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that persons may come forward in other
counties to anticipate my reac dug them, and
(o give me their aid, in tins most important un
dertaking. 1 intend to persevere until 1 suc
ceed all over it eland. Knowing as 1 do, that
when a plan of public policy is in itself useful,
it requires nothing but a perseverance of exer
tions to secure success. I am, therefore, de
termined to persevere. All I ask is assistance.
It is not too much to expect that one man in
each barony will give me his aid.
We have every stimulant to urge us to at
tempt all peaceable, legal, and constitutional
means, of alleviating the present miseries of
Ireland. In (lie present moment of political
destituti >n when the A Igerine coercion bill of
the false Whigs has shed a night of political de
solation around Ireland, it is doubly incumbent j
on us to leave no stone unturned, no means un
tried, which can in any manner contribute to '
restore constitutional freedom and independ
ence to Ireland.
How often have knaves and drivellers asset t
ed that Ireland might commit her fate and for
tunes to the kindness and care of the British !
Parliament, which do her justice as soon as !
that Parliament was freed from aristocratic con
troul, and weeded of the mock representatives |
of rotten boroughs. “Wait awhile,” was the j
cry, “until you see what a reformed Parliament ■
will do for the British empire in general, and
for Ireland in perticular.”
Well, we have a Reformed Parliament, and
what have they done for Ireland.
First—They have produced a Grand Jury
Bill— a trashy involved, confused, impractica
ble Grand Jury Bill. A bill which will never
pass into a law, or if it do, then for one abuse
it may possibly abolish, it must inevitably
create ten greater and more permanent.
Secondly—There is a Special Jury Bill for
Ireland, brought down from the Lords. I will
not anticipate the fate of that bill, but this I
will assert, that a more impudent specimen of
audacious humbug was never obtruded on an
insulted nation. I intend to show forth all its
deformities the first possible opportunity.
Thirdly—there is the Church Reform Bill
for Ireland—Ob! monstrous delusion ! I my
self was never so deceived as I have been by
Lo <1 Althorp’s spe ch on Mas subject. Per
haps, in the annals of either private or Parlia
mentary delusion, there never was any thing
equal to that successfully pactised on me as
well as on others, relative to this pseudo
Chnrch Reform Bdl. For the present, i will
onlv point out these dejects in the bill.
11 does not touch upon, or even once mention
Tidies at all. Os course it does not lessen the
burthen of tithes by one single shilling.
It does not diminish the revenues of the es
tablishment by one shilling. It diminishes the
income of particula: clergymen; but the people
will have to pay the s one amount in monev as
before to “tlu* establishment.” That is—die
Catholic and Presbyterian population will have
to pay precisely the same sum in money to
“th<' establishment” that they paid before this
bill was brought into parliament.
The only t••duction of charges upon the peo
pie in the bill is of part — and I now Ji nd of
part o»ly— of the vestry cess. Lord Althorp
Calculated the reduction at 70,0001. year. It
W.ll not amount to 20,000. per annum—perhaps
Dot to half that sum. I
I Ims the rmtii t extr nt of relief given by the
elm cli reform bill is—say from ten to twenty
thousand pounds a year spread all over the
Irish nation.
I will not dwell longer on this sapient mea
sure !!! 11 is a reloim which is insulting to
th" Protestants of Ireland without being satis
factory to the Catholics.
II »w 1 long to see the day when the sound
sense of lhe lush Protestants will teach them
that a snuggle foi ascendency is again in vain.
I!i ■ Catholics desetVe no lung but egu litu—
They have obtained that • quality of cjvil
r gins. Let but the L isa Protestants aiQUiesce
in the existence ot that equality which is no
longvi capable of being deranged, mid upon
the acquiescence we will erect the safe and per
manent stiuc u e ol Irish prosperity.
Lut the fn st step to attain the peace of Ire
land is the removal of Lmd Anglesey. Until
he is leun.ved from the adm mistration of lhe
afTtirs of that counny, there may be the calm
of despotism lor a season, but theie can never
be permanent iraqudity, or any thing like pros
pvi oy in 11 eland.
lu my next letter, whilst I continue to urge
the plan ol electoral organization, i will point
out moie m detail the various ch cmnstances 1
Which impeiatively demand the recall of Lotd
Anglesey. The mte.est of the England re-I
quae th.it he should not be any longer permit
ted tosacrtfice the safety ol boll! coun ties to I
the gratification of his unwise desire for pow- 1
er. r
Let but the people of Ireland await cotn-
Hii' events. Ibe march ol political improve
ni< ii' may be retarded loi a moment, but it
wni soon overtime eveiy obstacle, and pro
ceed Wl> h acceleiated rapidity. There ate '
bd’ei •lays hi store for both countties, and
he triumph ot the democratic principles in
the one wdl be the political salvation of both.
J have the tumor to be
rellow countiymen,
\mu faithful servant,
Daniel o’connell.
Napoleon, by his wdl made at St.' Helena
lefi .o h.s son his aims, which he thus described’
—nn o ms. namely, lU> sword, the same winch
J woe at AnsiCilitz the s ibre of Sobieski
p.matd, my cutlass, M. M. B tnand,
IM nchaiid, ami othet companions of Napoleon’s
cxde ueie appointed deposit it ies, and were to
tr msin. the objects deposited in their hands to
th' *.m of N ipoleon on his attaining the age
of 21 When young Napoleon became of age
h- w<> |,boring under a mortal disease, and
die I betoie he c <mld receive his father’s legacy.
1 he objects are still in the " mds of lhe deposi
ts ies, who have thought p.oper to take coua-
St Is opinion as to what they are to do, in order
xi L ' disengaged from responsibility.—
IM I ate.nv, an advocate of the Royal Court
Ol t .Its, has <lr ,wn up an opinion, to which he
piopo.es the following three questions:—“Do
Ji' °* belong M , ria Louisa,
that is to say, the Austrian ? Do they belong
to the father’s TaftrHy «*» i*. flu . r>o imiy
long to (he French •i-ilion ?” The opinion of
M. Oddlon Barrot, Paillet, and Philip Dtipiti,
in conformity with that of M. Paterny, is that
the arms of Napoleon are national property,
and that the state has a right to claim them, to
be deposited in a public establishment.
TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH.
Blaye May 10.
The Commandment of Blaye to JZ. the Presi
dent of the Council.
Madame the Duchess of Berry was safely
delivered of a daughter this morning, at half
past three o’clock. The pains of travail lasted
i twenty minutes.
j M. Dubois, as well as myself, was a witness
of the accouchment. The other witness ar
j rived afterwards. The verification will be
; made in the manner agreed upon between the
Duchess and me. She will herself present the
infant, and declare that it belongs to her.
The mother and the infant are well, only the
j little girl is somewhat feeble. The Duchess is
full of maternal affection. She declares that
she will not have a nurse.
| At the moment of signing the declaration
j Deneux added, “Z have delivered Madame
' (he Duchess of Berry, the lawful wife of Count
Hector Luchesi Palli, Prince of Combo Fran
co, Gentleman of the Chamber of the King of
the Town Sicilies.”
i DOMESTIC.
TO THE PEOPLE.
OF THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN DIVISION OF
THE STATE OF GEORGIA.
Fellow Citizens'.
! To prevent misrepresentation and to enable
, you to form a correct opinion of the amend
, meats proposed, respecting the reduction of the
I Legislature, as recommended by the recent
Convention at Milledgeville, I deem it a duty
that I owe to the county, to lay before you a
plan and distinct view of the reasons which in
duced a large majority of your delegates to con
cur in those amendments: while performing this
duty, Ish dl strictly adhere to facts, leaving
every one to form his own opinion of them and
instead of attempting to conceal, it is my great
desire to spread the whole truth before the peo-
I pie of Georgia. So fir as relates to myself, I
do not hesitate to say, that I went into the cou
’ vention with a determination, as far as it was
' practicable, to reconcile the various and con
flicting interests of the State, I was averse to
doing any gross injustice to any of the parts.
As soon as the convention was organized, I
moved to raise a committee to be composed •of i
i three from each judicial circuit to devise some i
plan which might form a basis, on which our fu
ture operatiqns might be predicated; The
committee was appointed and after due consid-
i eration, they reported, That the State should
be laid off into thirty-six senatorial districts;
That the House of Representatives, should
consist of 144 membersand no more; that
j each county should have one Representative.
I and the excess should be distributed among the
j most populous counties, agreeable to federal ;
members. This report by no means met my
I approbat ion, but being, the chairman of the com.
I mittee, I reserved my opposition, until it came
before lhe convention I had however in com- '
mittee, been a good deal surprised, bv the hon
orable delegate from Chatham, offering in wri
ting an amendment ; that the senatorial districts
should be founded on Federal numbers, and
from that time, I beg m to suspect that efforts
would be made prejudicial to your best inter- i
ests, and which subsequent events realized.
Enly in the debate on the first section of the
report, I took occasion to avow my predilec
tion for a Territorial basis for the Senate, and
population for the House of Representatives ;
my plan was to divide lhe State into two equal
pat ts, and until that could be geographically ,
done, i assumed a line running across lhe conn- i
try from Richmond, to Muscogee county, in
cluding all ’he counties it touched, in the '
Southern Division. I • ndeavoured to demon
stiate that this territory, though less populous
than the northern division, had many and im
portant interests which required permanent
protection. Though its population was
only about 140.000, it paid into the Stale Ties
ury, three eighths of the revenue. That the
agricultural ex torts of the S. ate, only in its
gfnt staples, cotton and rice, amount to
$7,700,000 of which that section contributed
more titan one moiety, of all that produced bv
die northern division, though it comprised a
representative population of upwards of 300,000
Thai thi six seaboard counties alone furnished
in sea isl nd cotton and rice $1,700,000 of their
foreign exports, while under the pi esent con
stitution they only had 18 votes in bodi branch
es. That the southern being the weaker inter
est, yet contributing so much in sustaining the
commercial character, and fisc d interests of the
, State, required protection. I ad veiled to oui
| long and irritating dispute with the Federal
Government respecting the tariff: showing '
tiiai th‘e 7 southern States supplied upwards of
7-10 ot materials for foreign < xport, notwith-!
standing which we were compelled by a major- '
ity m Congress, influenced by the m mufaciur
ing interests ot (he north, to pay 2-3 of lhe ex- .
penses ot the Government. That the bold ,
and elaborate discussion on these facts, had .
di aw n forth at las-, but one opinion, throughout
the V nited States of 'he injustice of our being,
thus oppressed, merely b.-cause we were in ./
minority; sustained as 1 conceived I was bv
the stiong analogy be ween lhe two cases, 1 feit .
a confident hope that our pretensions would re
cetve the support of all the enlightened states
men in the convention, but in this expectation,
I must confess I was most egregiously disap-’
pointed. 1 .
h
As the business of the Convention progres- >
sed, the views of diffeient interests gradually
developed themselves. First, a delegate from ' I
Gieen proposed as an amendment to the report !'
“that lhe State should be laid off mto senatorial
districts according to Federal numbers.” To 1
this particular amendment and its operation, fel
j low-citizens, I solicit your undivided attention 1
•j because of its oppressive influence on the south
ern and eastern parts of the Slate, and the fol
lowing short calculation, clearly proves it so.
The whole representative population of the
State is about 444,000, now divide the number
by 36, the proposed senatorial districts, and
you wdl find that each district must comprise a
representative population of between 12 and
13,000, so that 38 counties which the southern
division of lhe slate embraces, would have had
a fraction over eleven senatorial districts, the
remaining 25 would have been in lhe noithern
division. When by the present amendments
the same territory is secured 19 senatois, in
stead of 11. In forming these districts on the
federal basis, in many parts of the southern di
vision, it would have taken from seven to four
counties; for instance, Camden, Glynn, Wayne,
Appling, Ware, Telfair, and Irwin, 7 to have
one senator. Thomas, Decatur, Baker, Early,
Lowndes and Randolph, 6 one senator. Liber
ty, Tatnall Bryan and M’lntosii, one senator,
though M’lntosh is the 12ih county, in paying
the highest tax to the state. From this brief
summary, fellow.citizens, were you prepared
to make this iniollerable sacrifice; was the Do
mocracy of the county to be bound hand and
foot, and delivered over to the Aristocracy ;
were you disposed to be thrown into such a mi
nority and placed at the mercy of a majority,
with whom in a great many instances you have
no common interest, either agricultural or com
mercial, and to make this sacrifice solelv to sus
tain the federal basis ; all the subsequent ma
neuvering in the convention, turned mainly on
this point and more or less effected the political
and local interests in the final adjustment of the
important question which we had to decide.
Aware of the delicacy, as well as danger of our
situation, 1 frankly confess, I did not hesitate
to advise aud persue the course which has so
fortunately brought us, through. I had long
anticipated the quarter from whence, by blend
ing mutual interests, founded on principle jus
tice and die good of the whole state, we might
sustain ourselves. The appeal was made to the
highminded and patriotic west, who had with
us shoulder to shoulder, sustained the great
cause of Union in the state, against the assaults
of many deluded citizens. The western peo
ple had long cherished a desire to have white
population mado the basis for the House of
Representatives and to obtain this great object
they acquiesced in a territorial basis for the sen
ate, and on this reciproci y of interest a com
promise was effected which secures to every
part ol the country a fair and equal representa
tion tn botii branches of the Legislature. The
late convention by having made white popula
tion (he basis of representation is not the first
in setting the example. It has been incorpora
, lino most of the constitutions which has been
recently formed in the southern slates. An
honorable delegate from Oglethorpe of high
standing admitted “that it was the true basis,
but subjected to be modified by circumstances.”
Li the situation in which the southern division
then stood, did such ciicumstances intervene?
I humbly conceive they did not according to
the proposed plan. We were already in a mi
nority in the House of R presentatives, consti
tuting only abom one thud, in human probabil
ity likely so to continue. By the act of the
Legislature and “the oath taken,” each county
i was secured one representative and but a very
few in (he southern division could expect to re
tain more by a temporary agreement, much
less to gain it by any future ratio ; to us then it
was demonstrable, that we could not loose by
the white popul ti m as a basis, not giin by in
sisting on federal numbers for the lower house,
but on the other hand, have we not gamed em
inently in the senate. Tne 38 counties as al
ready observed are to bo represnted in that
body by 19 senators, instead of eleven which j
would have be n tlfeir pioportiori by federal I
nuinwe* shrill houl in the scn'ito h positive ;
veto on any future amendments that may be ■
proposed io ihe constitution ; and with respect
to the piotection of our slave properly, by an
union with a similar interest in the middle region
of the state, a decided majority.
Fellow-Citizens, I might rest here my own
justification and that of a large m ijority of your
delegates for having abandoned the federal basis
and thereby securing io the district of country
that you occupy, a protection and future weight
in the Legislature, which was little anticipa
ted when the convention assembled and instead
of eliciting censure, ought to draw forth an uni
versal feeling ol gratulation. But a high sense
of duty imposes on me though an humble indi
vidual, and but recently engaged in in the coun
cils of lhe state, the necessity of going further
into an exposition of this subject and-anticipa
ting tue grounds which will be taken to pro
duce dissatisfaction and distrust among many
good, but uniformed citizens. 1 beg leave to
premise the following remarks by asserting that
tne frequent attempts, which of late yeais have
been made to alter and reduce the representa
tion of the state, have invariably proceeded di
rectly or indirectly from the rich,populous, and
middle counties: as one instance 1 refer to a j
meeting held at Milledgevillee about twelve !
monJis ago, to the address and documents ex- 1
hibited to the public by an honorable commit
tee of that body ; to their proposed call of a ;
convention in February last, to which each |
county was invited to send Delegates, in pro
portion to their number in the House of Rep- !
resentatives, evidently thereby securing to them
selves by this very provision, the control in that i
convention, if it had assembled : this was a
stioke of policy to perpetuate power, prostrate
that of the south and bind the growing west '
with cords which even their increasing popula
tion,could not have surrendered: that this would
have been their policy is now clearly demon
strated by the proposition hereiolore mentioned
made in die convention by the honorable and
talented delegate from Greene, as well as many
who voted on the same side. To obviate this '
pernicious result and that all parts of the state
might be represented in the formation of this
fundamental law. I used last session in the
Senate, my hnnble exertions to get through the
law, under which the convention recently as
<"tnbled : and 1 feel too strong on the ground, '
I then took to admit that party motives influen
ced either the conduct of myself or friends.
It was certainly evident that there was a par
ticular interest in the late convection, which
■ expressed , A to
basis established for the senate and thtee argu
ments were urged to sustain it. The first was.
that by incorporating it into our fund imental
law, it would on lhe floor of Congress, strength
en our right, to that proposition of our repre
sentation, which was founded on our black
population. To this it was replied, that this
right was protected by the Federal Constitu
tion, and was the result of compromise, and now
well understood by all parties, if touched,
would produce a severance of the Union: but
that Alabama and othet states, had actually in
corporated the white basis, in their fundamen
tal law, without any of the dangerous consequen
ces here anticipated a rising therefrom. The
second argument was, that if we did not incor
porate it into our state constitution, we should
lose a superiority in the Legislature which
would always be a protection to this particular
species of property from excessive taxation : to
this it was answered, that this species of prop
erty was now so generally spread over the state
that a common interest secured its protection :
as another honorable delegate from Oglethorpe
had stated on the floor of the convention, that
the middle counties possessed upwards of
70,0b0 slaves, so that, that district of country,
connected with the east wouid always secure
the owntfr from any onerous burthen, that might
hereafter be attempted to be laid on it besides
the mineral region of the state uould draw large
numbers theie, as black labor was cheaper than
while : the third argument was intended to op
erate more on our fears than on our reason : it
was that striking out federal numbers from our
organic law, would encourage visionary philan
thropists, as well as sectional demagogues to
push the principle of universal emancipation.
To this it was rejoined that lhe interest in this
property was so genearl in the southern states,
that no fears ought to be entertained on the sub
ject.
That the reduction in the representation
may not have been carried as far as some may
have anticipated, is admitted but still it has been
considerable: The senate heretofore compo
sed of 90 is now reduced one half and the other
bouse has lost near one seventh of ns members;
perhaps it is more congenial to the spirit of
these people, that neither branch should be re
duced too low, as it would have a tendency to
throw the control of legislation into the
hands of the. wealthy of the country ; nor
can any unjust conplaint be now made,
against the number in either branch, especially
when we comp ire them with our sister state.
South-Carolina whose senate consists of 45 and
house of representatives 125 She is an old
state fur less than our own while we have an
extensive and fertile region yet to fill out and
ought to be represented, if the expense, as
heretofore alledged, as one of the principal
causes of complaint io be great, let the people
instruct their members to reduce the pay in i
proportion io the length of the session; for the '
first 20 days so much per diem, half that sum
for the next 10 d lys and one fourth for the re
mainder of the time—such a provision would
he an effectual remedy and is always in (be
hands of the people. Having now fellow-cit
izens with as much brevity, as the subject would
permit performed the duty, which a sincere re
gard for the peace and happiness of the whole
state, has imposed on me, I have but little to
add, but what is of high import to yourselves,
(here can be no doubt, but that a great struggle
and powerful opposition wdl be m ide to pre
vent the ratific ition of the proposed amend
ments : a strong appeal wdl be addressed to the
northern and middle region of the slate, back
ed by all the demonstrations which arithmetical
calculation can array and enforce and every
I argument will be used to show that their inter
|est has been sacrificed. Still i have no fears
but that the patriotic citizens of the west will
! soon discovei that they have gained a great and
important point, by elevating their character
as free men, and raising it above the servile
grade—that having now established white pop
ulation as the true basis they secure in future
an increasing preponderance in the House of
Representatives solar as relates to our own sec
tional interest. I pray you fellow-citizens to
euquue, and calmly calculate before any of you
decide against adopting lhe proposed amend
ments: if they are now rejected, and any other
convention hereafter assembles rest, assured
that you will be at the mercy of an overwhel
ming m ijority.
Perhapse you may now be tauntingly fold,
that it was proposed to make but 33 senatoiial
districts, each to be composed of three contig
uous counties, by which the southern division
would have been put on an equal footing with
the northern, and with the same breath the mo-'
fives of your delegates may be impugned. I
deny that there would have been the same e
quality, for the obvious reason that the south
ern division contains but 38 counties while the
northern has but 25—besides this proposition
came too late, it was made when the midland
! counties found that the sceptre was passing
| from their hands, it was suspected to be made
( on t.;e political maxim, “divide and conquer.”
it has believed to be made hereafter, to nro
duce political effect, and to be used as an ar
| gument against the ratification of the amend
| ments, but in addition, it was made to men of
I principle and patriotism, unaccustomed to vio-
pl, ? h ' ed and th at faith having
r.ts foundation the peace and harm-mv of
lole state. The great question must then
tud±± ’he calm and unbiassed
judgement of every citizen—of such let me ask >
do you wish a reductmn in the representation, 1
dyou do vote to ratify the proposed amend
ments. Is the southern division of the State !
anxious to preserve their rights, be protected .
and have a respectable voice in the Legislature
then unantmously ratify the amendments, for be
assured you wdl never again have a like op
portunity of seeming your vital interests. List
en not citizens of Georgia to those, who as a
party, or from sectional interests, have not obi
tamed all they sought—they may present you '
calculations, and ofi-r you plausible arguments ’
to dissuade you from sanctioning the proceed
mgs of the late convention—but let tne tell vou
the final result, if the proposed amendments
are not ratified, we shall be thrown back on the '
representation as now organized in the present '
constitution, for believe me, there will bi no fu-. '
, ttlTe convention called : those who have hither
. to been such strenuous advocates will hereafter
. oppose such a measure, because their situation
| wdl every day be getting worse. A whiterep
. resentative population is a powerful principle
. which the longer it is agitated, the stronger
; hold it will take on the minds of the people
3 and sooner or later must prevail—the alterna-
. tive then, is either to accept the proposed
; amendments or continue your existing repre
, sentation. Fellow-Citizens, reflect well on
t these considerations, and I cannot but hope
. that Providence in this, as well as on many oth*
. er occasions, will guide vou to a correct result
J VCOB WOOD,
Delegate from M’lntosh.
Potosi t May 27th, 1833.
Fram. the Western Freeman.
THE TABLES TURNED.
Shelbyville, Tenn. May, 28.
t To the public— Whereas my husband Ben
' jamin has advertised me as having left his
’ bed and board—but as he has no bed nor
t board, he having made over his property to
P his children with a view of starving me,’ he
has now left me to shift for myself the se-
J cond time. This is therefore to forewarn all
' persons from harboring him, until he provides
. for mo maintenance, and gives security forjthat
’ and his good behaviour.
( To all good people who wants him descripted,
To running away he has long bean addicted;
He deserted his country, being scared at a ball,
t j And ran home the greatest hero of all.
For such service as obtained a pension,
How well he deserved it I need not mention;
But one thing for all I needs must acknowledge,
He’s the worst husband God ever made in my knowl
edge. SUSANNA CARSON.
DOETBY
From the New- York American.
The following touching lines are from the
. pen of Mrs. Florida White, and were addres
sed to Iter father, Gen. Adair, of Kentucky,
i late governor of that state, and at present a
Member of Congress.
, This gifted lady accompanies her husband,
! the Hon. Joseph M. White, of Florida, on a
! voyage to Europe, for the benefit of her
health. The best wishes and earnest pray
ers of a wide circle of friends accompany
1 the in.
F ir ewell to die land of my birth !
Though I leave thee to wander afar,
Thou art dearer to me than the rest of the
earth—
Aye! dear as my own natal star:
And though I should see thee not, even for
years—
I shall think of thee always and often injtears.
Farewell »o thee ! land of my sire!
Abode of the btave and the free,
Zs ever man cherishe’d a patriots fire
Aud worshipped his country—’twas he ;
Oh how could 1 part from his love’d—native
shore,
If Z fancied his arms would enfold me no '
more.
Sweet home of my mother !—farewell !
As ZZis I recalled thee with pride—
As Iters such fond thoughts on my memory
swell
That utterance choaks with their tide,
If the thought of her only tints thrills through
my heart, '
Could 1 see her once more—should I ever
depart. .
Bright scenes of mv childhood !—adieu !
Sweet haunts of my half open’d mind,
And ve sports! Love and Youth, consecrated
by you,
Oh ! how sh ill Zleaveyou behind 1
To part thus from brothers—from sisters—
from friends—
Is their ought upon earth that can make me
amends ?
New-York, 7th June, 1833.
Cobb Sheriffs’ Safes.
FOR AUGUST.
VJjriLL be sold at the place of holding courts
▼ ▼ in the county of Cobb, on.the fi rst Tucb
day m August next, between the usual hours of
sale, the following property, to wit.
HiJfHrt n nf n rt er^ U o hUndredand fiVe ’ in tbe sccond
distru. of the tim'd sec Hon, levied on as the property
of Richard Garner, to satisfy sundry fi f us from a Jus
f'i;,P.s,cJ’.urt ' n y a . l ’ on cou,,, y'n favor of Smith &
i', S u* th X S Said Gar «er. Levied on and '
retui ned to me by a Constable. f
Also, lot number eight hundred and forty eight in
the nineteenth district of the third section, levied on
as the property of William Greeson lo satisfy three
h. fas. in favor of M Jinikin Smith levied on’and re
turned to me by a constable.
l r t ( r '"?’ b 7, seve n hundred and sixty-one in
he first district of the second section, levied on as
the property of Matilda Fenn, to satisfy a n fa.
from a Justices court of Hall county, in favour of
Kellogg and Sanford, levied on and returned to me
by a Constable.
, n TANDY K. MARTIN.
aerif.
Georgia— Cass county.
' MARE, about
June IS. S'h day of
„ ie '■ '■
july 13-22-m. LEATIIEM RANKIN, c. i. e.
Doctor M. Montgomery. 4
tv Ga' < || birnse J‘ P er man e ntly in Floyd court
the practice C of U tende *’ s his servises to the public in
MEDVCLVE SVRGERY, &-C?
a ” f ‘ rid calls, in any branch of med« x
> ’ ’ „‘ d ,na y ; always be found at the residence of ,
is XSXiT’ ‘“““ ,heM ““'\
July 13—22