Newspaper Page Text
gentleman might have in readiness. No olh
ere being offered, Col. Camming, after some
appropriate preliminary remnrks, proceeded to
read the following Preamble nnd Reanluliona,
which it will be «een. were adopted by the
meeting by a great mnj >rit v.
Preamble and Resolutions.—The Citizen*
8f Richmond County have convened with n
profound sense of the importanra of a crisis
which may deride the destinies not of one age
■nd Country alone, hut of the remotest goner
aliens and the moat distant regions. The
American people are probably soon to defer-
' mine whether a system of rntmnnl liberty can
be preserved ny justice and moderation, nr
like ao many human conttivnnres mutt be sac
raliced to the blindness and madness of pna-
aion. The deliberation! of this day inconud-
erable in themselvea, borrow a solemn inter
est from their connexion, however slight, with
tbe general result. In the discussion of
questions which may effect the very existence
of the Republic, we shall endeavor at least to
make some apprnarh towards that purity of
feeling which distinguished its illustrious
founders. We invoke the spirit of that Patri
ot Hern, that saint of Liberty whose name ex
cite* in every virtuous bosom a veneration al
most religious—of that Washington, who led
our armies to victory and guided our councils
In harmony and Union—who has left us in hia
parting advice a snered legacy of paternal wis
dom second only to the teachings of inspira
tion itself.
That our resolutions will obtain the' appro
bation of all we cannot expect; hut from nil
we may justly claim, that they be received in
the anme spirit in wich they are adopted—in u
temper uninfluenced by resentment either to
wards individuals nr parlies. If we know our
selves all minor considerations aro on this oc
casion entirely Inal in the deepest solicitude
for (he institutions, the peace and the happi
ness nf our country.
Resolved, That, although the Tariff law,
recently enacted, is a decided amelioration of
Iho system, we still believe that it will bo un
equal in its operation, and therefore unjust and
inennsistent with tho spirit uf the Constitution,
which demands that nil public burdens should
ba equitably apportioned amongst those, by
wh'-m they are bnrne.
Resolved, That we will employ all prooer
means to free ourselves from the anticipated
evils of the protective tnrifT, hut that we
think they have been greatly exaggerated ;
nnd that some of the remedies proposed, would
tie far more deleterious than tho larifTitscli
Reeolved, That considering the doctrine nf
nullification false in theory, nnd believing that
in practice it would prove must disastrous to
* -our country, we will nut givo our voles to nny
Candidates, either Ihr Congress, or the Stale
Legislature,who aro advocates of that doc
trine.
. Resolved, That a Committee nf threo be ap
pointed to ascertain by direct correspondence
with the Candidates for congress, end for tho
Legislature from this County, whnl are their
.sentiments in regard to Nullification, nnd to
publish such nnswers as may bo received.
Resolved, That wo disapprove tho recom
mendation of the meeting at Athens, to appoint
Delegates to a State Convention, which shall
be invested with ''full powers lo maintain, pre
terve and defend Ihe rights and privlegee of I he
Citizens of this Stalethat tho delegation of n
power so broad nnd unrestrainod, would nt
tiny time, bo indiscreet, and at a moment of
excitement like Ihe preset)!, exceedingly dan
geroos.
Resolved, Thai it,i* adviseable, for tho pres
enl,toletve Ihe subject of the Terifftn the Sintc
Legislature, which can deliberately provide,
er recommend, somo prudent nnd definite
inode of expressing tho public, will, should
such a measure be deemed expedient. Uul
that if the general prevalence of u contrary
opinion should render it proper for us In concur
in the election nf Delegates to Iho proposed
Convention, we shall make the appoint mem
with a prntosl against the authority of any act
of that Convention, which aro not duly ratified
by the people in their respective counties
Resolved That wo have scon, with extreme
regret, the hasty nnd unfounded objections
which have been urged against our Senator and
Reqmsentative, Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne,
and that Ihote gentlemen retain our entire con
fidence in their patriotism, ability, nnd zeal.
Resolved, That we respectfully recommend
to our fellow-citizens, generally, who coincide
with ua in opinion, promptly to adopt meas
ures, corresponding with, our own, in their
respective rnunlios, whether they find thorn-
aelvea in a majority, or a minority.
Resolved, That a Committee of three, to wit;
S Cnl. Wm. Cumming, J. P. King, and Angus-
o Slaughter,Ksqra. were named by Ihe Chair]
be appointed (hr the purpose of causing copies
of these resolutions to bn printed, and distribu
ted throughout the Stale.
V AL. W ALKER, Chairman.
Jambs M’Laxts, Secretary.
titommuntaitfons.
We nre n'itliorisc*l to an-
nounee SAMUEL IIILI.tlOUaG,faa a candidate fur
Tax Collector lor Iho county of Hall, at tbo next elec-
August 10—31—wSm.
JS*otice.
T HE subscriber having withdrawn from all Mer
cantile concerns in Charleston, earnestly requests
a|l ili-wa indebted to him, individually, or to iho lain
firm of FLEMMING, GILLILAND A CO. lo make
payment In his auth,lined agent, -Mr. Wm. MeBun.ig,
steady as practicable, all non-* due one or more
years, net sallied by the first nf January next, will bn
put m .oil. THOMAS FLEMMING.
August 31-M-ifc.
NOTICE.
against the Eatata of
-*■ Lewie Chandler, late nf Franklin countv. decea
sed, aro required to render i, thsu account, arvrmliuu
to law, and all those indebted to Ik. Estate of the di?
amounts immediately? COm * ****** offtbeir
8^7-25—40J. MA ^^TU0RV,EaV.
roe THE MOTHERS SAMKER.
It if nut nefrequently the miss, in our roun
try, that popular prejudice may ho so aroused
as to render Ihe discussion of a subject dan
gerous, ye a impossible. What has been the
lad with respect to freemasonry in parts of re-
puhlican America ? What was Ilia fcnling
with respect to the election of Air. Jefferson to
the Presidency J Who does not remember lo
have henrd many of the good people of certain
[•unions of the country declare thut if he, the
.French infidel, were made President, our
churches would nil ho shot op, and religion
banished from the land T While in other por
tions of the country, it was supposed that thu
election ol John Adams, would ho tiio death
blow to our liberties I AVhnt would have been
the fate of him, umongnur present Nollifiurs,
who in Georgia would have dared to evon ad
vocate the lawfulness of llio Hartford conven
tion, during the late war 1 There evidently
may be such a stale of public feeling that 1 rea
son has no chnore for exercise, and the mini
who attempts to stem Ihe torrent, is over
whelmed. It is an now in the two extremes
of this country, lo Vermont, or Massachu
setts,or Connecticut,or Rhode Island,to speait
against Ihe “ American .System” is to expose
Bman to certain contempt,and at onco “damn”
him for a “ dastard” or a fool. In Georgia to
to lotiirritn that the larifT can possibly produce
any benefits to the country, or even not bo Ihe
source of every rivil which lulls upon us, is us
sura u mark of idiocy, and as cerlain a pledge
of" damnation ! It is truly itoforiunute to the
nation, when such a feeling seizes tho public
mind ; for it not only closes the door lo free
discussion, which is tho life of liberty, hot it
endangers the pence nod sufely of the country,
by leaving rnen liable to be hurried into the
most dangerous measures. Hence many men
who look with pain upon the cuurso which is
now pursuing in this State, in order to gratify
Iho designs of a few, would.be great men, nre
dnicred from opening their mouths in public,
or private; and if they do not say that we are
the most miserably, degraded, and oppiessed
people on earth, they dure not deny the fact,
as it is proclaimed from the lips of every
school boy politician.
But after all, is it so, that we nre now in
the Htnlo of Georgia grievously oppressed?
Are wn labouring under burdens which call
for revolution, which will justify tho ulira pro
ceedings which are going on 1 Citizens ol the
Stale of 'Georgia, I beseech you to lay aside
for noo half hour all passion nnd prejudice ;
and look nt your condition! What is thu sur
est evidence of the prosperity of any nation ?
the index by which we may most certainly
judge of tho resources of its citizens, and Ihe
justice and equality of its laws ? I answer the
condition of its poor and middle classes of
citizons. Tho comforts nnd blessings which
thnso enjoy, is the evidence of national pros
perity. And the comparative situation of these
classes at different periods, is a good criterion
by which lo dotcimino tho comparative pros
perity of tho country at those different periods.
I usk then, nny cundid tnun to look nt (lie
condition of those classes nf our citizens who
are obliged to luho»r for their support, and to
say has there evor been m Georgia, n period
when a poor man could live with more easy
than the present? Has there ever been n pn
rind, when the man who has nothing hut his
hands, with which to sun the world, could ac
cumulate morn property io the ssmo time ?
Let the common overseer muke u fair calcula
tion, and he will find thut tho wages which he
now receives will, besides supporting him us
decently nnd comfortably as when we had.
what was .called our must prospermia times,
enable him to purchase ua much valuable pro
perly as ho then could. Lot tho industrious
poor man porclmso hia land, and with tho la
bour of his own hands nttompt to pay for it,
nnd he can now do it as easily and ns quickly
ns ho over could. I ask nny honest mun,
whose mind is not altogether warped by pro.
judice, to look at the condition of thu poorer
and middling classes of society in our Stnto
and any whether them ever wna a lime when
they were in ns good circupiHlances ns at pre
sent. No, man. who will labour in Georgia,
need he dependent. No, Messrs. Editors, I
remember well Ihe period when wo rolled our
Tobacco to Augusta, before cotton became
the staple of the country, and I know the man
who then begun the world with nothing, and
even had Ihe privilego of taking op his laud
under tho head right system, could scarcely
mako tho two ends of ilicyoar meet. Ire-
member well the days of prosperity ns they ure
called, after cotton sold for each a price, nnd I
know thut even then, it was more difficult for
the pour mun to raise himself than at present.
There did not half as many poor men become
respectable freeholders at llint tune, as at
presenl. Every nrti- lo of clothing wna then
as much above its present price, ns cotton.—
Land was then so high (list tho poor mart sel
dom succeeded in paving for hia farm, if lie
had no other means than his own labour.—
Who does not remember well the multitudes
who then started in life uh » wey** sober, in
dustrioua pour men, who were involved in
hi, from which they never will be nhle io
extricate themselves? Itow much bankruptcy
and beggary were in the country, while your
cotton remained at those extravagnot prices ?
Look at your court dockets and sherifTs antes.
Think of the multitudes whq were ruined by
Ihe extravagance of the rich, and'by tha ex-
hnrbiiant prices at which Ihe necesaartea-and
luxures of life were obtained. Those were
days of prosperity, when desolation was rol-
ling over the laud—when the honest, econo
mical. industrious poor man, could not dress
Ini children well enough lo looh upon a rich
man’s child, without bnmg a bankrupt I Those
Mrer* days of prosperity, when ten poor men
who commenced the world fhiled to succeed,
where one now doe*. Those were days of
prosperity, when even half of Iho property of
each county was yearly sold , by the slmri ft.
And these are dava of misfortune ar.d oppres
sion, when almost every virtuous, sober, indus
trious man in the community is thriving, grow
ing gradually rich, living independent, and bat
for d'sorganisers, contented and Imppy. Is
liiHi a Government which ought to bo overturns
ed, under which the common people exhibit
more prosperity than was ever seen in any na
tion—under which tho poor man is more cer
tain by h<s industry to rise to competency, and
even wealth than in any other country?
Who are tha men that complain most of the
oppressions under which we groan? In the
first place, our ja>yvcrK, particularly Ihe young
fry, who cannot live by the misfortunes of
their fellow men, and who, if they did live by
tlieir professions, (or in the.in) would certainly
live by the misfortunes of their fellow men,
(for any client must he unfnrlunaln who em
ploys one; of most of these first volume Black-
Stone ndvncates.) Go to noreourt houses and
saunter about n week, and you will be convin
ced that four fifths at Ipast of these men of
constitutional principles, nre without business;
they have' neither clients nor money ; for if
they occasionally hivo u little of tho latter it is
either taken from them, by some of the black
leg genlty. or given for a black coni to strut
through the streets io. These men feel iho
oppressions of the Tariff! Listen lo lliem in
tho piazza’s of tho grogshops, nnd around the
billiard table! In wlmt glowing colours Ihey
depict tho horrers of Northern and Western
oppression I To ho sure the plain common
fatmer, the honest iidostrioiia mechanic would
not know it, if they weronot assured that such
is the fact; and if Ihey even doubt these sa
vant nf the greonhag, let them only attend a
Nullification dinner, nnd warm up touir stupid
senses with a liltlebrnndy nnd wine, nnd listen
In Judge B. and Col. S. J., honest souls, who
want nothing but the good of their country,
nnd tlieir double will vanish !
But to be sober—another clnss then who
feel thn burdens of the dny most bitterly, aro
your nfli-o holders and office seekers— Down
right demngogues! Tho people must believe
that they nre suffering, nnd llmt (he honest,
disinterested politicians are most anxious to
relieve thorn. Who does not see through tho
motives of soqh men ? They are down, or
fear they will ho down, nnd something must
ho done. Who stir up the people to have
Nullification meetings, and who make the
flaming speeches ? Who talk Inrgely nf resis
tance, the point of tho bnynnotle, &c. &c. ?
.Are ihey men who aro to stand in Iho breach,
when that breach is made, nnd when some
thing moro than wind may bo necessary?
Who believes Berrien will shoulder Ids mus
ket ? Who dons not know that Seaborn Jones
would much rather bn in Congress, than fa
cing tho cannon of an enemy ? The poor of
this country are not greatly oppressed, they
ure in eligible circumstances, they have no
thing to gain nnd every thing, even life itself
to loose by e. revolution. And yet, if possible
these men will bring about n slato of things
which will rail the honest, industrious, citizen
from his plough, to bleed upon Ihe field of
battle, wliilo they who excite the tempest, will
shelter themselves quietly, in somo safe re
treat, lo mako bloody speeches and receive
large salaries.
There is however, another class who really
suffer. But thoy would sillier were cotton
fifty cents, nnd every article thoy purchase
perfectly free. They aro that improvident
class nf tho community, who always go bo-
yond their income, he it what it may. They
nre men of Inrge calculations, tvho would like
to givo lone lo society—men, who must ap
pear rich, purchusa much properly, seldom
pny their debts, till iho eleventh hour, and then
tint unfrcqucntly call in the aid of the sheriff
to assist in getting cash for their articles,
could namn some, yea many of the warmest
Nullifiers in' Georgia, who nro of this rliarae-
ler. They have not succeeded, r.nd limy nre
rendy to lay the fault upon any body but them
selves—ihey nre pressed forpay ment of debts,
nnd would willingly mnke you believe the fault
is mil theirs. Go ask the reverend genlletnnn,
who doubtless expects to ho chaplain general
of tho Nullifying army, ns he graces their din
ners so wall, and pours forth such chrielian
toasts, over tha shrine of Bacchus, In Ihe God
Mars ; if ho does not think he has a right to
nullify tho laws of the Union, because by folly
uod extravngnnee lie has wnsled n good estate,
nnd now finds himsolf obliged lo nullify ease
and pride. Taka Iho larger portion of our
restless spirits, and you will find ihey are not
the hono nnd muscle of the land. No these,
if loft lo themselves would bo contented and
prosperous. The burdens which Ihey not® feel
would not have given such pain, but for their
sympathising, speechifying, office seeking
friends But nre not Ihe citizens of this part
ol the country moro oppressed than those
North and West ? 1 answer fearlessly not to
Ihe extent stated. The burdens of the Tariff
now press as hard, yen Imrder upon the com
mon people of the Northern and middle slnles,
limn upon the samo classes in Georgia. Take
uny nfthe articles upon which dunes are now
paid, am) you will find this is true: cotton
cloths. Every poor man in Georgia, can nnd
mostly do make their own cotton cloths, and
even if they hoy them, it is acknowledged
that the Tariff is now no pro'ection to low pri
ced cottons; our country making them cheap-
er than the British could sell them to us were
there no doty. This is true, and all the com
mnn people of the country ought to know it,
that all our cheap cotton cloths are now lower
than they can be made in England and sent
here; and competition here has reduced them
to the coat of production, or nearly ao. If the
Tariff were wh >||y repealed to-day, it would
not lower the price of this article, and if our
factories were all destroyed, it would bo high-
Tako woollen goods, flow few now of
Ihe common people of Georgia, wear auy other
woollen cloth, than that which is made by
tbeir wives, and daughters, and servants. AYe
can raise our cotton and wool, and mako a
neat and comfortable article, without any doty
or nny dependence upon a manufacturer. Not
ao with most of the poor in the Northern and
middle Slates. They have neither Ihe cotton
nor tho wool. They must therefore purchase
the imported nr tho product nf the manufac
turer. Tho Northern poor man needs salt,
and Biigar, nnd iron, as much as the Southern
er. And it is n fact well known thut the poor
er classes in New England are beginning s
sen that tho Tariff is no advantage to them;
and without revolution ihoy will shortly help
us to put it down. But hns not tho Tariff re
duced the price of our cotton very much, and
would not our labour have been worth double
what it now is, had we not by this ill-limed
measure provoked the British to supply them
selves from other sources ? No, the British
always cherish their colonies ; they have long
since turned tbeir attention lo their Bust India
and Sout’i American possessions, for the sup
ply of cotton lo furnish their factories. As
early as 1817, they imported 117,114 bags,
and in 1818, 247,419 hugs, from the East
Indies. It is unreasonable to suppose they
would givo os more for our cotton than Ihev
could buy il for of their own colonies. Egypt
and Brazil have also come into llio market
with immense quantities of cotton, and all this
with the immense increase of production iq
our own country, has produced its present
price. And il is disingenuous in the extreme
for men to assert that the Tariff has produ
ced it.
When cotton was first cultivated, it was per
haps iho most profitable culture ever underla-
lion by man. The profits were enormous.—
And was it to be expected that rnen in every
part of Ihe world where it would grow, would
not engage io it ? (low soon wus all tho land
in the Southern States, which would grow this
article, planted with it! The British nation
knew the immense profits which our plnnters
were making, nnd it was their interest In on-
courago the cultivation of it in their own colo
nies. When cotton rose lo its height in the
Southern Stales, othor property rose equally.
I.nnds were high heyond reason, slaves would
bring almost anv price, the rales nf interest on
money were ennrmnus, and men were ns reek'
less of going into debt, as they were certain of
making a fortune in threo years. An immense
western frontier strelrhed out its rich lands
belonging to the General Government, which
could he purchased ut $1,25 the acre. Geor
gia had immense tracts of land which slm was
giving to her cinzons. Is it strange under
such circumstances, that the older purls of the
Southern Stains should suffer; that many of
the wcnlthy planters should even leave, if they
could not sell their worn nut firms, and sctlln
in those rich countries to which they could re
move in a fow days,and where they could make
four times as much ? Is it strange that many
men who had purchased properly when at the
highest prices, should suffer, and finally have
that properly sold, to pay the last half or fourth
nf the purchase money ? What parts of the
Southern States, nnd particularly of Georgia,
are now suffering? Not thu new counties!
No, go through Ihe whole uf these counties,
and consider the time in which they have been
settled, und where is there a parallel of such
prosperity ? And theso men, too, are conten
ted with tlieir government; at least, they have
no disposition to risk their inestimable bles
sings, for Ihe desporatc chance of something
better, which the mad nullificr offers them at
the price nf revolution. Go and persuade Ihe
citizens of these counties to shoulder their
muskets to dplend Cliuriesion, and they would
ans < er—“ Wo camo here poor; in a few yenrs
we have rendered our situation pleasant and
happy. We hove enough to live on comfort
ably. We pay no (axes worth naming. AVo
have around us honest, peacenblo, industrious,
pious neighbors. We mako enough to pur
chase all the necessaries and conveniences of
life—what more can we desire ? We see all
our neighbors doing well, xvho are industrious.
For what shall we fight I” nnd well might they
ask, and for what ? For what I Because a
few ofyour members in Congress said that you
would fight if the Tariff was not wholly repeal
ed I and now it is better Ihnt our land should
be deluged in blood, than for them to prove
fulse prophets! I
Bui is not this system of the Tariff an un
constitutional one? Has Congress a right to
lay it ? nnd if they have not, are we not in
danger ultimately of losing our liberties ; and
should we not do well to resist at once? In
reply we would simply observe, that many of
the best and most patriotic citizens of the
country, who are altogether opposed to Ihe
Tariff as a just und politic measure, bcliove it
constitutional. In Ihe late Free Trade conven
tion at Philadelphia, where there wus an array
of talent and patriotism, a very large majority
considered the Tariff constitutional: among
theso were found such men its Albert Gallatin
nnd Roger Sherman. “ A tariff is an act of
Congress, laying duties on foreign goods,”
nnd it is contended that the constitution does
not permit Congress to lay duties solely for
the purpose of protecting manufactures. But
we nro asked, should we not expert that those
mnn who furmed the constitution, would un
derstand ils powers ? and if we can find what
they believed to be its powers, will it not be as
likely to he a correct interpretation, ns any
other? At least, would it not be unkind to
rail all those dishonest nr funis, who should
adopt such interpretation ? The preamble to
the second act of Congress under the consti
tution, a Congress in which were a large num
ber of those who formed il, and who had de
bated its merits and power* in the State con
ventions which adopted il, reads thus; “Where
as it is necessary for tha support ofgovernment,
for the discharge of Ihe debts of the United
States, and for Ihe encouragement and protec
tion of manufactures, that duties should be laid
in goods, wares and merchandize imported.”
Does not this preamble expressly acknowledge,
not only the right, but even the duty of Con
gress, to protect manufacture* by imposts?
Did not James Jackson and Abram Baldwin
of this Stain, vote for that Tariff? Did bm
James Madison, and Roger Sherman, and h
bridge Gerry ? And did not Washington 8 i»i
that bill ? I again declare, I am now alto ee ih
er, and ever have been, opposed to restriction
on trade. Il should, in my humble opinion
be as far ns possible left free. And I d„ n# !
believe that Washington or Madison, oronr
own Jackson and Baldwin, would ever have
sanctioned the system, luid they supposed it
would ever have been made, as I acknowledge
il has, the foundation of nn odious monopoly
Bui still, if such men believed the principle
was gr-mted by ihe constitution; if a large me-
jurity of those who are fighting manfully |(,j
cause of free trade believe the same thing, j (
it niodust for us to assume Ihe whole right’of
interpreting the constitution ?
But ngain—we nre told that (he present T«.
riff, viz. that of 1832, is no favorable modifi."
cation; at least, no favorable one lo the South*
Yea, the nullifiers would persuade us to bel
lieve that it is worse than the former. And"
must nut that he a bad cause which requires
impudence like thia ? Musi the people of the
South abandon their reason, to a few nil x n ov.
ing ones ? Can they not understand that 3 i t
3 ? The preer.nl Tariff is greatly preferablt to
the one of 1828. The most obnoxious features
of that bill, and the preceding one, viz. lbs
minimum., ns Ihey nre called, are certainly
abandoned, nnd they wore abandoned to grit-
ify 'he South ; and they were not given up by
bv thn high Tariff men, without a desperate
struggle. The duties are lightened on all the
nrtieles so much complained of by the South.
On all negro clothing the duties ure not worth
naming ns to the amount. On wnnllenv, iron
cotton, sugar and salt, there certainly is a re
duction of about three millions. On all artt-
elos since 1828, there has been a reduction «f
more than ten millions. It hns been said by
the nullifiers, that tbo South “ virtually” pays
all tho taxes of the country. I know it requires
a metaphysics more refined than Kant’s, to
even begin to comprehend their mode nf rea
soning on thn subject; and hence I suppose
the necessity of (hose Apostolic missions which
nre now going on to enlighten the blind, miser-
itbln peoplo of this poverty stricken Slate.which
is cursed with Ihe evils of Union. But could are
comprehend what is incomprehensible, and if it
be true that the Southern States have been
paying all Ihe taxes, then surely the South is
areally relieved ; for all acknowledge that the
Tariff is reduced at least ten millions. Tbit
is certainly no small pari of our rights restore?
(o os. Ilnve not the people of this enlightens?
State common sense enough to know that 10
millions off ftnm 23, is a very great relief? Or
shall we have another edition of Mr. McDuf
fie’s logic and arithmetic, and convert evety
$14,000 of tho 13 remaining, into millions?
Can Ihe people nf this country suffer them
selves to be cxciled by men so destitute of
candor, nnd must I not any, of truth 1 Is there
not evidenrly something else besides your
grievances, which actuates these men?
“ But is not the policy of the Tariff now fet
tled ?” “ Is il not fustened upon us, and hare
we any hope of ever being relieved?” How
nlisurd such a question ! Have not the mild
men of tho North, nnd West, nnd Middle
States, met the mild men of tho South in Ihe
spirit of compromise ? Have ihey not given
op much which they were anxious lo retain,
and which they think might have been retained
with perfect justice, hut lor our, ns we think,
just clnims? Have not these men been with
us in all our difficulties? Have they not shield
ed us from the deadly thrust which has been
aimed nt our very vitals ? Do they not say
Ihey wish nn amicable adjustment of this un
happy contest ? And have we not a pledge of
this in the late Tariff bill ? Neither side has
abandoned ils interpretation of the constitution.
Neither could have been expected to do it.—
Was it not so in our contest with Great Britain
concerning impressment ? Who will doubles
patriotism of such mnn Bs Bell of TennossH,
Johnson of Kentucky, Benton of Missouri,
Cnmbrelenir of New-Ynrk, and many others
oflhe Tariff parly, who luive been nor warmest
friends ? Shall we discard them, and clasp to
our bosoms those who have ever been our must
bitter enemies, and who now only flutter nnd
nllurn, Ihnt we may bo the means of assisting
tlieir unholy ambition ? Let every Georgina
beware. Let us not be deceived. We are in
the high road to glory, never enjoyed by any
nation. AVe ore prosperous : nnd I trust in
God we will mil suffer a few headstrong poli
ticians to roh ns of overy blessing.
Jl Friend to Union and Equal Rights.
ros THE SOOTHERS OANWBR.
Morgan County Meeting—At a meeting
uf a number of ihe Citizen* of Morgan Coun
ty, convened at the Court-House in tho town
of Madison, on Tuesday the 21st day of Au
gust, for the purpose of making arrangements
for a more general meeting of the people nf
the county, lo tnko Into consideration the sub
ject of Ihe Tariff: Isnne AA’alker, Esqr. «ni
called lo the Chair, and Thomas J. Burner,
nominted as Secretary.
The following Preamble and Resolutions
were then submitted by Col. Nathaniel G.
Foster nod unanimously adopted, Dr. Juba
AVingfield having previously rend, the circulir
letter and accompanying Resolutions from the
corresponding Committee appointed by lb«
meeting at Athena
AA r hereas the present criiis demands that
tho sentiments of the people of Georgia
should be known on the subject of tha Tariff
or Prolectivo system, and tbe first step to
wards accomplishing that object, having been
taken at Athena by a large number of citizen*
from all parts of Ihe Slate there assembled,
and an expression of their opinions having
liccn given, that the only way of effecting that
purpose, will be by assemblage of the citizens
of each County separately, with a request to
that effect;
Resolved, therefore, That a Committee of
seven be appointed by the Chairman of Ihi*
meeting, fbr tbo purpose of making known to
V