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_-=== Vol. vi. THE Cherokee Advocate, IS PUBLISHED Every Tuesday Morning, ’• BY CALDER & HUNT. RATES OF ADVERTISING. Letters of Citation, - - 82 50 Notice to Debtors and Creditors, - 3 50 Four Months’ Notices, - - 4 00 Sale of Personal Property, by Executors, Administrators or Guardians, - 350 Sales of Lands or Negroes, by ditto, 5 00 Application for Letters of Dismission, - 4 50 Other Advertisements will be charged SI 00 for every twelve lines of small type, or less, first insertion, and 50 cents for every weekly continu every gibes week, 62| cents for each continuance. Ifpublished once a month it will be charged 75 cents each time. For a sin gle insertion, $1 00 per square. Advertisements, when the number of insertions is not marked upon them, will be published till ? forbid, and charged accordingly. N. B.— Each Citation by the Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary, that application has been IR made for letters of administration, must be pub lished thirty days at least. Notice by Executors and Administrators for debtors and creditors to render in their accounts, must be published six weeks. Sales of negroes by Executors or Administra tors must be at public auction, on the first Tues day of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sale in the county where the letters testamentary, of administration, or guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty days notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of this State, and at the door of the court house, where such sales are to be held. Notice for leave to sell negroes must be publish ed for YOUR MONTHS, before any order absolute t shall be made thereupon by the Court. Sales of real estate by Executors, Administra tors and Guardians must be published sixty days z before the day of sale. These sales must be made at the court house door of the county in which the property is situate, and on the first Tuesday *; of the month, between the hours of ten in the I ..morning and four in the afternoon. No sales from day to day is valid unless so expressed in the ad- , Applications by Executors, Administrators and j Guardians to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell land, must be published four months. Sales of personal property (except negroes) ot testate and intestate estates by executors and ad ministrators, must be publihed forty days. Applications by Executors and Administrators tor letters distnissory, must be published six HOh’TIK Applications for foreclosure of mortgages on g «Teal estate, must be advertised once a month for TOUR MONTHS. Orders of the Court of Ordinary (accompanied - Vlihxcopy of the bond of agreement) to make f titles to land, must be advertised three months *, 1 r Hnnerishable property under order of court, must be s Yffifcefoge the davj<sf ÜBw* ’<• *""***'>'■ All Letters directed to this Office, or the Editor, must be post paid to entitle them to at ■eo ii °mi Dr. W. E. Dunwody, FORMERLY OF ROSWELL. Respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of Marietta and vicinity. Office, next store of Robinson & Windsor, je 20 | ’ MYERS & JOHNSON, ATTORNIES AT LAW, ' Marietta, Geo. M- MYERS. WM. S. JOHNSON, jan il. 12m __ ______ _ factor and commission MERCHANT, SAVANNAH, JjPCORGIA.) 12m ShackelfortUC'frtrßson & Graeser, Factors, CENTRAL WHARF, Charleston, S. C. /ft. R. Shackelford, T. B. Clarkson, C. A. Graese r 11OUR MONTHS after date application will be . T made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Cobb county, when silting for ordinary purposes, fot.leave to sell the real estate of Alfred McDuff, late of said county, deceased. sept 5 A. 8. SMITH, Adm’r. T?OOF lUonthS after date application will be Jl made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Cobb county, when sitting for ordinary purposes, for leave to sell the real estate of William W. Duncan, late of Cdbhcountv, deceased. r ' JAMES G. DUNCAN, Adm’r. ap2s MARY DUNCAN, Adm’x. FIOUR months after date, application will be JE, made to the Honorable the Inferior Court of Cobb county, when sitting as a court of ordinary, 'Orleaveto sell the Lands and Negroes, belonging to the estate of Jeremiah Wofford, late of said county, deceased. WM- P- MALONEY, Adm-r. Ibljtt MONTHS after date application wifi be made to the Honorable the Court of Ordi nary for leave to sell the lands and negro belong ing to the estate of John Lemon, late of Cobb county, deceased. JAMES LEMON, Adm’r. my 16 MARY A. LLMON, Adm’x. N O wCC . ILL persons indebted to James Summerhill, late A of Cobb county, deceased, are requested to «nake payment to the undersigned, and all persons -having demands against said estate will present ■them authenticated in terms of the law. sept 5 JAMES W. SUMMERHILL, Adm. TITST tteceived— T wo barrels Syrup, for J sale, by (ap 25] L AYRES, Agt. T) E ACHE S.—SOO bushels pealed dried Peaches jL wanted the coming Fall and Winter, at $1 50 in trade, at my store. The Peaches should be dried in the Sun, clean and neatly man aged.’Ti LEVI AYRES, Agent. Marietta, June 13, 1848. ' in trade, by LEVI AYRES Agent, at No. 3, Howard Row, Mariett, Ga. %USTHECmED-A quantity of DRY <F GOODS, which, in addition to my former stock, makes my stock of Goods mogp complete than any either in the Cherokee country, , , ap 18 LEVI AYRES, Agt. Shingles Wanted. ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND Good Shingles wanted immediately, by ap 25 WILLIAM ROOT. Wheat. " 'W WILL give the customary price for good clean rl Wheat, 1 in cash or barter. jyll ts WM. ROOT. -rff I, 1,. A Valuable Articlo.r-Banpland’sVegeta -71 ble Remedy for Fever and Ague, and other dis eases of bilious character. It is recommended as an ■>; • immediate and effectual cure for Fever and Ague r ... CHEROKEE O ADVOCATE. Terms of subscription—Two Dollars in advance—Two Dollars and Ffty Z”ents after Six Months—Three Dollars at the end of the Year. THE ADVOCATE. MARIETTA, GEORGIA. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1848. Speech of Senj. F. Hunt. The view taken of Gen, Taylor’s position on the Wilmot Proviso contained in the ex tract which we give from Mr. Hunt’s speech 4 is undoubtedly correct. Assuming that Gen. Taylor is honest, the conclusion is irresistible, that Cass is infinitely preferable to the South. Gen. Taylor is, at the North, considered as pledged by the Allison letter not to veto the Wilmot Proviso. We will suppose that this is denied by his Southern friends, who at the same time assert that he is honest. How then, will they excuse or palliate the conduct of a Southern man, who permits himself to be rep resented by his friends at the North as pledged to approve the Proviso, and who is announced as so pledged by the whole Northern Whig press ? Are Northern votes so precious as to be purchased by the sacrifice of reputation ? Is it no dishonor to a Southern mart to be branded as a-frtend of the Wilmot Proviso ? And in all the multitude of Gen. Taylor’s let ters can he not write one sentence for the South and for his own character as a Southern man, and deny that he is bound to approve the W’ilmot Proviso ? The conclusion is too plain that Gen. Taylor being supported on di rectly opposite grounds by Northern and Southern Whigs, somebody is to be cheated. Let Southern Taylorites look to it that they are not the dupes. Mr. Berrien’s Speech. We give to day a portion of Mr. Berrien’s able argument on the Compromise Bill. The wonder is that any Georgian in Congress should have shown so little respect for the strong po sitions there taken as to have denied the friends of the bill in the House of Representatives even a hearing. We do not say that Mr. Berrien’s reputation as a jurist and a statesman should lead us to decide that he is right and Mr. Stephens wrong. We do not deny that it is possible that the whole body of Northern abolition and anti-slavery men were mistaken in their opinion of the Bill, and that their op position to it was the result of sheer ignorance. We do not deny that it is possible that the great majority of Southern men were alike ig norant that it J® TfiUt the vevy r'nmmitjwho framed the Bill did not understand its charac ter and bearings, and that Mr. Stephens alone had light on this difficult question. But it is doing Mr. Stephens no injustice to say that the probabilities are all against him. We do not however insist upon this. But we do in sist that Mr. Stephens’ position is a surrender of the whole ground,—not a covert—but an open, unreserved and unconditional surrender. This is unanswerably shown in the following single sentence of Mr. Berrien, which of itself is a sufficient reply to Mr. Stephens’ whole at tempted vindication of his course: “ To say that we have no right which the high est judicial authority would recognise, is to admit that we have no right at all but such as Congress may be pleased to confer upon us—is to concede in its whole extent the argument which is urged in support of the right of the North to the exclu sive enjoyment of these Territories.” Gen. Taylor.—The enthusiasm that was anticipated for “Old Zach” seems not to have extended to the city of New York, if we credit the following from the Mirror, the first paper which hoisted in that city his name for the Presidency : Whigs of New York.— If you don’t want Lewis Cass for your President, you must go to work. We mean to “tell the truth and shame th? devil,” (and the Whigs too, if we can.) and we do not hesitate to say that the Whig party of this city deserve defeat for their apa thy. A hard-fisted working man who thinks he could circulate two thousand copies of the Mirror containing General Taylor’s letters where they would make almost that number of converts to our cause, has been trying for a week, to find a Finance Committee who will raise S2O to pay for the documents, but with out success. Are the Whigs disconsolate and discouraged because Horace Greely and Joe White have left the party ? What are the “Old Men’s Committee” about ? We might as i well have an “Old Woman’s Committee” for aught we can discern in the way of active en ergy in the cause. —N. Y. Mirror, Aug. 25. THE NORTHERN FACE OF GENERAL TAYLOR. Mr. Tom Ewing, of Ohio, addressed the Whigs of Cleveland last week. He complete ly sunk the President into a cipher—a mere nose of wax of Congress. We quote from the “Plaindealer.” All the “platform”(he said) which the great whig party now wanted was, “opposition to this ONE MAN power.” On this they could all stand, and on this alone could they triumph. Then he came to his candidate, Gen. Taylon How, said- he, does General Taylor stand in reference to this “platform ?” If he does not come frankly and freely tip to it, then, said he, he is no ma tof mine. He read from Taylor’s letters, and proved it clear as mud that Old Zack was all right, that he was clearly pledged not to disturb the legislation of Congress in any way. He distinctly stated, that “General Taylor, as a man of honor and truth,is bound to leave the entire question of slavery to Congress.” He wanted no exclusive free-soil party. He would not call off the sentinels from the watch towers of the party, to enter a crusade on this MARIETTA, GA., TUESDAY , SEPTEMBER 12, 1848. one idea, ft,is, true, he said, we want free soil abroad, but we want whig policy at home. The whig party, standing on the no-veto plat form, with General Taylor at their head, was ample to carry out the free-soil principle; but the place to fight the south was in Congress. Old Zack was just the man to carry out the Proviso. It appears, then, that northern whigs are to depend entirely on the non-use of the veto power by Gen. Taylor to carry these northern meas ures— the Wilmot Proviso and such like. The South are supporting him on precisely opposite grounds. Somebody is to be taken in most wofully. Which stands the best chance—the North or the South? The only question is, the dupes-\\\e northern whigs or the southern whigs? What are we to think of the frankness of a soldier who will thus consent to humbug a free people? Or, what should we think of an enlightened people who would thus suffer themselves to be deluded and humbugged? Watch and Wait.—lt will be seen from the following, which is taken from the Ohio Organ, published at Cincinnati, that the “Great Embodiment” himself is a believer in the “Watch and Wail” policy. In reference to Mr. Clay’s opinions as to the Presidential candidates, the Organ says: “We were admitted to the perusal of a pri vate letter, the other day, from this disting uished statesman to one of our leading citizens, in which he declares his determination not to take an active part in the present canvass; but when the day of election comes he will go to the polls and vote according to the best light in his possession at the time.” At Hard Hit. —The New Orleans Bulletin, a Taylor paper, gets mournfully merry over the defections from Taylorism, and hits off the deserters in the following anecdote : v The present position of the Taylor party) reminds us of a story we once heard of a far-| mer who, one morning, let his sheep out of the pen. Having put down the bars, the old man stood by to count them as they hopped over, and began : “ There goes one”—“ there goes two”—“ there goes three”—“ there goes old Ewe”—“there goes a black one”—“there goes a whole heap, and curse them, there they all go! ” So it is with the Taylor party. At first we could count the deserters—one, two, three ; but it was soon ascertained that the bounds were broken—that the bars were down, and the “old ewes” and the “black ones” began hop-, ping over so very fast, and followed so rapidi# by 44 whole heaps,” as to bid defiance to amp attempts to keep count, and soon poor Tay lor vjjll have to exclaim, 44 Curse them ! there they ail go ” —WashtfiiTlon Union, «... The Two Tariffs—Tacts Speak. —*Thc[ difference between the journals of the federal and the democratic party at the present day is this: that the former rest satisfied with ma king mere abstract argument, unsound in point of political philosophy, and unsupported by ex isting facts; while the latter look to things as they are, and judge of them from their prac tical results. This is the test whw*i we desire the community to put to the tariffsoflß42 and 1846. We ask our readers to look at the following table: Statement of domestic exports during the year 1846, under the tariff of 1842 ; and 1847, under the tariff of 1846; and also of im portation of specie under the two systems : Domestic exports in value. , 1846 —under law of ’42, $122,317,939 1847—under law of ’46, 166,496,120 Importation of Specie. 1846 under law of ’42, $3,468,438 1847 under law of ’46, 24,153.242 Showing an increase of domestic exports in favor of the tariff of 1846 of upwards of for ty-four millions of dollars, and an importation of specie in favor of that law of upwards of twenty-one millions of dollars. This is the law which the federalists charged the admin istration with passing, for the purpose of crip pling the energies of the country, by depri ving us of a market for the productions of our soil and labor, and at the same time draining us of the bullion which forms the basis of our circulation. Let the _ facts speak!—Pennsyl vanian. AN EXTRACT FROM THE SPEECH OF BENJ. FANEUIL HUNT. Delivered at a Meeting of the Democrats of Charleston, on the 21sL of August, 1848, called to act on the nomination of candi dates for President and Vice President. I think a mistaken view has been taken as to whom pertains the sovereignty of these new territories before they are formed into States. The body politic called the United States of America, has no territorial or posseso ry capacity at all. The case of the Ten Miles Square or District of Columbia illustrates my idea. Congress possesses by grant 44 exclusive legislation,” but not a word is said of sove reignty, for it was never designed to confer on the United States • seignorial jurisdiction or right. The Territories, then, belong equally among all the States as joint tenants, and neither can deny to the other an equal right to possess and settle them. broad rule is laid down by Vattel, b. 1, chap. 248, “all the members of a community have an equal right to the Use of their common property.” To attempt to exclude one or more States becduse they Own slaves, is clear wiring, and must be resisted. But above 36_ 1-2 deg. slaves are not profitable, below it they may be useful: and slaveholders, by the Missouri line, were to be uninterrupted. Noth ing short of that can be accepted by the South. It is in vain to Say no part of California and New Mexico is suited to slaves; if so, they will not be carried there. If otherwise, they have a right to go. I have shown that Con gress has no power over the territories, cer tainly not beyond keeping the peace; its set tlers are free to go as they choose, and these domains must be alllowed to grow naturally —the citizen of each State taking with him what is his at home. So that the whole con troversy turns upon the authority of Congress [ to interfere; and that President who denies th® p.»wer of Congress on the broad ground ■ that i o such power is granted, is the safest man t for the South. Gen. Taylor has individually refused to trust the people with his notions— he says 44 1 will not say what I will da or will not do.” Gen. Cass, five years before the dis cussion and before he was in the Senate, ex pressly held the Democratic faith—that power not granted cannot be assumed. Gen. Taylor avows himself a Whig—which, under the general welfare doctrine, knows no limit to the powers of Congress. On the ground that he is honest, he is against the South, for he per mits himself to be held up as such. Proof: The following resolution was adopted by the Wb ;s at the ratification meeting in Boston: 44 R solved, That we believe in the assu- tna* Gen. Taylor deplores the existence of slavery, and is opposed to its extension.— The question of the extension of slavery over the territory of the United States, must first receive the action of Congress, and Gen. Tay lor has formally and explicitly declared his in tention not to interfere with l the will of the people as expressed through their representa tives in Congress.' 1 Hence there is the strong est and best reason for believing that the cause of freedom would be altogether secure from any interference on the part of the Executive. It therefore becomes the interest and duty of the free States to see that their opinions are maintained in both Houses of Congress, and especially, does it become their duty to de feat the election of Gen. Cass ? who has avowed his uncompromising hostility against thus re stricting the extension of slavery by anv act of Congress, and who would be held by his party to veto any legislation having that for rits object And in the opinion of this meeting, ‘the defeat of Gen. Cass can only be prevented 3iy the election of Gen. Taylor.” Here is what Gen. Taylor’s friends pledge Ivor him. Is he safe ? Again : U Character of Gen. Taylor.—The fol lowing letter was written by Rev. Mr. Lamb, now pastor of an orthodox church in Worces ter county. It was addressed to Dea. Joseph White, of Winchenden, who gave it to the pub lic through the columns of the Worcester JEgis. yVhat better evidence can we have of the pure atad lofty character of Gen. Taylor ? It is not the of a politician, or a man eager for gospel, in behalf of an esteemed and loved friend.^—.PeCiS. Gazette. \ June, 1848. “Sir: Yoiuare, no doubt, aware, that I held the office 'of Chaplam in the United States )Army about six year's, being stationed at Fort and that extreme sotith - DrtgtHhcc Gen. Z. Taylor. “ I presume it is on'th?#’ account that you propose to me some questions touching the views of that distinguished individual. lam willing to reply, not because I am a politician or have any personal interest in his nomination for the Presidency—but because I am laid un der lasting obligations to that honest, noble hearted man, and I would gladly correct some of the gross mistakes that are now afloat con cerning his character. 44 In politics Gen. Taylor is a Whig. 44 With regard to slavery, and extension of territory, I assure you that neither for a slave market nor any other market nor any object was Gen. Taylor in favor of conquest or an nexation. He was not in favor of receiving Texas into our Union, nor in favor of the re cent war with Mexico. The only evidence of his being in favor of slavery that I ever heard or saw of, was the fact, that he did what every other man at the South must do, if he must have servants, viz: either own or hire slaves. I never heard a word from the General in fa vor of the slave system, but on the contrary his decided preference for the institutions ' and customs of the North. “It is a pity that Gen. Taylor should be made out a pro-slavery man, beeause his go vernment keeps him at the South, or for the wrong of allowing his plantation to be on the Mississippi, instead of the banks of the Con necticut. We are allowed to hang no man upon an inference. 44 1 assure you, that if elected, he will do more for peace and emancipation than any northern man would be allowed to.” These extracts are from his friend, who knew him well, and speaks of him as a North ern man in all his predilections. Here follows still further proof of what is the opinion of the Abolition or Free Soil Whigs. That excellent, sound, first-rate Whig, the Hon. Caleb B. Smith, a Representative in Con gress from Indiana, has addressed to his con stituents a letter of some length, in which he ably sets forth his Why and wherefore they should go for Taylor and Fillmore; He did not favor Gen. Taylor’s nomination hut he endorses his character and his principles. The following, the conclusion of his letter, addres ses itself to a certain class of minds, we hope not without Us desired effect. —National In telligencer. “As a Whig, who believed the war with Mexico unnecessary and unconstitutional, and who has opposed it from its commencement, I believe it entirely consistent with my princi ples to support Gen. Taylor against Gen. Cass. The former, acting under the orders of the President, his superior officer, has but done that in prosecuting the war which he could not refuse to do without a surrender of his com mission in the army. The latter, [Gen. Cass.] acting under no such restraint, but as a mem ber of the legislative departmagt of the Go vernment, he has not only justil'.xl and sus tained the war, but has continually and, clamo rously urged its vigorous prosecution into the heart of Mexico, without regard to the torrents of blood which it caused to flow, or millions of money which it profligately wasted. Besides, it is well known that Gen. Taylor has opposed the war from its commencement. It is also a matter of history that shortly, after the com mencement of the war, he drew upon himself the severest censure of the Administration, as well as the bitterest denunciations of Locofo- 5 cos throughout the country, for expressing in 1 a letter to a friend opinions hostile to the prose i cution of the war into the heart of Mexico. r 44 As a Northern Whig, desiring to prevent - the extension of slavery into any territory [ which we now possess, or which we may • hereafter acquire, 1 greatly prefer the election . of Gen. Taylor to that of Gen. Cass. This r restriction if made at all, must be made by r Congress. Gen. Cass has pledged himself to i the South, in order to secure their support, to i resist any attempt to restrict the extension of ■ slavery. He denies the power of Congress, • under the Constitution, to make any such re strictions ; and, consequently, if he should be elected, he would veto any bill which Con- : gress might pass to effect this important object. 44 Gen. Taylor has pledged himself to leave . the decision of this question to the legislative . department of Government, and he will not . arrest the action of that department by the ty- ■ rannical exercise of the’veto power. If, then, . Gen. Cass shall be elected, while the policy of . the Government will be such as to lead to ac- ; quisitions of territory upon our Southern bor , ders, no restriction upon the extension of sla very into such territory can be made by Con gress except by a two-thirds vote overriding a Presidential veto. This cannot be hoped for. The election of Gen. Taylor, with the pledges • which he has given to the country, will leave to Congress full power to prevent the exten sion of the evil. 44 The election of Gen. Taylor will leave in the hands of the representatives of the people their just and constitutional power to exclude the evil of slavery from the Territories which belong to the United States.” ' _ Cassius M. Clay, the Editor of the negro journal, and the expelled Abolitionist, thus discourses of Gen. Taylor: 44 Whitehall P. 0., Ky. June 28,1848. 44 Dear Greeley : As you have had some time to cool as well as myself, and seem yet hesitating whether or not to go for the regular Whig nomination, you will allow me to suggest 1 a few thoughts for your consideration. We are both Whigs from youth up to the present time. We certainly then, if we should think proper at any time to change our party alliances, ’ cannot be reproached with deserting our first love for any other motive than because the ’ Whigs cease to be worthy of further alliances. That you should hesitate what to do in the j present emergency, when the subject of slave ry extension' comes up for immediate action, is to me a source of pleasure and hope rather than of pain or censure. Let us then see. • “In the first place,/airrass requires North-! 5 ern Whigs to go for the nomination. The L friends of Taylor wished 4o run him’ as an in ; ' ’'dependent'candidate, and I; AUi-yT, - -iw* " Alt 1 arid stand or fall with the Whigs. It can hardly be possible that you wished to bring us into counsel to destroy us ! Personal honor, then, requires you to support Taylor, unless the Republic manifestly would receive great detriment by your fidelity to pledges. Let us see. Can we beat Tay lor and Cass with a free soil candidate ? If we can, I think the great question of the age requires us to insure a certainty, and not trust an uncertainty, t “Whigs should elect the man who will veto all slave extension. I think you will be lieve, with me, 4 the time has not yet come?—- Any defection, then, on our part, will enure to the benefit of Lewis Cass and to the injury of Z. Taylor. Now, however much denounced, , lam for the 4 lesser evil? 1 know no morali ty based upon any other principle, than to look around you and make the best of all the circumstances which occur. Any other prin ciple puts the good in the power of the bad— the scrupulous in the power of the unscrupulous the just in the power of the unjust. First, then, as to men. Taylor is a slaveholder by birth and habit —4Jass a slaveholder by calculation. Which is the better man ? I say, Taylor. How do they stand committed ? Taylor says nothing upon the subject of sla very, but claims Washington as his model, and declares in favor of the supremacy of Congress. Cass holds that Congress cannot legislate against the admission of slavery into new ter ritories, and of course must veto any bill what ever prohibiting its introduction. u As men, then, Taylor is preferable to Cass. Now, as to parties. Who will be most apt to stand for the Whigs or their opponents ? ■ Let Texas speak I Let the Mexican war speakj! Let the ultras of the South speak! Let those who openly avow in Convention i all of Med co and Cuba? speak ! Again, suppose Lewis I Cass President, and a bill comes for the ad mission of New Mexico into the Union—or its constitution into a territorial Government 1 —and a majority of Congress put in the Wil mot Proviso, will they stand out against the Executive veto and claim ‘free soil or no soil P ' Let theffosLansicer also. 44 Frojn Gen. Taylor’s pledges, I believe that • he could, not interfere by the veto; for unless the 1 law be unconstitutional he could not interfere. • But with 1 all the acts of this Government in favor of slavery restriction, as ably set forth in the Uiica Address, with the lead of Wash- I ington and Jefferson, 1 think there is a moral ( certainty that he could not veto such a bill.— . But suppose he did --.would not the trump of , the Whig party with its Free Soil Prestige ■ be more likely to summons true men enough > to lock the wheels of pro-slavery action, than , the same result would be likely to occur un der the parly wlo claim Texas as an 4 Exten sion of the area of Freedom'? ’ Such at least . are my conclusions, honestly and maturely arrived at. . “On '•the question' 1 of slavery, which to me . is the most vital of all, however much I may be denounced for inconsistency, Taylor, the i slaveholder, is infinitely preferable to Cass. f “Respectfully, your obedient servant. ( ' “C. M. CLAY.” I Will any one after this pretend that General • Taylor is not the hope of Abolitionists. The • Whig Convention was composed of men too f shrewd to be deceived. It is not equally cer i tain that Gen. Taylor knows he is supported • at tfye IJforth becauss he is held pledged to maintain the doctripe that Congress has the power to exclude the South from the territo ries, and that he is supported also by the Democrats at the South, because he is a slave holder and will go to the death for the rights of the South ? Which party does he intend to deceive ? and what chapter in the laws of morals declares such conduct honest ? unless we refer to that rather loose code which holds 44 that all is fair in politics.” It is now certain that Mr. Polk will veto ' any effort of Congress to extend the Wilmot proviso south of 36 deg. 30 min. This se cures us to 4th March, 1849. If Cass suc ceeds he will do the same, and thus five years be given to the South to organize and prepare to defend itself. If Taylor is put in by South ern Democrats, the very first Whig Congress will pass the Proviso. A Southern slaveholder will stand by and let it pass, and then we shall have the additional difficulty of rising up against a Southern man. ’»>' But if Gen. “Cass is elected, he will act up on his avowed principles, not lately, but six years before he spoke against any power in Congress. It is true, Gen. Cass has lived at the North, and has no more fancy for slavery than Gen. Taylor has avowed. But he is a Democrat, and feels bound to carry out the letter and spirit of the Constitution. He says: 44 We are no slaveholder. We never have been. We never shall be. We deprecate its exist- * ence in principle and pray for its abolition eve ry where, where this can be effected justly and peaceably and easily for both parties. . But we would not carry fire, and devastation, and murder, and ruin into a peaceful community, to push on the accomplishment of the object. But after having visited the three quarters of the old continent, we say before God and the world, that we have seen far more frightful misery since we landed in. Europe, and we have not visited Ireland yet, than we have ever seen among this class of people in the * United States. Whatever may be said, there is much of the patriarchal relation] between the Southern planter and the slave. And as to the physical distress, which is seen in Eu rope, resulting from a want of food and from exposure to a rigorous winter without adequate clothing, ire believe it to be so rare, as not to form a just element in the consideration of this matter. But the subjecUof the emancipation of two millions and a half of human behigygj| race and color, and with diffljffit nabiis and feeling, is one of the which can be submitted to - sanity to solve. It can---?§ safely be left only who are to be so seriously affected ; and there it is left by of the UnltlA States. It there a word here that territoSrf legisla- * tores act on this subject ? Not Oi!e . Gen. ,Cass contended could not dele gate such power. people of the terri- all know, cadger act in any sove reign capacity until they Mraepared to/om a constitution to be admitted Union on the same footing as the old and. not before, the people—the then reign people who are to be affected by it must decide. This is the true State rights - doctrine; the true Carolina doctrine; audit is the doctrine too of Gen. Cass.” . — extract from MR. BERRIEN’S SPEECH, On the Compromise Bill. “To my Southern friends I desire to submit this simple question. The bill abstains from legislating on the vexed question of slavery. It ieaveslhat to be decided by the people of the Territories,when they are in sufficient num bers to be admitted as States, and are engaged in forming their State constitutions. In the meantime, if any question of freedom or sla very should arise, the judiciary will take cog nizance of it, not by virtue of any provision in this bill, but in the exercise of their pre-ex istingjurisdiction. All that it does in this re gard is to speed the decision of the case by the appellate tribunal. In what sense this can be said to be a surrender of Southern rights, I am totally at a loss to understand. In a gov ernment like ours, that which is properly call ed a right , is something substantial—capable of being maintained in judicature,and thereout —something which a court of justice would be bound to recognise. To say that we have no right which the highest tribunal would re cognise, is to admit that we have no right at all, but such as Congress may be pleased to con fer upon us—is to concede in its whole extent the argument which is urged in support of the right of the North to the exclusive enjoyment of these Territories. Now, sir, Ido not en tertain this opinion. If I did, if I thought that in strict law our right could not be main- '' tained, with the conviction which 1 have of the undoubted equity of the claim of the South to participate in ail acquisitions made by the expenditure of the common blood and treas ure of all the States, I would have remained silent, and would have left the argument to be sustained by those who were to profit by its al lowance. I have asserted the claim of the South, and am not willing to return to my con?* stituents and tell them that J have asserted that claim, but had not sufficient confidence in its validity to trust it to judicial decision. If we have no right to carry our slaves into these territories without the permission of Congress, (and that is the position in which this argu ment places us,) we may abandon, at ones abandon the idea of having any share m them, for the Missouri Compromise was rejected by the select committee, and will tie by the Hoose whenever it is offered. But let us examine the argtifflelft which de nies this right. It runs thus : Slavery exists only by force of local sta tutes, and is uot protected beyond the limits within which they operate. The laws of a conquered country continue in force until they are repealed by the cooquerer. Slavery has been abolished in New Mexico and California and cannot be le-established there without ths sanction of Congress—by the repeal of ths existing law, and the enactment of a l?w o( slavery. NO. 1.