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tution of the United States is the work of a majority of the people, and not the majority of slates, the right of sovereign contract on the part of the "tales is at once destroyed; and that under the arquiesaence of tho Supreme court,f in whirh ease the usurpation* of the General Government by a majority, would be supreme, without the possibility of redress nr even appeal on the part of the slates. An endeavour to expose the falacies of this and other doctrines of the same order, is not nur present purpose whatever we may hereafter attempt. It is simply to sketch their churau ter, and point out their tendencies. To every reflecting and impartial person it must be obvious, that those who endeavoured to inculcate by precept and example such prin-' eiples as these, are no friends to that true,free and republican form of government which the framers of the Constitution intended should govern tho political association of these Uni ted Slates. The party whirh advocate these doctrines have, before the birth of tho Con stitution, until the present period, showed n derided opposition to its true character, and an unmitigated resistance to tho principles of its formation. Nor have we arrived at such u conclusion by any process of mere nbslract reasoning. It is an act of involuntary faith, over which wo can exert no influence as In believing nr not believing ; it has been literally forced upon the mind, bv an nrray of fncts in the political history of this country, which if examined will alike overthrow the doubts of the skeptic, and the sophistry of hypocrites. Nor are we entirely without the support of respectable opinion; on the contrnry, we have that kind of testimony from tho highest source. Mr. Jcflcrson, than whom wo pre sume there is no higher authority, in n letter to R. M. Johnson, expresses himself in rela tion lo this party, in no very equivocal lan guage. After in some sort complaining of the abuse which they had «howcrod with a li- ber-il hand on him, for die pure am! republi can mnuncr in which Iho affairs of Govern ment wore administered, ho makes llinso re marks: “ Rot t came lo the government un der circumstances • > iil,*uliit<*rl to generate pe culiar acrimony. I found all its offices in Ihe possession of a political suet, who wished to transform it ultimately into the shopo of their darling model, the English government; and in the mean lime to familiarize the public mind In the change, by administering it on English principles, and in English forms.”J Tho “ political sect” to which Jeff Tson here alluded, was the parly which opposed his elec tion to the Presidency, profering to him nn in dividual ovory way inimical to tho parly which Jefferson represented, and uiidnr whnsn ad ministration tho Constitution was so “ palpa bly” and violently infringed, in the ennetment of the nlien and sedition Inws—which party was then as now, denominated Federalists Again, in a conversation which this sunte dis tinguished individual had with Genernl Wash ington nn the 1st of October, 1702, lie ex’- preaies the same sentiments, in giving his reasons why he thought that Washington should continue nt llic helm of government, and guide its infant footsteps nt least one term longer; nnd when ho hinted at the existence of auch principles as the above, Washington ob served “that as lo the idea of transforming this government into a monarchy, he did not believe there were ten men ip the United States, whoso opinion* were worth attention, who entertained such a thought,’’ “ I told him,”' says Mr. Jefferson, “ that thcro woro nianv more than he imagined.” I then referred him to a conversation w hich occurred nt his own table, between General Schuyler, nn Quo side, and Pinckney and myself nn the other, where in the former maintained the position, that he reditary discent was ns likely to produce good magistrates, as election. I told him that though tho ponple were sound, there were a numer ous sect who hhd monarchy in contemplation. That Ihe Secretnryol tho Treasury (Mr. E. Randolph) was one of these. That 1 had heard him say that tho Constitution was n shill-i-shall-i thing of mere'milk and water, that could not last, mid tens only good as a step lo something belter. That whqn we re flected that ho had endeavoured in the con vention to make an English Constitution of it, and when failing in that, we saw all his measures londing lo bring it to Ilia same thing, it was natural for us to ho jealous, nnd parti cularly when we saw that those measures had established corruption in tho Legislature, where there was n squad devoted to tho noil of tho Treasurer, doing whatever he directed, and ready to do whatever he should direct.”§ The apparent difference of opinion which is liars manifested between these two illustrious personages, might in tome persons produce a lessened respect for the opinions nl Mr. Jef ferson, were it not for the fact that in subse quent conversations between them. Washing ton expressed himself in a very different man ner, [| and in much more unreserved language. On this subject, using the same arguments to to dalain Jefferson in the Cabinet, as ho (Jef ferson) had employed with him. Arguments of this kind might ho produced to almost any extent, were it necessary, but believing that those we havo offered will he fully sufficient for our purpose, wn will leave this pari of the subject. But before proceed ing however, to,point out the final results which wo think will inevitably follow, should the various doctrines advocated by the “ Fe deral party,” become the acting principles by whirh this government shall be kept in mo tion, and the political destinies of the people composing ihaea United States be governed ; we beg leave to make a few digrea-ional re marks. , We have been short and concise in our sketch of that party, for two reasons—1st. Experience baa proved lo us, that long and | Vide the celebrated opinion of the 8oprtne Court la tho cast of McCulloch, w. the State of Maryland. 1 Vide Jefferson** work*, Vol. 4th, page 109. k Vide Jefferson's works, Vol 4tb, peg* 49 J. It Ibid. elaborate articles, however meritorious, ere comparatively seldom read, when found in Ihe columns of a newspaper; and 2ndly, The design of Ihe writer has been more to intro duce the subject than to discuss it nt length. Considerable excitement has manifested itaelt of late throughout the state in regnrd to the Tariff. The people have become aroused sumnwhnt, by what all deem an attempt tn impose upon them a system originating from power usurped by Iho Genernl Governmonl, and in itself utterly subversive of those rights and immunities, which ns citizens of a sover eign slate, they feel to he their legacy. It ts ob vious to nil, that tho Tariff is almost the exclu sive subject which has produced this excite ment and these alarms; and by turning their attention entirely to this, they.loan sight to a great extent of ether-matters, not so promi nent indeed, but equally important to Consti tutional liberty. It may serve to turn public attention lo the political history of nir coun try, tn collect and arrange facts, and arrive at conclusions with cerlaintv in relation to the objects which men and parties have had in view when they have advocated certain prin ciples and doctrines ; arid he that will take the trouble lo do this, will ascertain ns wo before hinted, that the same party which opposed Ihe the Cnnstitutinn in 1787, which elevated John Adams to the Presidency, and under whose auspices and fostering were passed Iho memo rable alien and sedition laws, which opposed the election of Thomas Jefferson, and sup ported Burr, which opposed the last war. nnd got up the Hartford Convention, which have advocated and still advocate the doctrine of unlimited construction of the Constitution in order to produce the hank nflho United States, and the system of internal improvement, arc the same which advnralo from principle nu well us policy, tho Tariff of 1828 and ’32. U'e shell now endeavour to point out what we coneoivoto ho the legitimate results,towhich tho doctrines of tho Federal party tend. In doing this, we shall ns far as we are capable, divest ourselves of prejudice and partiality ; which are more nr less inmates of every bo som, and he guided hy the light of roason only. We commence with tho doctrino of con struction. fu.d endeavour lo show what may bo its influence in the operations of the go vernment, if suffered to proceed unmolested. lVo shall lake an instance or two and reason impartially. And first, wo will take the sedi lion law of’9S for nn example. Tho Admin istration of tho government nnd tho major part of its offices, were at that time “in the possession of a political sect,” whoso charac ter wo have endenvored lo delineate. They had ucccpled tho greatest honors and emolu ments of tho government, whoso very exis tence they had endeavoured to provent. Tho instrument from which this government deri ved nil its powors, though particular in all its features, nnd express in all its bcurings, is by them made tho subject uf the most atrict nnd critical examination, for the purpose of ascer taining how fnt its defective nr unguarded phra seology would admit of constructions, upon which might lie predicated the power to pass certain laws which that instrument did not ex pressly authorize. By proceeding in this way, the enactment of a law is procured, which de clares “ that if any person shall write, print, utter or publish, or shall enuso or procure to ho written, printed, uttored or published, nr shnll knowingly or willingly assist nr aid in writing, uttering or publishing any false scan dalous nnd malicious writings against tho go- veminent of the United Status, or tho Presi dent of tho United Slates, with nn intent to defamo the said government, or either houses of Congress, or Iho snid President, to bring thorn or either of them into contempt or disre pute or excite against them the haired of the people of the United States, $c. $-c.; then such person on conviction thereof before any court of Ihe United States, having jurisdiction thoroof, shnll be punished by fine not exceed ing two thousand dollars, and by imprison- mont not exceeding two years.” The effect of this law (as is obvious lo all) wns of o double nature ; it almost entirely prevented that ex pression of puhlio opinion in relation to tho '•(filters <)f governmonl, (who derived their power directly from the penplp,) so noceasary to the preservation of the liberties of the peo ple, and tho purity of a freo government; hy it the liberty of press was nlmnst entirely abolished, which liberty has ever been consi dered Ihe gruatest disseminator of intelligence and sound policy. It ulsn, had tho effect of giving the incumbents of the governmental of fices, (however execrable their conduct or principles might he) a decided advantngo over political opponents, however meritorious, or however virtuous nnd well founded their claims might have been. Now, when we see affor ded as a pretext for the passage of this law, that section* of the Constitution, which anys, that Congress shall have power, to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper, for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, that one of the foregoing powers wos to “ pro vide for the common defence and general wel fare." That the sedition law wns one of the means of providing for the common defence, and that the punishment of seditious writers” was suppressing insurrections, within the meaning of the Constitution; we are naturally led to conclude that the powers of our govern ment are perfectly unlimited, subject only to tho pleasure of those who control its opera tions, and subject to political mutation* and inconsistencies, just in proportion as the hu man intellect is diversified, and Ihe opinions of mankind alter from the force of circumstances. We cannot treat this attempted justification of the sedition law with any sort of gravity.— There is something too facetious for argument in the discovery that the aedilion law belong ed to the military power of government, that one mem* of national defence was indictment, and that a district attorney, whether casemen- ted or mounted on the folds of his writs, was * Vide the 18th Sect, oftbe 8th Art to be looked on as one of the national guards. It was certainly a frail project in the framers of the Constitution lo guard with vigilance, and scrutinize with such zealous patriotism, in order to define the various powers which the government wns to exercise, if the instrument containing such defined powers is to he sub jected to the latiludinarian constructions which gave truth to such a law as Let the whole instrument be treated m the same way, (and indeed the practice has gone to an alarming extent already,) and iho character of the government, under which our posterity in the course of a few more generations may live,will he no more like that which was exercis ed in the days of Jefferson’s administration,than the government of Rome under the first consuls was like Ihe government of Rome under the tvranny of Nero or Caligula. And when we re flect that the sedition law was nnl nnly the first step to the usurpation of power hy construc tion, but that the system of internal improve ment, the National Bank nnd the Tariff Sys- tym, all spring from the same origin, and that t.io advoentes of these measures seem more steadfast, and determined to pursue their course of late than formerly, in defiance of the alarming excitement which (hey have occa sioned in same slates lo the danger of the Union; too most friged skeptic must see nnd feel that there it much cause to dread ap proaching anarchy and confusion- or whnl is worse, because it is hard to remedy a consoli dation of the states, and the final institution of a government of complete nnd total despo- iisin. The doctrine ndvocateil by Mr. Web ster and others, declaring that our government is National and not Federal, eminating direct ly from the people of the United Slates, instead of from the Stales as independent sovereigns, and is therefore a goverment of the people em phatically, is admirably calculated to suit the views and further the interests of latiludina- rinns or cotiitructionists. The same part of tho Constitution, from which is derited tho power to make appropriations for the construc tion of roads,canals,bridges &c. will also admit of n construction to build edifices nnd estab lish schools and seminaries of learning, both in science and the fine arts. Now, if our go- vermnont is national, tho welfare of the ma jority is tho “ general welfare,” and thus the funds in the treasury might ho appropriated In the erection of seminaries of loarning in all its branches, all over thoso states who have a re presentative majority in ’Congress; and that part of the Union composing tho minority, and opposed to theso doctrines, have no pos sible mode of redress short of revolution.— Tho proceedings of tho Constructionists, alias the Federal party, so far, are nothing more than what wo hove been taught to expect ; for never did a learned astronomer predict the eclipse of the sun with more fidelity and accu racy, than did Patrick Henry point out the consequences of adopting the present Consti tution, in his celebrated speeches in tho Vir ginia house of delegates. It teems as il, “ by inspiration taught,” ho cited that assembly to the very sections which wns to suffer first by mal-construction. Though icfioetions of this kind aro naturally calculated to arouse the dormant energms of freemen, nnd make them anxiously look around for some ” method” by whirh these nvils may bo arrested, nnd our government brought back to itn original purity, wo should bo cautious and prudent in nur ac tions, lest by endeavoring to avoid Scylla, wo strike and ure split on Charybdis. Nothing in the moral world is nxempt from mutation of <tomo kind, when homogeneously romparod, nnd accordingly “ all experience hath shown that the rarest thing in the history of man, nnd Ihe mnsi difficult thing in nature to preserve, is a popular government worth living under.” It is true, that wo commenced our political career as a nation, under circumstances pe culiarly auspicious over that of nny nation who procended us. The origin of our govern mental rules, are not obscuro and uncertain, hut known to every one ; our laws as a nation nro not derived from fictitious legends or tra ditions, hatched in tho cradlo of ignorance, and brought up by tho hands of superstition nnd prejudice ; but they come from authorized legislators of the people, to operate on the public. Wo should recollect that if the revo lution of Ihe Deity himself to man, has been made tho subject of angry discussion, discor- (nnt opinion, and warfaring sects, how rea sonably may we calculate on the perversion of an instrument of hitman composition,depen dant for immutability on the uncertain tenure of man’s wisdom. Let us, therefore, he gui ded by prudonce, profiting by the occurren ces of the past. MARCELLUS. —QQO— mn tui southern banner. Messrs. Editors,—I have for some time considered the union of these United States in danger, not indeed, because the people of eve* ry section of the country may not he happy and prosperous under our State, and General Government; but because we havo ton many groa, men for our offices ; and because these great moti aro permitted by the common peo ple, to give tone nnd direction to public senti ment upon subjects, concerning which, every man in the commu'nilv is perfectly able lo judge for himself. But these pretended watch- lul guardians of the people’s rights, these dis interested, sympathising politicians who la bour alone for the people’s good, are unwil ling that tho country should roniutn quiet, and that our citizens shopld pursue the even tenor of their way in the enjoyment of all the bles sings, which any nation could reasonably desire. They, the common people, say these lea ders are sore oppressed, and they dont know it. They are loosing our services a* public officers. They must be aroused; such tal ents aa ours ought not to be unemployed.— Hence a whirlwind musi be raised—a dust must be thrown in the eyes of the common people, lo enable them to see—their reason must be nullified, to enable them lo under stand their rights—all the belter feelings of their hearts must be hurried beneath Ihe an gry, malignant name of passion, in order to make them feel as men ought to feel. We have Clay’s, and Calhoun’s, and Webster’s, and McDuffie’s, Ilayne’s and Hamilton’s, nnd Berrien’s, who cannot without pain, behold the good people of this country suffering un der all the misrule of Jackson, while tney would he willing to sacrifice all their love of retirement, nnd even accept of tho Presidency and offices of the Cabinet, to give (heir coun try Ihe advantage of their talents and patriot ism. O, how il grieves thorn to see such men ns Jackson, nnd Cass, and Livingston, at the head of Government! Their chivalric hearts bpnthigh with the love of country, their disinterested patriotism fires at the sight of a good dinner, and the thundering wine glass moves all the energies of their daring souls!! A voico from the graves of their ancestors calls upon them to whet their swords upon the tomb stones of sires who burst the iron chains of British despotism, and for shame to sunder those cotton and woollen cords, with which the hard hearted Yankees are binding them !!! Disinterested, daring spirits!! Behold with what firmness they aim the muzzle of the wine glass at every enemy of their country, and with what courage they pour upon her pitiless oppressors the wasting grapeshot of damning, nullifying toasts !! What a misfor tune that such men cannot ho at tho head of government? How much better lo have twenty-foursuch Presidents, guiding the des tinies and blessing the citizens of theso So vereign States, than (o he under the rule of fecblo old Jackson !! How foolish in tho citi zens of the South to hesitate one moment to sever the Union, for tho purpose of obtnining the servicos of such men in office? What would not Calhoun do, wore he President of the Uhited Republic of South Carolina and Georgia ? Only put McDuffie at the head of tho Slate department, and would not he, who can convert 14,000 into a million,ho ablcfo de vise ways nnd means to fill our pockets with cash ? What would not his grent national constitutional bank do for us, citizens cf the South ? Only make Ilayne or Hamilton Se cretary uf War, and they would survey every rond in our land, and bring a canal or rail road through every corn field and “ cotton patch” in all this mighty Republic of tho South !! Just make Berrien Attorney General, and you would never have any more contests, malo or female in oil this delightful Govern ment !! Why he’d nullify “ them Yankees,” if they even brought a wooden nutmeg, or a horn gun (lint across your line, as soon ns he silenced Mrs. Eaton, nnd taught old Hickory what ladies could be permitted tn stay at Washington !—Pardon me, Mr. Editor, for turning a subject serious as tho liberties of my country into ridicule. 1 cannot, however, with out feeling the keen edge of satire sharpening my pen, oltempi to write upon this subject! I cannot, without a feeling of contempt, hear men gravely inquiring “ what has been the advantage of the Union to the South?" 1 cannot, without moro than contempt and in dignation, behold men attempting to incite their countrymen lo civil war, for evils which they know to bo in n great measote imaginary, and which, if real, will uocessarily remedy themselves in n short time, without tho deso lations of civil war, and Ihe horrid spectacle of brother cutting tho throat of brolher. 1 can not, without a feeling better felt, than expres sed, behold a few aspiring demagogues at tempting to inflamothe public mind,for the pur pose of consuming those obstacles which im pede their ambitious strides to places of power nnd profit! I cannot'sco men who profess lo ho (he friends and, some “ o pudor,” tho min isters of the Princn of peace, seizing the torch of discord and civil war, without contempt! Ye*, to soo a pitiful driveller of nullification mingling with '.he sons of wnrnnddrunkenness, to-day, and to-morrow standing in the place of mercy and peoco, is indeed sickening lo the heart of patriotism os well as Christianity !— Who can fail to frown upon that man, whom his country has raised from poverty and in significance, to wealth and power, publicly preaching the doctrines of disunion and civil war—attempting to inflame the minds of Ihe young, and to blind Ihe eyes of the ignorant, and to work upon the sordid avarice of the mi ser ! Look at the heartless demagogue pledg ing “ his life, his fortune, and his sacred hon or,” yet with no more intention of breasting Ihe storm, which his own foul breath is raising, than of ceasing to look alone at his own per sonal agrandiaement ? Who will not blush for the men, who, in the face of facts, will continue to assert what they know to be false ? Who, without pity, can behold men in the en joyment of the richest blessings, a kind Provi dence ever bestowed upon a people, suffering themselves lo bo seduced by thoso who have fattened upon their kindness, and risen upon their credulity ? Whose heart does not sicken when he looks at his country, blessed with all that can make a nation free, and honorable, and happy, torn with intestiao fends, distrac ted with contending factions, and perhaps about to be plunged into all Ihe horrors of ci vil war ? And why all this commotion 1 Why all Ibia rage, and slrife, and noise of men? I look in vain for the reality of that picture of suffering, which the ambitious demagogue and the apostate Priest pourtray over their wine! 1 ask in vain for the dangers to which our li berties are exposed ! For, I see a country extensive und powerful, and enlightened, with a Constitution the purest which has ever been granted to a nation.* I know there are dif ferences of opinion in tho interpretation of this instrument, which are considered important. I know there are sectional interests and sec tional jealousies. But can these things lead to Ihe enslaving of any portion of the country? Are there not ao many common, as well aa conflicting interests, that a majority cannot * I know the Tariff*!* unequal and therefore unjust, but not to the extent pretended by Nullificrs. Ions greatly oppress and injure (he raino™,, And ore the sections} jealousies more num» nua' or more disaaterous, than would be th which would arise in any portion of the co"* try, were that portion to secede f ror . ^ Union? What have been the feelings betwe Clark men and Troup men in Georgia 1 WlT is now the feeling between the large count?!! and the smnll? Have not the upper coumi'! been paying to tho lower, a heavier tar th * ever the Tariffimposed ? What has been th' feeling between South Carolina men an! Georgia mon ? Is it reasonable to suppna^ that men who have treated each other as h»»' Ihe leading men of Ihe two great parties j n ,l* State, or in this 8late and South Carolin'* would live long under Ihe same governme ? witho it differences more ruinous than tho" which now distract the United States ? v" ns well might you mingle oil and water aa t° make these men harmonize. Could the c ii° zeos of Georgia and South Carolina, |j, e De '' cenb'y and amicably under Ihe same form '• government, were they alone to conatituteth* State ? Would there be no jealousy, go >!a . e interest, which would creep in and forever d ° stroy the welfare of both ? Wo all fcnn* a common quarrel tends to unite those who I other respects are opposed. And yet, | mw £ it in this case with Carolina and Georgia) |, there not as much bitterness even now nn the subject of the National Bank, and the doc. trine of Internal Improvement, between some of the champions of Nullification and Dim. nion, as there is between Tariff and Anti-Tt. riff? And had they not been engaged in the quarrel with the General Government, would not these bones of contention havo produced us much bitterness as is now mingled with the other ? Do we not know that as you narrow the area on which the contest takes place, you increase the heat and zeal, and bitterness of strife? Form your Southern Republic, and how soon would the chivalric Nullified of South Carolina, who are Iho fathers of Inter, nal Improvement, draw upon your Southern Treasury, for Rail Ronds to Charleston, the great port of entry for Ihe South ? A few mil- lions of taxes would no doubt be recommend ed in President Calhoun’s first message, for fortifications around the Queen of Cities,-. Would there be no rivalry between the inhabi tants of our sea board and those of South Carolina? Would Savannah be xvtliing ( 0 - have her resources all dried up, for the *ake«f pouring the wealth of Geogm into Ihe great nn. poriumof thegreaf Southern Republic ? Should we not need ships and fortifications nt so mi. ny points, as to puzzle even Secretory Mc Duffie, lo provide the ways and means? Ab surd ! worse than absurd, to suppose that S, Carolina and Georgia could form a Union which would not be a rope of sand ! The lo cation of a seat of Government—the e’leition of the first Chief Magistrate, would rend io pieces a Union composed of materials discor* tant and repulsive, as positive and negative electricity. But, perhaps it will be said that the remedy proposed by Nullificrs is peaceful nnd will not result in disunion. Bo not de ceived ! It can no longer he doubted (hat tbs object is disunion. They wish no other effect, and there can he none. Have Iboy not shown in Congress that they desire no peace with other portions of the Union ? Do they not de clare that wnr is the resort, if they are resisted by the General Government ? And will Geo. Jackson suffer nny stalo or states, to nullify on act of Congress ? Ask his letter to the Union men of Chnrlestnn ? Will Hewy Clay ? Where is Ihe least ground of hope thit an act of resistance will not be met, and met with energy by Ihe General Government! What was the language of Ihe South concern ing the Hartford convention ? Should we not despise that government, which would not re sist and put down treason within its own bor ders ? Resistance is as inevitable as the»cl of Nullification is certain- And it is men- ness in thoso who dare not come out opeoh, to attempt to deceive Ihe people. They talk of peaceful remedies, whilo attempting lo in flame our minds nnd to land us on until we have token steps, from which ive cannot with dignity recede. They hand us the glass of friendship, and tell us not that it is mingled with the blood and tears of our fathers and mothers ! Let us be not deceived ! their ob ject is disunion, their expectation is war! and when the fatal blow is struck, it may be loo late. 1 believe I can show clearly that they ure attempting to impose upon us, and thit every difficulty which they can throw in th® way of peace and harmony is done. But if 1 attempt this I must do it in another number. j3 Friend of Union and Equal Rights; Rut one who believes, that when oppression is such ns' lo render Union no longer desirable, we have the right lo recede, and that »• should do it openly ; but wbo also believes that thul lime has not uvrivod. rOR THE SOUTHERN BANNER. Mrssrs. Editors,—Our fellow-citizens, in many parts of the State, we are gratified lo learn, are calling upon (be Candidates for Congress and the Legislature to express their sentiments upon the subject of nullification.— This is worthy of imitation. The time ha* ar rived, when every voter nhould know the sen timents of those for whom he votes, especially upon such a subject as nullification, which is full of danger, death, and destruction. {I would increase our confidence in the candi dates of this county to have a public expres sion of their sentiments upon this subject— They are all believed to be opposed to that wonder-working remedy of J. C. Calhoun, but to make “ assurance doubly sure,” they should either individually or collectively give the county a fair and full exposition of their view*. Many voters are resolved to support no mss who is n nullifier, and wbo is not known to be opposed to nullification. They believe th*t no nullifier can consistently support Gen. Jachson, wbo is a decided anti-nullifier. Our candidates are requested to nfibrd the iofiw-