo
anthill. “Marshal,” I said, “we have at
least 200.000 men before as.”
“No,” he replied, gently. ‘ thr hri
dred.”
At that momen* a cloul p ~ and Vre
my eyes and we went mad. We r«. aiu.d
our senses only wh o we found ours Ives
beyond the hordes of Uhlans wh > at
tacked us We had been fortunate
enough to reach the Belgian frontier.
We were safe, but at what a sacrifice.
M a kino Great I’r s!—Tv.
Duteh firmer* at Kinderh >»k wWo
farms wore adj leenf. wct* --at in sh ir
rsp e-five field 4?, wh n one ho rd m :n
usual loud hallooing in the direction of
a gap n a high >t ne wall, and nn with
all his -j*o I to tile place, and the 1 1-
lowing brie: e- uversation ensued :
“Shon, vat i«fi te matter?”
“Yell, den,” says John, “I vas trying
to climb on te top of dish high stone
vail, and I foil <*ft. and all te stone vail
tumble down onto me. and has broke one
ov mine bgs off. and bAh ov my ribs
in. and desn piir stones are lying on de
top ov mine b dy V*
“Ish dot all ?” says the other ; “vy,
you ho’ow so big 1 ud I tot you got and i
toofache.”
Rutland Vt., has a woman who is
married to two men. and they don’t know
which has the most right to her. She
says it don’t make a particle of differ
ence to her how they settle it, as sh«
con get al<mg with anybody.