Newspaper Page Text
SOUTHERN SCHOOL NEWS—JUNE. 1965—PAGE 5
TEXAS
Most Districts Striving To Meet Compliance Standards
School Demonstrators at Houston
Five Negro high schools were boycotted.
AUSTIN
s the 1964-1965 school year
ended, Texas districts were
almost universally desegregated
or at least trying to establish a
pattern that would satisfy the
federal government.
Some confusion existed over the ex
tent of racial separation that would be
allowed. Districts under grade-a-year
court orders were in most cases
stepping up their schedules—but not
everywhere.
Fort Worth, finishing the second year
of a grade-a-year program under fed
eral court order, announced that class
room desegregation will be completed
by 1967.
Dr. George D. Flemmings, a Fort
Worth leader for the National Associa
tion for Advancement of Colored Peo
ple, called it “a step in the right
direction” but said he would “not be
satisfied until we reach final integra
tion.” He noted that because of neigh
borhood zoning, no more than 1,000 of
Fort Worth’s 10,000 Negro children of
elementary school age will be in class
with whites next fall.
Dr. Eldon B. Busby, superintendent
of Fort Worth schools, said the action
was not required to obtain federal
funds. The district expects to receive
about $1,500,000 from this source next
year, for its student body of 90,000. He
said the board’s decision to accelerate
desegregation was based on “sincere
concern for the interest and welfare of
each individual child.”
Different Attitude
The community of Mount Calm, Hill
County, about 50 miles from Fort Worth,
demonstrated a different attitude. It has
about 380 people. The all-white seven-
member school board voted several
months ago to desegregate the district’s
schools. Negro leaders agreed to the
1 move, according to the Dallas Morninq
News.
Afterward, the Neroes asked to keep
their separate school. The district has
been operating one elementary school
for 62 white pupils with five teachers;
another for 48 Negroes with two teach
ers; and transporting high-school stu
dents eight miles to Hubbard school
district.
Buildings for both white and Negro
schools in Mount Calm are old and the
i district is in debt for a building that
had to be condemned before it was paid
off.
L. D. Johnson, 44, barber and Mount
Calm Negro leader, said “If it was left
strictly to us to do what we’d prefer,
we’d leave things like they are. But if
In the Colleges
Jerry Levias, a much-sought-after
athlete from Beaumont, signed a letter
°f intent to accept a scholarship at
Southern Methodist University. He was
the first Negro ever recruited for foot
ball in the Southwest Conference.
Forty-seven schools reportedly sought
Levias’ services. He was a football star
in high school, a track man who runs
100 yards in 9.5 seconds, and also an
outstanding scholar.
SMU Coach Hayden Fry expressed
bope that the action would “open the
door for future Negro student athletes
in the Southwest Conference.”
Most of the conference schools have
been contacting outstanding Negro high
school athletes, but Levias is the first to
®ign up. Most institutions of higher
learning in Texas now have nonracial
athletic policies, and this is one of the
j»st barriers to fall in the “big school”
Southwest Conference.
The Texas Interscholastic League,
Which sponsors competition in sports,
academic subjects, and otherwise among
bigh schools, dropped the word “white”
from its constitution last month, open
ly the way for future participation of
Negroes. This race has a separate state
wide organization, the Prairie View
League.
The University of Texas has spon-
fr*red the Interscholastic League. Ath-
® tic teams of some league schools have
tl? en « < ^ ese § re g a ted for years, despite
e “white” restriction in the charter.
★ ★ ★
University of Texas regents voted for
• wge dormitory-building program,
d announced that henceforth there
°uld be no other “approved” housing
°r students. Only about 15 per cent of
students presently live in dormi-
it would cause us to lose both schools
and we’d all be integrated somewhere
else, we’d rather do it here.
“There’s never been a word of trouble
between races here. We respect each
other. I feel as free and respected as
any white person. We don’t want our
children to go to some other school.”
Officials Uncertain
But school officials were uncertain
whether segregation of students could
be retained even if it is acceptable to
everybody concerned locally.
Of 1,379 districts in Texas, 862 with
both white and Negro pupils, about
half had been approved under the Civil
Rights Act by the U.S. Office of Educa
tion. Most of these had few or no Ne
groes. Approximately 60 districts in the
state failed to make any response to
inquiries about their intention to com
ply with the federal regulations. All of
these are small districts, and some have
only students of one race. Some are in
process of consolidating with other dis
tricts.
Texas Education Agency officials said
that about half a dozen school systems
had indicated they did not wish to
participate in the federal programs, and
were filing no compliance plans. Some of
these have only white students. San
Augustine, an East Texas district with
approximately equal numbers of whites
and Negroes, is the only one which has
announced that it intends to discon-
tories. Most of the others lived in “ap
proved” fraternity, sorority, boarding
houses and apartments.
“We had a choice between abandon
ing all approval of off-campus housing
or of requiring all officially approved
housing units to integrate,” Chairman
W. W. Heath, Austin attorney, said in
announcing the new policy.
He said the board was unwilling to
require private owners, including reli
gious bodies, to desegregate their stu
dent housing “regardless of their
wishes in the matter.”
Five Negro girls moved into Kinsolv
ing Dormitory, university-owned, last
fall, after demonstrations in their be
half. Four of them left later.
All Dormitories Open
Dean Jack Holland said he did not
know how many Negroes there are
among the University of Texas’ 23,000
students (expected 1,000 enrollment in
crease next fall). Estimates range from
150 to 200 Negroes. While most private
housing for university students is un
available to them, all dormitories, co
operative houses and some other ac
commodations are non-discrimina-
tory.
University of Texas students were
engaged in dispute during May over
attempts to desegregate Roy’s Lounge,
a beer-selling establishment near the
campus. Defenders of the tavern’s se
gregation policies appeared to be more
numerous than the mixed group of
whites and Negroes demanding dese
gregation. The lounge was picketed
several times and swastikas painted on
its doors.
A counter-movement was launched
by SPONGE (The Society for Preven
tion of Negroes Getting Everything),
tinue accepting federal funds, and
there is said to be some doubt as to
whether this decision is final for the
next school year.
Asked for comment on the statement
of six other Southern governors that
the Department of Health, Education
and Welfare is going faster than the law
requires in demanding racial desegre
gation of schools, Gov. John Connally
said he has heard of “no particular
compliance problems” regarding Texas.
Regional Meetings
Regional meetings were held with
federal, state and local officials in Tex
as during May to explain the new
policies.
At Dallas, James M. Quigley, assist
ant HEW secretary, said that individ
uals should report discrimination
complaints to the government.
Ozell Sutton, a consultant of the
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, ex
pressed the opinion that many Southern
school systems will do as little as pos
sible on desegregation as long as they
qualify for federal funds.
Houston Bond Election
Has Racial Overtones
At Houston, which has the South’s
largest school system, voters approved
a $59,800,000 bond issue in an election
with racial overtones.
Some Negro leaders urged defeat of
the bond issue, alleging that it would
perpetuate de facto segregation. But the
bond proposal was adopted 53,910 to
19,973, an unusually large participa
tion in a bond election. Only about 20
per cent of the district’s 54,000 Negroes
voted in the election, and they were
about 10 to 1 against the bonds.
The bonds will be used to provide 30
new schools, 1,400 new classrooms, and
14 new school sites to accommodate an
enrollment growth from 225,000 to
275,000 in the next five years.
An organization called PUSH (Peo
ple for' Upgrading Schools in Houston)
headed by the Rev. William Lawson, a
Negro, had opposed the bond issue.
Included was a one-day boycott by
students of five Negro high schools in
Houston and a march on the school
administration building. A school board
meeting scheduled for that night (May
10) was canceled.
Board President Bob Eckels said the
election would not affect desegregation
in the city, and that negotiations with
Negro leaders would continue. Mrs.
Charles E. White, a Negro member of
the school board, expressed opinion
that the voters considered the need for
more schools to have overshadowed is
sues of desegregation and federal aid.
Drops Course
At Pasadena, a Houston suburb, a
white “practice” teacher, L. Ray Mul
len, complained that his academic
rights were violated when he was
forced to drop the Education course
after he had participated in the demon
stration in Houston.
His supervisor at the University of
Houston said Mullen had dropped the
course after taking part in the student
boycott. Mullen, 25, told a Houston
Post reporter that he “was in trouble
with the course before” taking part in
the march, but that the supervisor made
him drop the course because of his
widely photographed participation in
the demonstration.
On the day of the demonstration,
9,169 of the 10,819 Negroes enrolled in
high school were absent. Absenteeism
of eight to nine per cent is normal
:here. The boycott cost the school dis-
rict almost $10,000 in state funds based
on “average daily attendance.”
The Houston school board meanwhile
began planning a five-year program to
aid culturally deprived youngsters of
all races in pre-school and elementary
Trade ages. Five schools would offer
special training and assistance to this
group, assisted by three universities in
Houston.
At La Marque, a Houston suburb,
about 75 per cent of the system’s 2,165
Negro students were absent during a
one-day boycott protesting alleged
slowness of desegregation. Fifteen Ne
groes attend classes with whites in the
district.
Desegregation Moves
Many Texas districts announced de
segregation moves, and others were
making plans without publicity. Those
made public included:
Newton, where a “free choice” plan
will succeed segregated schools. The
East Texas community has about 40 per
cent Negro enrollment.
Sherman, North Texas, total desegre
gation of schools, staff and faculty
under a “free choice” method.
Athens, “free choice” for the first
nine grades and desegregation without
choice for the top three grades in high
school.
Petitions were circulated at Athens
to abolish the independent school dis
trict in protest over a plan of "forced”
desegregation rather than a “choice”
system.
LaGrange, full desegregation in Sep
tember, involving 1,300 whites and 250
Negro students.
Angleton, “free choice” for all grades
in September for 3,896 students, includ
ing 664 Negroes.
Humble will accept into formerly
all-white schools about 10 Negro chil
dren who have been transferred to
adjoining districts.
Lufkin, an East Texas district with
about 4,000 white and 1,500 Negro stu
dents, will desegregate the first six
grades this fall, junior high in Sep
tember, 1966, and high school in 1967.
Other districts announcing “free
choice” for all grades this fall include
South Park (Beaumont), Redland,
Danbury, Huntsville, Gonzales, Bren-
ham, Broaddus, Nederland, and Manor.
Three-year desegregation plans were
announced by Taylor and Bellville
school systems.
Butler school in Freestone County
with 284 Negro scholastics, announced
it will accept the district’s 55 white
students in September.
Irving, a Dallas suburb, discovered
that many of the 589 pupils who
withdrew from its schools between
Sept. 3, 1964, and Feb. 25, 1965, were
not really dropouts. More than half
moved to other cities and enrolled in
school. Seven went to other counties,
107 to other states, and 141 "outside the
Dallas area.” Forty-seven moved to
Dallas, nine to Fort Worth, and about
50 to other nearby communities.
Four of the 589 died, 17 entered the
Legislative Action
Gov. John Connally was expected to
sign a bill passed by the Texas legisla
ture to raise basic teaching salaries by
$90 a year for beginners with bachelor
degrees (to $4,104 for nine months) up
to $1,089 annually in the minimum in
the pay for a master degree teacher of
18 years experience (to $6,516).
The legislature levied a three-cent
per-package increase in the cigarette
tax (to 11 cents per package, highest of
any state) to finance the pay raise. This
will net about $70 million revenue in
the 26 months starting July 1. Local
districts will add about $31 million to
their share of the statewide “founda
tion fund” for public schools during the
period.
This will put the cost of public
schools in Texas at about $1 billion a
year, divided about equally between
state and local expenditures, minus
about 5 per cent federal funds.
Represented Compromise
The pay raise program represented a
compromise between views of Gov.
Connally and one faction of legis
lators, and those of Texas State Teach
ers’ Association and another legislative
group. TSTA had favored an across-
the-board $5 per month pay increase.
The new bill includes about $5 mil
lion a year for additional “merit” pay
Texas Highlights
Texas districts almost unanimous
ly were striving to meet the federal
government’s civil rights standards
to receive funds. Many districts an
nounced new desegregation pro
grams.
Houston voters overwhelmingly
approved a bond issue despite pro
tests from some Negro leaders that
it would perpetuate de facto school
segregation.
Some Negro spokesmen com
plained of discrimination against
Negro teachers, in layoffs caused by
desegregation, but some Negroes
were being placed in newly desegre
gated faculties.
Jerry Levias of Beaumont received
an athletic scholarship at Southern
Methodist University, the first Negro
ever to be recruited by a Southwest
Athletic Conference school.
Demands for desegregation of pri
vately owned housing available to
University of Texas students
prompted the board of regents to
stop making “approved” housing
lists.
Federal spokesmen asserted in
Texas talks that “token” desegrega
tion will not be enough to get
federal grants hereafter.
The state and local communities
applied for millions of dollars in
federal anti-poverty funds, includ
ing more than $5 million to help
128,000 migratory labor families,
mostly Latin-Americans.
armed forces, and nine left school be
cause of illness. Thirty-seven quit
school after marriage and 64 others said
they had dropped out to take jobs.
Eighty-two left for miscellaneous rea
sons, or could not be located.
★ ★ ★
Some Negro Teachers
Reported Losing Jobs
Desegregation is costing some Negro
teachers their jobs, reported Clarence
A. Laws of Dallas, Southwest regional
director for the National Association for
Advancement of Colored People. He
said complaints would be lodged with
the U.S. Department of Health, Edu
cation and Welfare, and that “if the
superintendent does not hire on an
equal basis we will see that federal
funds are taken away.”
Laws said the complaints involve
small North Texas schools, which have
abolished separate units for Negroes.
“We know of half a dozen more dis
tricts that are going to let teachers out
without any prospect of employment,”
he said.
At Gonzales, Negroes were employed
(See TEXAS, Page 17)
increases to be determined by local ad
ministrators, with the state furnishing
80 per cent of the money. A study of
the need for overhauling public educa
tion in the state also will be made,
under another section of the bill.
Legislation to prohibit discrimination
in public employment advanced but
did not finally pass in the session ended
May 31. It received favorable action in
the House, but did not get to a vote
in the Senate. A separate bill on the
subject once was approved by a Senate
committee.
★ ★ ★
The growing political power of Ne
gro and Latin-American minority
groups in the state (and South) is one
reason why many communities elect
school boards and city councilmen by
the “place” system, according to Roy
Young, an Arlington State College
assistant professor of political science.
This system requires a candidate to
choose a particular seat he wishes to
win, rather than running at-large in a
field where offices are awarding accord
ing to those receiving the top votes
from the group.
Young said the “place” system serves
to dilute the concentrated political
power of minorities.
SMU Recruits First Negro
Athlete In SW Conference
Governor Expected To Approve
Bill For Teacher Pay Increase