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VOLUME FIVE
NUJIVLH NINE
WHA T SHALL WE DO WITH COL. ROOSE VEL T?
Address Delivered before the Current ILbents Class of C alb ary 'Baptist Nelv York, Sunday April 3, 1910, at 10:30 A. JI.
00
ITHOUT doubt there is no Governor of
any state in the American Union more
widely known and more highly honored
than Governor Hughes, of New York.
Equally without doubt, the foremost pri
vate citizen in the whole world is Theo
dore Roosevelt. How came these men to
attain their positions of great influence?
The answer is simple. Both stood for
the higher ideals in political life. The State and the
Union promptly recognized the dominant motives of
their political careers. Theodore Roosevelt
attained the highest position in the gift of
the American people. Governor Hughes is
likely to reach that same lofty eminence
in the near future.
The question has often arisen, What
shall we do with our ex-Presidents? Most
of them have shown that they were quite
capable of taking care of themselves, after
their presidential terms had ended. This
remark applies to Washington, Jefferson,
Hayes, Cleveland, Harrison and other ex-
Presidents. Washington, Jefferson and
Hayes practically became farmers. Cleve
land was skilful in investments, and Harri
son returned to the practice of law. John
Quincy Adams went to Congress; he is the
only ex-President who chose to give his tal
ent and experience in this direction.
The question is more difficult in the case
of Colonel Roosevelt. At present he is fol
lowing his own tastes, and is making for
himself an unique record; but his vacation
experience in Africa has ended. He has al
ready returned to civilization, and will soon
return to the United States. The question
at once arises: What shall we do with him?
Perhaps some persons would prefer to put
the question in this form: What will he do
with us on his return? He is an unique
man. He is one of the bravest, brawniest,
and brainiest men in the whole world today.
His powers are manifold and symmetrical
to a remarkable degree. He is a practical
politician, an experienced statesman, a rec
ognized litterateur, a mighty hunter, a great
preacher, and half a score other remarkable things.
His energy is well nigh unbounded; his strenuosity
is limitless. What shall be done with so remarkable
a man? How can his talents, so numerous and va
ried, be best employed for the honor of his country,
and the good of mankind? Many answers might
promptly be given to these questions.
A Great Nomination.
I nominate him for the high office of Ambassador
Extraordinary to all the courts of the world, in the
interest of universal and perpetual peace. No more
exalted mission can be named for any man in the
ATLANTA, GA., APRIL 21, 1910
world today. The time is coming when the nations
shall learn war no more; the time is coming when
spears shall be beaten into plowshares, and swords
into pruning hooks. The Court of Arbitration at The
Hague has already accomplished wonders. Only
those who are entirely familiar with the facts know
how many international disputes have already been
settled by international arbitration. The nations are
almost ready to enter into an agreement to settle
all international disputes, by international arbitra
tion.
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President Taft’s recent speech before the Peace
and Arbitration League in New York, is one of the
most significant utterances ever made by the head
of a government in favor of arbitration. He affirms
that he sees no reason why questions of honor, or
any other disputes between nations, should be ex
cepted from the Arbitration Court. He also hints
that, possibly before the opening of the Panama Ca
nal, navies will no longer be needed. The time is
certainly near when National revenues shall be more
largely used for internal improvements, and not so
much as they are at present for the purposes of war.
ffy “Dr. “Robert Stuart MacArthur.
Certainly, the prospect is ripe for the settlement of
all international relations on a strictly business ba
sis of universal and perpetual peace. Mr. Tawney’s
recent comments on the battleship) programme are
in harmony with the suggestions of President. Taft.
Mr. Tawney deprecates the waste of so many mill
ions of dollars in the construction of battleships, dol
lars which might be employed in advancing all forms
of industrial pursuits. Resolutions may be intro
duced before many weeks into the National Congress
favoring a World Federation League. It is almost
certain that President Taft will favor these
resolutions. Their passage would hasten the
appointment of Theodore Roosevelt as Chief
Commissioner to secure an international
union of all nations that should render war
impossible forever hereafter. If Mr. Roose
velt should accept such an appointment, it
is almost certain that he would secure in
the near future this desirable result. If
America should take the lead in this move
ment, her name would be crowned with
honor in all the coming centuries.
War is Foolish.
War is as foolish, as it is wicked. The
time is near when nations will no more
think of settling difficulties between them
selves by war, than gentlemen of the high
est type today think of settling personal dis
putes by the duel. In the end, the subjects
of controversy between nations which have
engaged in war are virtually settled by arbi
tration. At Portsmouth, N. H., the issues of
the war between Russia and Japan reached
their final settlement rather than on the
field of battle. Nations are now vying with
one another, in the increase of their army
and navy. Dreadnaught follows Dread
naught in construction, and will soon follow
one another to the junk-shop. The Dread
naught of today eliciting the admiration of
the world, will be obsolete tomorrow. The
millions upon millions expended in support
ing great armaments are largely a wicked
waste of the money of nations. The cold
statistics of these enormous expenditures
must surpass the belief of all except the
most intelligent students of current affairs.
It is authoritatively stated that the average annual
cost of the army and navy for the eight years prior
to the Spanish War was $51,500,000, but, since the
Spanish War, the average annual cost of the army
and navy is $185,400,000. It will scarcely be doubted
that our defense was adequate before 1898, and it
certainly is more than adequate now. No nation at
present is likely to make an attack upon the United
States. We need, of course, a certain number of
ships, but it would be the height of folly for us to
(Continued on Page 5.)
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