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behind the scene in Washington
by W«Jf Blitzer
JcriMAfok Pom
WASHINGTON—“For several
months,” said Mark Siegel, the
Carter Administration’s former
chief liaison with the American
Jewish community, “I have felt
that there may be tome people in
the Administration who actually
believe that a public confrontation
between the U.S. and Israel may be
in order, so as to jar Israel from its
present negotiating position to a
far more flexible one that is
consistent with President Carter’s
views."
And that bothered Siegel, who
resigned a few weeks ago from the
White House in protest against the
drift of U.S. policy in the Middle
East.
“I don’t want to use any names,”
he continued, “but there is a very
prominent person in world Jewry
who believes that American Jewish
support for Israel is so solid—such
a rock— that the Israeli
government will never feel it has to
negotiate unless American Jewry is
somehow broken, that its power is
at least diminished. That view is
shared by some high officials in the
Administration.”
Those officials in the
Administration who believe that
such a confrontation is necessary
Ito the peace process also believe
that they can “beat what they refer
to as ‘the Jewish lobby’," Siegel
said in an interview this week.
“Once beaten, they can then
proceed without that shackle.”
He fears that the Administra
tion’s deration to support the tale
of advanced aircraft to Saudi
Arabia and Egypt may be part of
this concerted effort to break the
back of Israel's strong supporters
in Washington. Israel will then get
the message that it has to offer
more concessions.
“When you think of the timing
and the packaging of the sales, it
seems very bizarre. It doesn’t seem
logical,” he asserted. “The only
logical explanation, I suggest, is
the one I have given you—it is the
ultimate test case for the
supporters of Israel on Capitol
Hill, at least on the security issue.”
I asked Siegel about the
persistent reports in the American
press, always quoting senior White
House sources, that President
Carter or Vice-President Walter
Mondale may ultimately take the
Administration’s case to the
American people in a televised
address. He replied that he had
heard about such a possibility for
“many months” but “I don’t know
if there is a plan to do it.”
As he sat across the table from
me, drinking coffee, the former
White House official reflected on
the possible impact of such an
address. “That's a very dangerous
speech to make,” he said. “You
understand, and the people in
Israel understand, that we Jews,
wherever we live, are concerned
about anti-Semitism. It’s very
difficult to draft a policy speech
like the one you suggested without
looking like you arc trying to
isolate the American Jewish
community.
“The line between isolation and
potential anti-Semitism is very
thin."
It was at that point that Siegel
recalled the February 23 meeting
at the White House between
National Security adviser
Zbigniew Brzezinski and a
delegation of local Jewish leaders.
“Of all the things Brzezinski said
—most of which I objected to—
one thing stood out,” Siegel, who
helped arrange that meeting,
recalled.
“U.S. national interests and
Israeli national interests do not
coincide,” he quoted Brzezinski as
saying “flatly and without
qualification.” To the 31-year-old
White house aide, the “potential of
that statement was very serious.”
And when the Administration is
rude or hostile to a visiting prime
minister—as Siegel believes it to
have been during Begin’s talks here
—you are making an expression
about Israel. “We have seen the
President warm, as he was during
Begin’s visits in July and
December. And we have seen him
cold. During the recent visit, he
could not have been colder.”
What happened to the Jimmy
Carter of the campaign, the pro-
Israel advocate who assailed
Gerald Ford and Henry Kissinger
for bringing into question U.S.
support for Israel during the
“reassessment” of 1975?
“Jimmy Carter is an
engineer.... When others
disagree, Jimmy Carter can
become impatient and insensitive
to the reasons why paper
rationality sometimes does not
always fit the behavior of nation
states."
After pausing , briefly, he
continued: “I think the President
has a basic commitment to Israel.
But I think he is terribly impatient.
He feels quite boxed in. He feels
that there are great things at
stake...I think he is trying to push
them so that Israel conforms with
his position.”
When Siegel came into the
White House, he was one of two
chief deputies to Hamilton Jordan,
the President’s top political
adviser.
Siegel, Jordan and other White
Hous* political officials, including
Robert Lipshutz and Stuart
Eizenstat, met with some success in
subsequent months in ensuring
that they played a role in shaping
America’s Middle East policy.
Then came the October 1 U.S.-
Soviet communique, which had
the U.S. recognize the “legitimate
rights” of the Palestinians for the
fust time. The White House
received 4,IKK) angry telegrams «
day for three days.
What was especially irritating to
Siegel and Jordan was the fact that
they had not been informed of the
communique in advance.
“Mondale says he didn't know
either,” Siegel said.
To which I asked: “How was
that possible since this statement
represented such an important
shift in U.S. policy?”
“That was not the way
Brzezinski defined it to the
President,” Siegel replied. “He
(Brzezinski) said that it did not
represent a change in U.S. policy,
only a change in Soviet policy. The
Soviets were making all the
concessions. It was a logical step
toward a reconvened Geneva
peace Conference, where the
Soviets serve as co-chairman. That
is how he sold it to the President. I
know that because he later tried to
See Washington, Page 34
VOL. LIV
V
Southern Israelite
The Weekly Newspaper For SoyfhertpJewry
Our %tth Year
Atlanta, Georgia, Friday, April 14, 1978
NO. 15
Watching ‘Holocaust’
I have seen a preview
screening of “Holocaust”
and can promise you a
searing, stimulating and
moving experience. The
production is first-rate and
the story is powerfully
written and graphically
compelling.
As an aid to our readers
during the four nights of the
program, we have devoted
the center pages of this issue
to a “viewers guide"
designed to make the
program more intellectually
meaningful.
With the cooperation of
ADL and WSB-TV, we are
also enclosing as an insert,
“The Record," a guide to a
historical understanding of
the Holocaust.
I’m not sure that one can
“enjoy” the program but it is
certainly an experience none
of us should miss.
Jack Redacted, Editor
Peres
AJWF
by Vida Goldgar
Former Israeli Defense Minister
Shimon Peres, now leader of the
opposition Labor Party, spoke
diplomatically but optimistically
this week about the chances for
peace in the Mideast.
At a press conference in Atlanta
Sunday afternoon, Peres said he
thinks “peace is inevitable...we
have reached the point of no
return.” He predicted “peace in a
matter of months."
Asked whether President Carter
should take a more active role in
the negotiations, Peres smiled and
said, “I think he is quite active." He
then added, diplomatically, “1 am
here to criticize my own
government, not yours.”
There was little criticism of the
Israeli government however. Peres
called Prime Minister Menachem
Begin “surprisingly flexible” in his
initial response to Egyptian
President Sadat's peace initiative,
even though Begin has changed his
position now.
Peres also upheld Begin’s
interpretation of U.N. Resolution
242. Where the opposition
disagrees, Peres said, is on the
future of the West Bank. “Begin’s
approach,” he said, “is by having
sparks
meet
the government divided and
enabling the local people to have
self-rule. I would prefer the more
permanent solution and instead of
dividing the government, I would
divide the land."
Peres was in Atlanta tq speak at
a comm unity-wide meeting
Sunday evening sponsored by the
Atlanta Jewish Welfare
Federation. David Goldwasser,
Federation president, paid tribute
to the men and women who have
worked on the 1978 Campaigrt.
Gerald Cohen 1978 Campaign
general chairman, in his response
to Peres’ message, pledged support
of the Atlanta Jewish community
in efforts to obtain a lasting peace
with security for Israel.
Cohen charged the community
to respond with financial support
of the 1978 Campaign. He
reported that Campaigi^rrifress
to date shows commitments
totaling $3,500,000. With
25 percent of the Campaign left to
complete, Cohen urged every
member of the community to
follow the example set by the
leadership. He said, “there are
many that have not made their
Sec Peres, Page 34
<0
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