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The Golden Age
KWJCCZJJGR TO HZLIGIOUS JOHUJTT
PlnUisbod Ebery Thursday by the Golden Hgo Publishing
Company (Inc.)
OniCZS: LOWNDES BUILDING. ATLANTA. GA.
WILLIAM D. UPSHXW, - Editor
A. E. RAMSAffR, ... Managing Editor
LEK G. IMWGHTON - - - Pulpit Editor
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Atlanta, Ga.
Child Labor Conference
The Child Labor Conference held in Atlanta last
week brought together some of the great thinkers
and humanitarians of the country. Among the
speakers were Dr. Felix Adler, of New York, Prof.
Henderson, of Chicago, Mr. Clarence Poe, the bril
liant editor of The Progressive Farmer, Raleigh, N.
C., and that always beloved and entrancing orator,
John Temple Graves, editor of The New York
American, who, though not among us, is still “of
us.”
The attendance on the conference was not large,
but what it lacked in numbers, it made up in the
quality of those who heard and thought and planned
on the great question so vital to the entire nation.
The question of child labor holds more and more
interest for the South since the factories are being
brought closer and closer to the cotton fields, and
these men and women who have been the forerun
ners in this great reform are “blazing out the path
and making clear the way” down which the love
of gold must go and up which the love of the child
and the home must come in the future that draweth
near.
* I?
Fibe Millions Tor Hible Study.
It is announced from New York that Mr. John D.
Rockefeller is to give Five Million Dollars to the
Union of Bible Classes. Led by the Young Men’s
Bible Class of Fifth Avenue Baptist church, of
which John D. Rockefeller, Jr., has been the teacher
for about a dozen years, there will be a union of
this Bible class with the Brick Presbyterian, the
Broadway Tabernacle and the Calvary Young Men’s
meeting for the purpose of creating a widespread
interest in the studying of the Bible by young men
Dr. Chas. Aked, who recently came from England to
the pastorate of young Mr. Rockefeller’s church,
is to be the head of this combination.
This movement will naturally attract the atten
tion of thousands of young men, not only in New
York, but all over the land, to the study of the
“Old-fashioned Bible,’’ and the wholesome influence
that will make itself felt in the manhood of the
nation is beyond computation.
It will be of interest to state in this connection
that the Young Men’s Bible class now leading in
this movement was formerly taught by Charleg E.
Hughes, now the great Christian Governor of the
The Golden Age for April 9, 1908.
great date of New York. His stalwart manhood
and his inspiring personality gave the class its im
petus, and when he retired on account of ill health,
John D. Rockefeller, Jr., who was then just out of
Brown University— and a mighty plain, sensible,
solid young fellow—was elected to succeed him. The
writer was at one time a member of this class for
several months and rejoices that so many splen
did young men whose friendship blessed his life
when he was “a stranger in a strange land,” are
to be the guardians now of the 11 headwaters,” so
to speak, of so many influences for good.
Save a man advanced in years and you save only
a man but save a young man amid the kindling
glories of his morning time, and you save a young
man “plus a life.”
* *
An Honest Differences
The Editor of The Golden Age has received a
highly treasured personal letter from Dr. D. M.
Russell of Cedartown, Ga., which deserves a public
answer. Dr. Russell is one of our warmest friends
and one of the most conscientious of men. He takes
issue with our editorial of last week, “Hysterical
Chastisement of Railroads,” and writes from his
viewpoint a strong letter. Because there are many
others who may honestly see the matter as Dr. Rus
sell does and therefore, for the time, misjudge the
spirit of that editorial, we give his letter in full and
append some explanations which are due both the
Editor and the readers of this paper—for we do
not intend to enter the realm political, but discuss
the moral side of a great economic question;
DR. RUSSELL’S LETTER.
Dear Brother Upshaw:
I was surprised and greatly grieved when I
read your editorial in the issue of April 2nd,
under the heading “Hysterical Chastisement of
Railroads. I take issue with you when you
charge that “many jurors and legislators” are
disposed to deal harshly or unjustly with the
railroads. These are sworn officials, and to
charge them with injustice to any individual
enterprise is a serious reflection upon their
honesty. And in the case of jurors, who are
sworn to decide all cases impartially, it means
to charge them with perjury.
I disagree with you in the charge that there
is a “spirit of dishonest oppression widespread
among the people.” This is a serious reflection
upon the people—honest, industrious, and pains
taking voters. I am sure you penned these
lines without due consideration of their tremen
dous import. I am free to admit that there are
a few legislators, a few jurors, and a few peo
ple who are disposed to deal unfairly with the
railroads, and quite a crop of “shyster” law
yers who are continually nosing around to
get up suits against the railroads, with the sole
purpose of a little cheap notoriety or to
feather their own nests. These latter ought
to be drummed out of the country. I am sur
prised that they didn’t come in for a share
of your criticism.
With you I deeply sympathize with the large
number of railroad employes who are work
ing, if at all, at reduced wages. Os all workers
in the world these men ought to be the best
paid. But what about the large number of
men employed in other industrial enterprises
—mines, factory, and furnace operatives, car
penters, etc., who are idle or working at re
duced prices? Are they, too, subjects of “Hys
terical Chastisement”? I have seen no evi
dences of “Hysterical Chastisement” except
among a very few. What about the panics of
1873 and 1893, both of which were far more
disastrous than this one has been so far? Any
“Hysterical Chastisement” then? No, verily,
and yet there were thousands and tens of
thousands tramping over the country hunting
work. Following immediately the year 1893
the price of cotton was forced down to five
cents a pound. What greater disaster could
happen to the South than that?
In my judgment the same gang of gamblers
that started the panic of 1873 and 1893 started
this one, and for the same purpose, viz.,
To force down the stock of industrial enter
prises and farm products so that they could
swindle the stockholders by buying up their
and then boosting the price.
In my opinion your editorial, coming from a
gentleman who has almost a world-wide repu
tation for candor and truthfulness, will do
Georgia a more serious injury than if the same
article were published in a dozen political
newspapers. Why? Well, if a man seeking
investment should read this in a political
paper, a Southern or Georgian eduid explain
to him that it Was written solely for political
effect. But what can a Southerner or Geor
gian say when a statement like yours appears
in a non-partisan, religious paper? Nothing;
absolutely nothing! Therefore the mail of
company seeking investment will (piibkly de
cide not to invest ih a State where one of its
most distinguished citizens publishes to the
World that a large number of its Officials afe
dishonest.
Say, Brother, candidly now: Is there no po
litical significance in your editorial?
Sincerely yours,
D. M. RUSSELL,
Cedartown, Ga.
Now that is a “mighty” good letter. It has the
ring of genuine honesty about it, and the great per
sonal respect we have for its author makes us ap
preciate its motive all the more. But Dr. Russell
reveals the fact that, after all, we only differ about
the question of the number of people who are in
clined to be unfair to the railroads and not the fact
that this unfairness does exist. He says, U I am free
to admit that there are a few legislators, a few
jurors and a few people who are disposed to deal
unfairly with the railroads.”
We said “many”; he says “a few.” It is only
a difference in numbers.
Os course, We did hot intend to reflect bn tile
honor of honest men. but rather oil the dishonor bt
dishonest men. And we were careful io say that
many other wise, good nleh seemed to be “blinded”
on the question of their duty to a company of men
kiloWil as a “railroad corporation.”
The “shyster" who tries to make capital out of
railroads for the sake of financial or political gain
is only an aggravated type of a distorted public
conscience on this question. Let it be understood
that nobody is included in this charge, except those
who are included. And we certainly did not mean
to imply that Georgia juries or southern juries and
legislators are worse than men of other sections.
When we said “widespread” we meant as wide as
the nation. And we were only trying to correct
an unhappy tendency, for the sake of these commer
cial necessities and likewise, for the moral good of
the people themselves.
As to the panics of '73 and ’93, let it be remem
bered that each one was preceded by a widespread
campaign of denunciation—the former on the part
of the Grange and the latter on the part of the Al
liance. Os course, there were thousands of good
men in these movements, but the shouting spirit
that declared that they were going to “put all the
drummers and merchants to plowing” (a thing
which, if accomplished, would have been a bad
thing for the farmers), showed the unwisdom that
crept in through this kind of propaganda and
caused, as everybody knows, the wreck of these or
ganizations on the rocks and reefs of political en
deavor.
she writer of these lines was reared chiefly on. a
farm and loves country people as he loves no other
class on earth, and therefore he is pained to see
any number of them misled.
As to Dr. Russell’s last question, asking’ whether
our editorial was written with political intent, we
give a most emphatic denial. We were thinking of
the whole country and not of Georgia; and if we
must be pressed for an answer we declare that, per
sonally, neither of the platforms thus far submit
ted by either of the candidates for Governor is
quite satisfactory to us. At the present writing we
are not committed to any candidate—but let it be
said forever, that we can not and will not be com
mitted to any man who is not straight for prohibi
tion in Georgia or any other State.
The Golden Age is not a political paper, but its
editor hopes that he is a citizen with a conscience,
and it is his honest purpose to try to correct evils
among the ideals and practices of the people when
there seems to be a falling off of conscience in prL
rate lite or public thinking.
