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tution of the United States is the work of a
majority of the people, and not the majority of
slates, the right of sovereign contract on the
part of the "tales is at once destroyed; and
that under the arquiesaence of tho Supreme
court,f in whirh ease the usurpation* of the
General Government by a majority, would be
supreme, without the possibility of redress nr
even appeal on the part of the slates. An
endeavour to expose the falacies of this and
other doctrines of the same order, is not nur
present purpose whatever we may hereafter
attempt. It is simply to sketch their churau
ter, and point out their tendencies.
To every reflecting and impartial person it
must be obvious, that those who endeavoured
to inculcate by precept and example such prin-'
eiples as these, are no friends to that true,free
and republican form of government which the
framers of the Constitution intended should
govern tho political association of these Uni
ted Slates. The party whirh advocate these
doctrines have, before the birth of tho Con
stitution, until the present period, showed n
derided opposition to its true character, and
an unmitigated resistance to tho principles of
its formation. Nor have we arrived at such
u conclusion by any process of mere nbslract
reasoning. It is an act of involuntary faith,
over which wo can exert no influence as In
believing nr not believing ; it has been literally
forced upon the mind, bv an nrray of fncts in
the political history of this country, which if
examined will alike overthrow the doubts of
the skeptic, and the sophistry of hypocrites.
Nor are we entirely without the support of
respectable opinion; on the contrnry, we
have that kind of testimony from tho highest
source. Mr. Jcflcrson, than whom wo pre
sume there is no higher authority, in n letter
to R. M. Johnson, expresses himself in rela
tion lo this party, in no very equivocal lan
guage. After in some sort complaining of
the abuse which they had «howcrod with a li-
ber-il hand on him, for die pure am! republi
can mnuncr in which Iho affairs of Govern
ment wore administered, ho makes llinso re
marks: “ Rot t came lo the government un
der circumstances • > iil,*uliit<*rl to generate pe
culiar acrimony. I found all its offices in Ihe
possession of a political suet, who wished to
transform it ultimately into the shopo of their
darling model, the English government; and
in the mean lime to familiarize the public
mind In the change, by administering it on
English principles, and in English forms.”J
Tho “ political sect” to which Jeff Tson here
alluded, was the parly which opposed his elec
tion to the Presidency, profering to him nn in
dividual ovory way inimical to tho parly which
Jefferson represented, and uiidnr whnsn ad
ministration tho Constitution was so “ palpa
bly” and violently infringed, in the ennetment
of the nlien and sedition Inws—which party
was then as now, denominated Federalists
Again, in a conversation which this sunte dis
tinguished individual had with Genernl Wash
ington nn the 1st of October, 1702, lie ex’-
preaies the same sentiments, in giving his
reasons why he thought that Washington
should continue nt llic helm of government,
and guide its infant footsteps nt least one term
longer; nnd when ho hinted at the existence of
auch principles as the above, Washington ob
served “that as lo the idea of transforming
this government into a monarchy, he did not
believe there were ten men ip the United
States, whoso opinion* were worth attention,
who entertained such a thought,’’ “ I told him,”'
says Mr. Jefferson, “ that thcro woro nianv
more than he imagined.” I then referred him
to a conversation w hich occurred nt his own
table, between General Schuyler, nn Quo side,
and Pinckney and myself nn the other, where
in the former maintained the position, that he
reditary discent was ns likely to produce good
magistrates, as election. I told him that though
tho ponple were sound, there were a numer
ous sect who hhd monarchy in contemplation.
That Ihe Secretnryol tho Treasury (Mr. E.
Randolph) was one of these. That 1 had
heard him say that tho Constitution was n
shill-i-shall-i thing of mere'milk and water,
that could not last, mid tens only good as a
step lo something belter. That whqn we re
flected that ho had endeavoured in the con
vention to make an English Constitution of
it, and when failing in that, we saw all his
measures londing lo bring it to Ilia same thing,
it was natural for us to ho jealous, nnd parti
cularly when we saw that those measures had
established corruption in tho Legislature,
where there was n squad devoted to tho noil
of tho Treasurer, doing whatever he directed,
and ready to do whatever he should direct.Ӥ
The apparent difference of opinion which is
liars manifested between these two illustrious
personages, might in tome persons produce a
lessened respect for the opinions nl Mr. Jef
ferson, were it not for the fact that in subse
quent conversations between them. Washing
ton expressed himself in a very different man
ner, [| and in much more unreserved language.
On this subject, using the same arguments to
to dalain Jefferson in the Cabinet, as ho (Jef
ferson) had employed with him.
Arguments of this kind might ho produced
to almost any extent, were it necessary, but
believing that those we havo offered will he
fully sufficient for our purpose, wn will leave
this pari of the subject. But before proceed
ing however, to,point out the final results
which wo think will inevitably follow, should
the various doctrines advocated by the “ Fe
deral party,” become the acting principles by
whirh this government shall be kept in mo
tion, and the political destinies of the people
composing ihaea United States be governed ;
we beg leave to make a few digrea-ional re
marks. ,
We have been short and concise in our
sketch of that party, for two reasons—1st.
Experience baa proved lo us, that long and
| Vide the celebrated opinion of the 8oprtne Court
la tho cast of McCulloch, w. the State of Maryland.
1 Vide Jefferson** work*, Vol. 4th, page 109.
k Vide Jefferson's works, Vol 4tb, peg* 49 J.
It Ibid.
elaborate articles, however meritorious, ere
comparatively seldom read, when found in Ihe
columns of a newspaper; and 2ndly, The
design of Ihe writer has been more to intro
duce the subject than to discuss it nt length.
Considerable excitement has manifested itaelt
of late throughout the state in regnrd to the
Tariff. The people have become aroused
sumnwhnt, by what all deem an attempt tn
impose upon them a system originating from
power usurped by Iho Genernl Governmonl,
and in itself utterly subversive of those rights
and immunities, which ns citizens of a sover
eign slate, they feel to he their legacy. It ts ob
vious to nil, that tho Tariff is almost the exclu
sive subject which has produced this excite
ment and these alarms; and by turning their
attention entirely to this, they.loan sight to a
great extent of ether-matters, not so promi
nent indeed, but equally important to Consti
tutional liberty. It may serve to turn public
attention lo the political history of nir coun
try, tn collect and arrange facts, and arrive at
conclusions with cerlaintv in relation to the
objects which men and parties have had in
view when they have advocated certain prin
ciples and doctrines ; arid he that will take the
trouble lo do this, will ascertain ns wo before
hinted, that the same party which opposed Ihe
the Cnnstitutinn in 1787, which elevated John
Adams to the Presidency, and under whose
auspices and fostering were passed Iho memo
rable alien and sedition laws, which opposed
the election of Thomas Jefferson, and sup
ported Burr, which opposed the last war. nnd
got up the Hartford Convention, which have
advocated and still advocate the doctrine of
unlimited construction of the Constitution in
order to produce the hank nflho United States,
and the system of internal improvement, arc
the same which advnralo from principle nu
well us policy, tho Tariff of 1828 and ’32.
U'e shell now endeavour to point out what
we coneoivoto ho the legitimate results,towhich
tho doctrines of tho Federal party tend. In
doing this, we shall ns far as we are capable,
divest ourselves of prejudice and partiality ;
which are more nr less inmates of every bo
som, and he guided hy the light of roason only.
We commence with tho doctrino of con
struction. fu.d endeavour lo show what may
bo its influence in the operations of the go
vernment, if suffered to proceed unmolested.
lVo shall lake an instance or two and reason
impartially. And first, wo will take the sedi
lion law of’9S for nn example. Tho Admin
istration of tho government nnd tho major
part of its offices, were at that time “in the
possession of a political sect,” whoso charac
ter wo have endenvored lo delineate. They
had ucccpled tho greatest honors and emolu
ments of tho government, whoso very exis
tence they had endeavoured to provent. Tho
instrument from which this government deri
ved nil its powors, though particular in all its
features, nnd express in all its bcurings, is by
them made tho subject uf the most atrict nnd
critical examination, for the purpose of ascer
taining how fnt its defective nr unguarded phra
seology would admit of constructions, upon
which might lie predicated the power to pass
certain laws which that instrument did not ex
pressly authorize. By proceeding in this way,
the enactment of a law is procured, which de
clares “ that if any person shall write, print,
utter or publish, or shall enuso or procure to
ho written, printed, uttored or published, nr
shnll knowingly or willingly assist nr aid in
writing, uttering or publishing any false scan
dalous nnd malicious writings against tho go-
veminent of the United Status, or tho Presi
dent of tho United Slates, with nn intent to
defamo the said government, or either houses
of Congress, or Iho snid President, to bring
thorn or either of them into contempt or disre
pute or excite against them the haired of the
people of the United States, $c. $-c.; then
such person on conviction thereof before any
court of Ihe United States, having jurisdiction
thoroof, shnll be punished by fine not exceed
ing two thousand dollars, and by imprison-
mont not exceeding two years.” The effect of
this law (as is obvious lo all) wns of o double
nature ; it almost entirely prevented that ex
pression of puhlio opinion in relation to tho
'•(filters <)f governmonl, (who derived their
power directly from the penplp,) so noceasary
to the preservation of the liberties of the peo
ple, and tho purity of a freo government; hy
it the liberty of press was nlmnst entirely
abolished, which liberty has ever been consi
dered Ihe gruatest disseminator of intelligence
and sound policy. It ulsn, had tho effect of
giving the incumbents of the governmental of
fices, (however execrable their conduct or
principles might he) a decided advantngo over
political opponents, however meritorious, or
however virtuous nnd well founded their claims
might have been. Now, when we see affor
ded as a pretext for the passage of this law,
that section* of the Constitution, which anys,
that Congress shall have power, to make all
laws which shall be necessary and proper, for
carrying into execution the foregoing powers,
that one of the foregoing powers wos to “ pro
vide for the common defence and general wel
fare." That the sedition law wns one of the
means of providing for the common defence,
and that the punishment of seditious writers”
was suppressing insurrections, within the
meaning of the Constitution; we are naturally
led to conclude that the powers of our govern
ment are perfectly unlimited, subject only to
tho pleasure of those who control its opera
tions, and subject to political mutation* and
inconsistencies, just in proportion as the hu
man intellect is diversified, and Ihe opinions of
mankind alter from the force of circumstances.
We cannot treat this attempted justification of
the sedition law with any sort of gravity.—
There is something too facetious for argument
in the discovery that the aedilion law belong
ed to the military power of government, that
one mem* of national defence was indictment,
and that a district attorney, whether casemen-
ted or mounted on the folds of his writs, was
* Vide the 18th Sect, oftbe 8th Art
to be looked on as one of the national guards.
It was certainly a frail project in the framers
of the Constitution lo guard with vigilance,
and scrutinize with such zealous patriotism, in
order to define the various powers which the
government wns to exercise, if the instrument
containing such defined powers is to he sub
jected to the latiludinarian constructions
which gave truth to such a law as Let
the whole instrument be treated m the same
way, (and indeed the practice has gone to an
alarming extent already,) and iho character of
the government, under which our posterity in
the course of a few more generations may
live,will he no more like that which was exercis
ed in the days of Jefferson’s administration,than
the government of Rome under the first consuls
was like Ihe government of Rome under the
tvranny of Nero or Caligula. And when we re
flect that the sedition law was nnl nnly the first
step to the usurpation of power hy construc
tion, but that the system of internal improve
ment, the National Bank nnd the Tariff Sys-
tym, all spring from the same origin, and that
t.io advoentes of these measures seem more
steadfast, and determined to pursue their
course of late than formerly, in defiance of the
alarming excitement which (hey have occa
sioned in same slates lo the danger of the
Union; too most friged skeptic must see
nnd feel that there it much cause to dread ap
proaching anarchy and confusion- or whnl is
worse, because it is hard to remedy a consoli
dation of the states, and the final institution
of a government of complete nnd total despo-
iisin. The doctrine ndvocateil by Mr. Web
ster and others, declaring that our government
is National and not Federal, eminating direct
ly from the people of the United Slates, instead
of from the Stales as independent sovereigns,
and is therefore a goverment of the people em
phatically, is admirably calculated to suit the
views and further the interests of latiludina-
rinns or cotiitructionists. The same part of
tho Constitution, from which is derited tho
power to make appropriations for the construc
tion of roads,canals,bridges &c. will also admit
of n construction to build edifices nnd estab
lish schools and seminaries of learning, both
in science and the fine arts. Now, if our go-
vermnont is national, tho welfare of the ma
jority is tho “ general welfare,” and thus the
funds in the treasury might ho appropriated In
the erection of seminaries of loarning in all its
branches, all over thoso states who have a re
presentative majority in ’Congress; and that
part of the Union composing tho minority,
and opposed to theso doctrines, have no pos
sible mode of redress short of revolution.—
Tho proceedings of tho Constructionists, alias
the Federal party, so far, are nothing more
than what wo hove been taught to expect ; for
never did a learned astronomer predict the
eclipse of the sun with more fidelity and accu
racy, than did Patrick Henry point out the
consequences of adopting the present Consti
tution, in his celebrated speeches in tho Vir
ginia house of delegates. It teems as il, “ by
inspiration taught,” ho cited that assembly to
the very sections which wns to suffer first by
mal-construction. Though icfioetions of this
kind aro naturally calculated to arouse the
dormant energms of freemen, nnd make them
anxiously look around for some ” method” by
whirh these nvils may bo arrested, nnd our
government brought back to itn original purity,
wo should bo cautious and prudent in nur ac
tions, lest by endeavoring to avoid Scylla, wo
strike and ure split on Charybdis. Nothing in
the moral world is nxempt from mutation of
<tomo kind, when homogeneously romparod,
nnd accordingly “ all experience hath shown
that the rarest thing in the history of man, nnd
Ihe mnsi difficult thing in nature to preserve,
is a popular government worth living under.”
It is true, that wo commenced our political
career as a nation, under circumstances pe
culiarly auspicious over that of nny nation
who procended us. The origin of our govern
mental rules, are not obscuro and uncertain,
hut known to every one ; our laws as a nation
nro not derived from fictitious legends or tra
ditions, hatched in tho cradlo of ignorance,
and brought up by tho hands of superstition
nnd prejudice ; but they come from authorized
legislators of the people, to operate on the
public. Wo should recollect that if the revo
lution of Ihe Deity himself to man, has been
made tho subject of angry discussion, discor-
(nnt opinion, and warfaring sects, how rea
sonably may we calculate on the perversion
of an instrument of hitman composition,depen
dant for immutability on the uncertain tenure
of man’s wisdom. Let us, therefore, he gui
ded by prudonce, profiting by the occurren
ces of the past.
MARCELLUS.
—QQO—
mn tui southern banner.
Messrs. Editors,—I have for some time
considered the union of these United States in
danger, not indeed, because the people of eve*
ry section of the country may not he happy
and prosperous under our State, and General
Government; but because we havo ton many
groa, men for our offices ; and because these
great moti aro permitted by the common peo
ple, to give tone nnd direction to public senti
ment upon subjects, concerning which, every
man in the commu'nilv is perfectly able lo
judge for himself. But these pretended watch-
lul guardians of the people’s rights, these dis
interested, sympathising politicians who la
bour alone for the people’s good, are unwil
ling that tho country should roniutn quiet, and
that our citizens shopld pursue the even tenor
of their way in the enjoyment of all the bles
sings, which any nation could reasonably
desire.
They, the common people, say these lea
ders are sore oppressed, and they dont know
it. They are loosing our services a* public
officers. They must be aroused; such tal
ents aa ours ought not to be unemployed.—
Hence a whirlwind musi be raised—a dust
must be thrown in the eyes of the common
people, lo enable them to see—their reason
must be nullified, to enable them lo under
stand their rights—all the belter feelings of
their hearts must be hurried beneath Ihe an
gry, malignant name of passion, in order to
make them feel as men ought to feel. We
have Clay’s, and Calhoun’s, and Webster’s,
and McDuffie’s, Ilayne’s and Hamilton’s, nnd
Berrien’s, who cannot without pain, behold
the good people of this country suffering un
der all the misrule of Jackson, while tney
would he willing to sacrifice all their love of
retirement, nnd even accept of tho Presidency
and offices of the Cabinet, to give (heir coun
try Ihe advantage of their talents and patriot
ism. O, how il grieves thorn to see such
men ns Jackson, nnd Cass, and Livingston, at
the head of Government! Their chivalric
hearts bpnthigh with the love of country, their
disinterested patriotism fires at the sight of a
good dinner, and the thundering wine glass
moves all the energies of their daring souls!!
A voico from the graves of their ancestors
calls upon them to whet their swords upon the
tomb stones of sires who burst the iron chains
of British despotism, and for shame to sunder
those cotton and woollen cords, with which
the hard hearted Yankees are binding them !!!
Disinterested, daring spirits!! Behold with
what firmness they aim the muzzle of the
wine glass at every enemy of their country,
and with what courage they pour upon her
pitiless oppressors the wasting grapeshot of
damning, nullifying toasts !! What a misfor
tune that such men cannot ho at tho head of
government? How much better lo have
twenty-foursuch Presidents, guiding the des
tinies and blessing the citizens of theso So
vereign States, than (o he under the rule of
fecblo old Jackson !! How foolish in tho citi
zens of the South to hesitate one moment to
sever the Union, for tho purpose of obtnining
the servicos of such men in office? What
would not Calhoun do, wore he President of
the Uhited Republic of South Carolina and
Georgia ? Only put McDuffie at the head of
tho Slate department, and would not he, who
can convert 14,000 into a million,ho ablcfo de
vise ways nnd means to fill our pockets with
cash ? What would not his grent national
constitutional bank do for us, citizens cf the
South ? Only make Ilayne or Hamilton Se
cretary uf War, and they would survey every
rond in our land, and bring a canal or rail road
through every corn field and “ cotton patch”
in all this mighty Republic of tho South !!
Just make Berrien Attorney General, and
you would never have any more contests,
malo or female in oil this delightful Govern
ment !! Why he’d nullify “ them Yankees,”
if they even brought a wooden nutmeg, or a
horn gun (lint across your line, as soon ns he
silenced Mrs. Eaton, nnd taught old Hickory
what ladies could be permitted tn stay at
Washington !—Pardon me, Mr. Editor, for
turning a subject serious as tho liberties of my
country into ridicule. 1 cannot, however, with
out feeling the keen edge of satire sharpening
my pen, oltempi to write upon this subject! I
cannot, without a feeling of contempt, hear
men gravely inquiring “ what has been the
advantage of the Union to the South?" 1
cannot, without moro than contempt and in
dignation, behold men attempting to incite
their countrymen lo civil war, for evils which
they know to bo in n great measote imaginary,
and which, if real, will uocessarily remedy
themselves in n short time, without tho deso
lations of civil war, and Ihe horrid spectacle of
brother cutting tho throat of brolher. 1 can
not, without a feeling better felt, than expres
sed, behold a few aspiring demagogues at
tempting to inflamothe public mind,for the pur
pose of consuming those obstacles which im
pede their ambitious strides to places of power
nnd profit! I cannot'sco men who profess lo
ho (he friends and, some “ o pudor,” tho min
isters of the Princn of peace, seizing the torch
of discord and civil war, without contempt!
Ye*, to soo a pitiful driveller of nullification
mingling with '.he sons of wnrnnddrunkenness,
to-day, and to-morrow standing in the place
of mercy and peoco, is indeed sickening lo the
heart of patriotism os well as Christianity !—
Who can fail to frown upon that man, whom
his country has raised from poverty and in
significance, to wealth and power, publicly
preaching the doctrines of disunion and civil
war—attempting to inflame the minds of Ihe
young, and to blind Ihe eyes of the ignorant,
and to work upon the sordid avarice of the mi
ser ! Look at the heartless demagogue pledg
ing “ his life, his fortune, and his sacred hon
or,” yet with no more intention of breasting
Ihe storm, which his own foul breath is raising,
than of ceasing to look alone at his own per
sonal agrandiaement ? Who will not blush
for the men, who, in the face of facts, will
continue to assert what they know to be false ?
Who, without pity, can behold men in the en
joyment of the richest blessings, a kind Provi
dence ever bestowed upon a people, suffering
themselves lo bo seduced by thoso who have
fattened upon their kindness, and risen upon
their credulity ? Whose heart does not sicken
when he looks at his country, blessed with all
that can make a nation free, and honorable,
and happy, torn with intestiao fends, distrac
ted with contending factions, and perhaps
about to be plunged into all Ihe horrors of ci
vil war ? And why all this commotion 1 Why
all Ibia rage, and slrife, and noise of men? I
look in vain for the reality of that picture of
suffering, which the ambitious demagogue and
the apostate Priest pourtray over their wine!
1 ask in vain for the dangers to which our li
berties are exposed ! For, I see a country
extensive und powerful, and enlightened, with
a Constitution the purest which has ever been
granted to a nation.* I know there are dif
ferences of opinion in tho interpretation of this
instrument, which are considered important.
I know there are sectional interests and sec
tional jealousies. But can these things lead
to Ihe enslaving of any portion of the country?
Are there not ao many common, as well aa
conflicting interests, that a majority cannot
* I know the Tariff*!* unequal and therefore unjust,
but not to the extent pretended by Nullificrs.
Ions greatly oppress and injure (he raino™,,
And ore the sections} jealousies more num»
nua' or more disaaterous, than would be th
which would arise in any portion of the co"*
try, were that portion to secede f ror . ^
Union? What have been the feelings betwe
Clark men and Troup men in Georgia 1 WlT
is now the feeling between the large count?!!
and the smnll? Have not the upper coumi'!
been paying to tho lower, a heavier tar th *
ever the Tariffimposed ? What has been th'
feeling between South Carolina men an!
Georgia mon ? Is it reasonable to suppna^
that men who have treated each other as h»»'
Ihe leading men of Ihe two great parties j n ,l*
State, or in this 8late and South Carolin'*
would live long under Ihe same governme ?
witho it differences more ruinous than tho"
which now distract the United States ? v"
ns well might you mingle oil and water aa t°
make these men harmonize. Could the c ii°
zeos of Georgia and South Carolina, |j, e De ''
cenb'y and amicably under Ihe same form '•
government, were they alone to conatituteth*
State ? Would there be no jealousy, go >!a . e
interest, which would creep in and forever d °
stroy the welfare of both ? Wo all fcnn*
a common quarrel tends to unite those who I
other respects are opposed. And yet, | mw £
it in this case with Carolina and Georgia) |,
there not as much bitterness even now nn the
subject of the National Bank, and the doc.
trine of Internal Improvement, between some
of the champions of Nullification and Dim.
nion, as there is between Tariff and Anti-Tt.
riff? And had they not been engaged in the
quarrel with the General Government, would
not these bones of contention havo produced
us much bitterness as is now mingled with the
other ? Do we not know that as you narrow
the area on which the contest takes place, you
increase the heat and zeal, and bitterness of
strife? Form your Southern Republic, and
how soon would the chivalric Nullified of
South Carolina, who are Iho fathers of Inter,
nal Improvement, draw upon your Southern
Treasury, for Rail Ronds to Charleston, the
great port of entry for Ihe South ? A few mil-
lions of taxes would no doubt be recommend
ed in President Calhoun’s first message, for
fortifications around the Queen of Cities,-.
Would there be no rivalry between the inhabi
tants of our sea board and those of South
Carolina? Would Savannah be xvtliing ( 0 -
have her resources all dried up, for the *ake«f
pouring the wealth of Geogm into Ihe great nn.
poriumof thegreaf Southern Republic ? Should
we not need ships and fortifications nt so mi.
ny points, as to puzzle even Secretory Mc
Duffie, lo provide the ways and means? Ab
surd ! worse than absurd, to suppose that S,
Carolina and Georgia could form a Union
which would not be a rope of sand ! The lo
cation of a seat of Government—the e’leition
of the first Chief Magistrate, would rend io
pieces a Union composed of materials discor*
tant and repulsive, as positive and negative
electricity. But, perhaps it will be said that
the remedy proposed by Nullificrs is peaceful
nnd will not result in disunion. Bo not de
ceived ! It can no longer he doubted (hat tbs
object is disunion. They wish no other effect,
and there can he none. Have Iboy not shown
in Congress that they desire no peace with
other portions of the Union ? Do they not de
clare that wnr is the resort, if they are resisted
by the General Government ? And will Geo.
Jackson suffer nny stalo or states, to nullify
on act of Congress ? Ask his letter to the
Union men of Chnrlestnn ? Will Hewy
Clay ? Where is Ihe least ground of hope thit
an act of resistance will not be met, and met
with energy by Ihe General Government!
What was the language of Ihe South concern
ing the Hartford convention ? Should we not
despise that government, which would not re
sist and put down treason within its own bor
ders ? Resistance is as inevitable as the»cl
of Nullification is certain- And it is men-
ness in thoso who dare not come out opeoh,
to attempt to deceive Ihe people. They talk
of peaceful remedies, whilo attempting lo in
flame our minds nnd to land us on until we
have token steps, from which ive cannot with
dignity recede. They hand us the glass of
friendship, and tell us not that it is mingled
with the blood and tears of our fathers and
mothers ! Let us be not deceived ! their ob
ject is disunion, their expectation is war! and
when the fatal blow is struck, it may be loo
late. 1 believe I can show clearly that they
ure attempting to impose upon us, and thit
every difficulty which they can throw in th®
way of peace and harmony is done. But if 1
attempt this I must do it in another number.
j3 Friend of Union and Equal Rights;
Rut one who believes, that when oppression is
such ns' lo render Union no longer desirable,
we have the right lo recede, and that »•
should do it openly ; but wbo also believes
that thul lime has not uvrivod.
rOR THE SOUTHERN BANNER.
Mrssrs. Editors,—Our fellow-citizens, in
many parts of the State, we are gratified lo
learn, are calling upon (be Candidates for
Congress and the Legislature to express their
sentiments upon the subject of nullification.—
This is worthy of imitation. The time ha* ar
rived, when every voter nhould know the sen
timents of those for whom he votes, especially
upon such a subject as nullification, which is
full of danger, death, and destruction. {I
would increase our confidence in the candi
dates of this county to have a public expres
sion of their sentiments upon this subject—
They are all believed to be opposed to that
wonder-working remedy of J. C. Calhoun, but
to make “ assurance doubly sure,” they should
either individually or collectively give the
county a fair and full exposition of their view*.
Many voters are resolved to support no mss
who is n nullifier, and wbo is not known to be
opposed to nullification. They believe th*t
no nullifier can consistently support Gen.
Jachson, wbo is a decided anti-nullifier. Our
candidates are requested to nfibrd the iofiw-
