Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

gentleman might have in readiness. No olh ere being offered, Col. Camming, after some appropriate preliminary remnrks, proceeded to read the following Preamble nnd Reanluliona, which it will be «een. were adopted by the meeting by a great mnj >rit v. Preamble and Resolutions.—The Citizen* 8f Richmond County have convened with n profound sense of the importanra of a crisis which may deride the destinies not of one age ■nd Country alone, hut of the remotest goner aliens and the moat distant regions. The American people are probably soon to defer- ' mine whether a system of rntmnnl liberty can be preserved ny justice and moderation, nr like ao many human conttivnnres mutt be sac raliced to the blindness and madness of pna- aion. The deliberation! of this day inconud- erable in themselvea, borrow a solemn inter est from their connexion, however slight, with tbe general result. In the discussion of questions which may effect the very existence of the Republic, we shall endeavor at least to make some apprnarh towards that purity of feeling which distinguished its illustrious founders. We invoke the spirit of that Patri ot Hern, that saint of Liberty whose name ex cite* in every virtuous bosom a veneration al most religious—of that Washington, who led our armies to victory and guided our councils In harmony and Union—who has left us in hia parting advice a snered legacy of paternal wis dom second only to the teachings of inspira tion itself. That our resolutions will obtain the' appro bation of all we cannot expect; hut from nil we may justly claim, that they be received in the anme spirit in wich they are adopted—in u temper uninfluenced by resentment either to wards individuals nr parlies. If we know our selves all minor considerations aro on this oc casion entirely Inal in the deepest solicitude for (he institutions, the peace and the happi ness nf our country. Resolved, That, although the Tariff law, recently enacted, is a decided amelioration of Iho system, we still believe that it will bo un equal in its operation, and therefore unjust and inennsistent with tho spirit uf the Constitution, which demands that nil public burdens should ba equitably apportioned amongst those, by wh'-m they are bnrne. Resolved, That we will employ all prooer means to free ourselves from the anticipated evils of the protective tnrifT, hut that we think they have been greatly exaggerated ; nnd that some of the remedies proposed, would tie far more deleterious than tho larifTitscli Reeolved, That considering the doctrine nf nullification false in theory, nnd believing that in practice it would prove must disastrous to * -our country, we will nut givo our voles to nny Candidates, either Ihr Congress, or the Stale Legislature,who aro advocates of that doc trine. . Resolved, That a Committee nf threo be ap pointed to ascertain by direct correspondence with the Candidates for congress, end for tho Legislature from this County, whnl are their .sentiments in regard to Nullification, nnd to publish such nnswers as may bo received. Resolved, That wo disapprove tho recom mendation of the meeting at Athens, to appoint Delegates to a State Convention, which shall be invested with ''full powers lo maintain, pre terve and defend Ihe rights and privlegee of I he Citizens of this Stalethat tho delegation of n power so broad nnd unrestrainod, would nt tiny time, bo indiscreet, and at a moment of excitement like Ihe preset)!, exceedingly dan geroos. Resolved, Thai it,i* adviseable, for tho pres enl,toletve Ihe subject of the Terifftn the Sintc Legislature, which can deliberately provide, er recommend, somo prudent nnd definite inode of expressing tho public, will, should such a measure be deemed expedient. Uul that if the general prevalence of u contrary opinion should render it proper for us In concur in the election nf Delegates to Iho proposed Convention, we shall make the appoint mem with a prntosl against the authority of any act of that Convention, which aro not duly ratified by the people in their respective counties Resolved That wo have scon, with extreme regret, the hasty nnd unfounded objections which have been urged against our Senator and Reqmsentative, Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne, and that Ihote gentlemen retain our entire con fidence in their patriotism, ability, nnd zeal. Resolved, That we respectfully recommend to our fellow-citizens, generally, who coincide with ua in opinion, promptly to adopt meas ures, corresponding with, our own, in their respective rnunlios, whether they find thorn- aelvea in a majority, or a minority. Resolved, That a Committee of three, to wit; S Cnl. Wm. Cumming, J. P. King, and Angus- o Slaughter,Ksqra. were named by Ihe Chair] be appointed (hr the purpose of causing copies of these resolutions to bn printed, and distribu ted throughout the Stale. V AL. W ALKER, Chairman. Jambs M’Laxts, Secretary. titommuntaitfons. We nre n'itliorisc*l to an- nounee SAMUEL IIILI.tlOUaG,faa a candidate fur Tax Collector lor Iho county of Hall, at tbo next elec- August 10—31—wSm. JS*otice. T HE subscriber having withdrawn from all Mer cantile concerns in Charleston, earnestly requests a|l ili-wa indebted to him, individually, or to iho lain firm of FLEMMING, GILLILAND A CO. lo make payment In his auth,lined agent, -Mr. Wm. MeBun.ig, steady as practicable, all non-* due one or more years, net sallied by the first nf January next, will bn put m .oil. THOMAS FLEMMING. August 31-M-ifc. NOTICE. against the Eatata of -*■ Lewie Chandler, late nf Franklin countv. decea sed, aro required to render i, thsu account, arvrmliuu to law, and all those indebted to Ik. Estate of the di? amounts immediately? COm * ****** offtbeir 8^7-25—40J. MA ^^TU0RV,EaV. roe THE MOTHERS SAMKER. It if nut nefrequently the miss, in our roun try, that popular prejudice may ho so aroused as to render Ihe discussion of a subject dan gerous, ye a impossible. What has been the lad with respect to freemasonry in parts of re- puhlican America ? What was Ilia fcnling with respect to the election of Air. Jefferson to the Presidency J Who does not remember lo have henrd many of the good people of certain [•unions of the country declare thut if he, the .French infidel, were made President, our churches would nil ho shot op, and religion banished from the land T While in other por tions of the country, it was supposed that thu election ol John Adams, would ho tiio death blow to our liberties I AVhnt would have been the fate of him, umongnur present Nollifiurs, who in Georgia would have dared to evon ad vocate the lawfulness of llio Hartford conven tion, during the late war 1 There evidently may be such a stale of public feeling that 1 rea son has no chnore for exercise, and the mini who attempts to stem Ihe torrent, is over whelmed. It is an now in the two extremes of this country, lo Vermont, or Massachu setts,or Connecticut,or Rhode Island,to speait against Ihe “ American .System” is to expose Bman to certain contempt,and at onco “damn” him for a “ dastard” or a fool. In Georgia to to lotiirritn that the larifT can possibly produce any benefits to the country, or even not bo Ihe source of every rivil which lulls upon us, is us sura u mark of idiocy, and as cerlain a pledge of" damnation ! It is truly itoforiunute to the nation, when such a feeling seizes tho public mind ; for it not only closes the door lo free discussion, which is tho life of liberty, hot it endangers the pence nod sufely of the country, by leaving rnen liable to be hurried into the most dangerous measures. Hence many men who look with pain upon the cuurso which is now pursuing in this State, in order to gratify Iho designs of a few, would.be great men, nre dnicred from opening their mouths in public, or private; and if they do not say that we are the most miserably, degraded, and oppiessed people on earth, they dure not deny the fact, as it is proclaimed from the lips of every school boy politician. But after all, is it so, that we nre now in the Htnlo of Georgia grievously oppressed? Are wn labouring under burdens which call for revolution, which will justify tho ulira pro ceedings which are going on 1 Citizens ol the Stale of 'Georgia, I beseech you to lay aside for noo half hour all passion nnd prejudice ; and look nt your condition! What is thu sur est evidence of the prosperity of any nation ? the index by which we may most certainly judge of tho resources of its citizens, and Ihe justice and equality of its laws ? I answer the condition of its poor and middle classes of citizons. Tho comforts nnd blessings which thnso enjoy, is the evidence of national pros perity. And the comparative situation of these classes at different periods, is a good criterion by which lo dotcimino tho comparative pros perity of tho country at those different periods. I usk then, nny cundid tnun to look nt (lie condition of those classes nf our citizens who are obliged to luho»r for their support, and to say has there evor been m Georgia, n period when a poor man could live with more easy than the present? Has there ever been n pn rind, when the man who has nothing hut his hands, with which to sun the world, could ac cumulate morn property io the ssmo time ? Let the common overseer muke u fair calcula tion, and he will find thut tho wages which he now receives will, besides supporting him us decently nnd comfortably as when we had. what was .called our must prospermia times, enable him to purchase ua much valuable pro perly as ho then could. Lot tho industrious poor man porclmso hia land, and with tho la bour of his own hands nttompt to pay for it, nnd he can now do it as easily and ns quickly ns ho over could. I ask nny honest mun, whose mind is not altogether warped by pro. judice, to look at the condition of thu poorer and middling classes of society in our Stnto and any whether them ever wna a lime when they were in ns good circupiHlances ns at pre sent. No, man. who will labour in Georgia, need he dependent. No, Messrs. Editors, I remember well Ihe period when wo rolled our Tobacco to Augusta, before cotton became the staple of the country, and I know the man who then begun the world with nothing, and even had Ihe privilego of taking op his laud under tho head right system, could scarcely mako tho two ends of ilicyoar meet. Ire- member well the days of prosperity ns they ure called, after cotton sold for each a price, nnd I know thut even then, it was more difficult for the pour mun to raise himself than at present. There did not half as many poor men become respectable freeholders at llint tune, as at presenl. Every nrti- lo of clothing wna then as much above its present price, ns cotton.— Land was then so high (list tho poor mart sel dom succeeded in paving for hia farm, if lie had no other means than his own labour.— Who does not remember well the multitudes who then started in life uh » wey** sober, in dustrioua pour men, who were involved in hi, from which they never will be nhle io extricate themselves? Itow much bankruptcy and beggary were in the country, while your cotton remained at those extravagnot prices ? Look at your court dockets and sherifTs antes. Think of the multitudes whq were ruined by Ihe extravagance of the rich, and'by tha ex- hnrbiiant prices at which Ihe necesaartea-and luxures of life were obtained. Those were days of prosperity, when desolation was rol- ling over the laud—when the honest, econo mical. industrious poor man, could not dress Ini children well enough lo looh upon a rich man’s child, without bnmg a bankrupt I Those Mrer* days of prosperity, when ten poor men who commenced the world fhiled to succeed, where one now doe*. Those were days of prosperity, when even half of Iho property of each county was yearly sold , by the slmri ft. And these are dava of misfortune ar.d oppres sion, when almost every virtuous, sober, indus trious man in the community is thriving, grow ing gradually rich, living independent, and bat for d'sorganisers, contented and Imppy. Is liiHi a Government which ought to bo overturns ed, under which the common people exhibit more prosperity than was ever seen in any na tion—under which tho poor man is more cer tain by h<s industry to rise to competency, and even wealth than in any other country? Who are tha men that complain most of the oppressions under which we groan? In the first place, our ja>yvcrK, particularly Ihe young fry, who cannot live by the misfortunes of their fellow men, and who, if they did live by tlieir professions, (or in the.in) would certainly live by the misfortunes of their fellow men, (for any client must he unfnrlunaln who em ploys one; of most of these first volume Black- Stone ndvncates.) Go to noreourt houses and saunter about n week, and you will be convin ced that four fifths at Ipast of these men of constitutional principles, nre without business; they have' neither clients nor money ; for if they occasionally hivo u little of tho latter it is either taken from them, by some of the black leg genlty. or given for a black coni to strut through the streets io. These men feel iho oppressions of the Tariff! Listen lo lliem in tho piazza’s of tho grogshops, nnd around the billiard table! In wlmt glowing colours Ihey depict tho horrers of Northern and Western oppression I To ho sure the plain common fatmer, the honest iidostrioiia mechanic would not know it, if they weronot assured that such is the fact; and if Ihey even doubt these sa vant nf the greonhag, let them only attend a Nullification dinner, nnd warm up touir stupid senses with a liltlebrnndy nnd wine, nnd listen In Judge B. and Col. S. J., honest souls, who want nothing but the good of their country, nnd tlieir double will vanish ! But to be sober—another clnss then who feel thn burdens of the dny most bitterly, aro your nfli-o holders and office seekers— Down right demngogues! Tho people must believe that they nre suffering, nnd llmt (he honest, disinterested politicians are most anxious to relieve thorn. Who does not see through tho motives of soqh men ? They are down, or fear they will ho down, nnd something must ho done. Who stir up the people to have Nullification meetings, and who make the flaming speeches ? Who talk Inrgely nf resis tance, the point of tho bnynnotle, &c. &c. ? .Are ihey men who aro to stand in Iho breach, when that breach is made, nnd when some thing moro than wind may bo necessary? Who believes Berrien will shoulder Ids mus ket ? Who dons not know that Seaborn Jones would much rather bn in Congress, than fa cing tho cannon of an enemy ? The poor of this country are not greatly oppressed, they ure in eligible circumstances, they have no thing to gain nnd every thing, even life itself to loose by e. revolution. And yet, if possible these men will bring about n slato of things which will rail the honest, industrious, citizen from his plough, to bleed upon Ihe field of battle, wliilo they who excite the tempest, will shelter themselves quietly, in somo safe re treat, lo mako bloody speeches and receive large salaries. There is however, another class who really suffer. But thoy would sillier were cotton fifty cents, nnd every article thoy purchase perfectly free. They aro that improvident class nf tho community, who always go bo- yond their income, he it what it may. They nre men of Inrge calculations, tvho would like to givo lone lo society—men, who must ap pear rich, purchusa much properly, seldom pny their debts, till iho eleventh hour, and then tint unfrcqucntly call in the aid of the sheriff to assist in getting cash for their articles, could namn some, yea many of the warmest Nullifiers in' Georgia, who nro of this rliarae- ler. They have not succeeded, r.nd limy nre rendy to lay the fault upon any body but them selves—ihey nre pressed forpay ment of debts, nnd would willingly mnke you believe the fault is mil theirs. Go ask the reverend genlletnnn, who doubtless expects to ho chaplain general of tho Nullifying army, ns he graces their din ners so wall, and pours forth such chrielian toasts, over tha shrine of Bacchus, In Ihe God Mars ; if ho does not think he has a right to nullify tho laws of the Union, because by folly uod extravngnnee lie has wnsled n good estate, nnd now finds himsolf obliged lo nullify ease and pride. Taka Iho larger portion of our restless spirits, and you will find ihey are not the hono nnd muscle of the land. No these, if loft lo themselves would bo contented and prosperous. The burdens which Ihey not® feel would not have given such pain, but for their sympathising, speechifying, office seeking friends But nre not Ihe citizens of this part ol the country moro oppressed than those North and West ? 1 answer fearlessly not to Ihe extent stated. The burdens of the Tariff now press as hard, yen Imrder upon the com mon people of the Northern and middle slnles, limn upon the samo classes in Georgia. Take uny nfthe articles upon which dunes are now paid, am) you will find this is true: cotton cloths. Every poor man in Georgia, can nnd mostly do make their own cotton cloths, and even if they hoy them, it is acknowledged that the Tariff is now no pro'ection to low pri ced cottons; our country making them cheap- er than the British could sell them to us were there no doty. This is true, and all the com mnn people of the country ought to know it, that all our cheap cotton cloths are now lower than they can be made in England and sent here; and competition here has reduced them to the coat of production, or nearly ao. If the Tariff were wh >||y repealed to-day, it would not lower the price of this article, and if our factories were all destroyed, it would bo high- Tako woollen goods, flow few now of Ihe common people of Georgia, wear auy other woollen cloth, than that which is made by tbeir wives, and daughters, and servants. AYe can raise our cotton and wool, and mako a neat and comfortable article, without any doty or nny dependence upon a manufacturer. Not ao with most of the poor in the Northern and middle Slates. They have neither Ihe cotton nor tho wool. They must therefore purchase the imported nr tho product nf the manufac turer. Tho Northern poor man needs salt, and Biigar, nnd iron, as much as the Southern er. And it is n fact well known thut the poor er classes in New England are beginning s sen that tho Tariff is no advantage to them; and without revolution ihoy will shortly help us to put it down. But hns not tho Tariff re duced the price of our cotton very much, and would not our labour have been worth double what it now is, had we not by this ill-limed measure provoked the British to supply them selves from other sources ? No, the British always cherish their colonies ; they have long since turned tbeir attention lo their Bust India and Sout’i American possessions, for the sup ply of cotton lo furnish their factories. As early as 1817, they imported 117,114 bags, and in 1818, 247,419 hugs, from the East Indies. It is unreasonable to suppose they would givo os more for our cotton than Ihev could buy il for of their own colonies. Egypt and Brazil have also come into llio market with immense quantities of cotton, and all this with the immense increase of production iq our own country, has produced its present price. And il is disingenuous in the extreme for men to assert that the Tariff has produ ced it. When cotton was first cultivated, it was per haps iho most profitable culture ever underla- lion by man. The profits were enormous.— And was it to be expected that rnen in every part of Ihe world where it would grow, would not engage io it ? (low soon wus all tho land in the Southern States, which would grow this article, planted with it! The British nation knew the immense profits which our plnnters were making, nnd it was their interest In on- courago the cultivation of it in their own colo nies. When cotton rose lo its height in the Southern Stales, othor property rose equally. I.nnds were high heyond reason, slaves would bring almost anv price, the rales nf interest on money were ennrmnus, and men were ns reek' less of going into debt, as they were certain of making a fortune in threo years. An immense western frontier strelrhed out its rich lands belonging to the General Government, which could he purchased ut $1,25 the acre. Geor gia had immense tracts of land which slm was giving to her cinzons. Is it strange under such circumstances, that the older purls of the Southern Stains should suffer; that many of the wcnlthy planters should even leave, if they could not sell their worn nut firms, and sctlln in those rich countries to which they could re move in a fow days,and where they could make four times as much ? Is it strange that many men who had purchased properly when at the highest prices, should suffer, and finally have that properly sold, to pay the last half or fourth nf the purchase money ? What parts of the Southern States, nnd particularly of Georgia, are now suffering? Not thu new counties! No, go through Ihe whole uf these counties, and consider the time in which they have been settled, und where is there a parallel of such prosperity ? And theso men, too, are conten ted with tlieir government; at least, they have no disposition to risk their inestimable bles sings, for Ihe desporatc chance of something better, which the mad nullificr offers them at the price nf revolution. Go and persuade Ihe citizens of these counties to shoulder their muskets to dplend Cliuriesion, and they would ans < er—“ Wo camo here poor; in a few yenrs we have rendered our situation pleasant and happy. We hove enough to live on comfort ably. We pay no (axes worth naming. AVo have around us honest, peacenblo, industrious, pious neighbors. We mako enough to pur chase all the necessaries and conveniences of life—what more can we desire ? We see all our neighbors doing well, xvho are industrious. For what shall we fight I” nnd well might they ask, and for what ? For what I Because a few ofyour members in Congress said that you would fight if the Tariff was not wholly repeal ed I and now it is better Ihnt our land should be deluged in blood, than for them to prove fulse prophets! I Bui is not this system of the Tariff an un constitutional one? Has Congress a right to lay it ? nnd if they have not, are we not in danger ultimately of losing our liberties ; and should we not do well to resist at once? In reply we would simply observe, that many of the best and most patriotic citizens of the country, who are altogether opposed to Ihe Tariff as a just und politic measure, bcliove it constitutional. In Ihe late Free Trade conven tion at Philadelphia, where there wus an array of talent and patriotism, a very large majority considered the Tariff constitutional: among theso were found such men its Albert Gallatin nnd Roger Sherman. “ A tariff is an act of Congress, laying duties on foreign goods,” nnd it is contended that the constitution does not permit Congress to lay duties solely for the purpose of protecting manufactures. But we nro asked, should we not expert that those mnn who furmed the constitution, would un derstand ils powers ? and if we can find what they believed to be its powers, will it not be as likely to he a correct interpretation, ns any other? At least, would it not be unkind to rail all those dishonest nr funis, who should adopt such interpretation ? The preamble to the second act of Congress under the consti tution, a Congress in which were a large num ber of those who formed il, and who had de bated its merits and power* in the State con ventions which adopted il, reads thus; “Where as it is necessary for tha support ofgovernment, for the discharge of Ihe debts of the United States, and for Ihe encouragement and protec tion of manufactures, that duties should be laid in goods, wares and merchandize imported.” Does not this preamble expressly acknowledge, not only the right, but even the duty of Con gress, to protect manufacture* by imposts? Did not James Jackson and Abram Baldwin of this Stain, vote for that Tariff? Did bm James Madison, and Roger Sherman, and h bridge Gerry ? And did not Washington 8 i»i that bill ? I again declare, I am now alto ee ih er, and ever have been, opposed to restriction on trade. Il should, in my humble opinion be as far ns possible left free. And I d„ n# ! believe that Washington or Madison, oronr own Jackson and Baldwin, would ever have sanctioned the system, luid they supposed it would ever have been made, as I acknowledge il has, the foundation of nn odious monopoly Bui still, if such men believed the principle was gr-mted by ihe constitution; if a large me- jurity of those who are fighting manfully |(,j cause of free trade believe the same thing, j ( it niodust for us to assume Ihe whole right’of interpreting the constitution ? But ngain—we nre told that (he present T«. riff, viz. that of 1832, is no favorable modifi." cation; at least, no favorable one lo the South* Yea, the nullifiers would persuade us to bel lieve that it is worse than the former. And" must nut that he a bad cause which requires impudence like thia ? Musi the people of the South abandon their reason, to a few nil x n ov. ing ones ? Can they not understand that 3 i t 3 ? The preer.nl Tariff is greatly preferablt to the one of 1828. The most obnoxious features of that bill, and the preceding one, viz. lbs minimum., ns Ihey nre called, are certainly abandoned, nnd they wore abandoned to grit- ify 'he South ; and they were not given up by bv thn high Tariff men, without a desperate struggle. The duties are lightened on all the nrtieles so much complained of by the South. On all negro clothing the duties ure not worth naming ns to the amount. On wnnllenv, iron cotton, sugar and salt, there certainly is a re duction of about three millions. On all artt- elos since 1828, there has been a reduction «f more than ten millions. It hns been said by the nullifiers, that tbo South “ virtually” pays all tho taxes of the country. I know it requires a metaphysics more refined than Kant’s, to even begin to comprehend their mode nf rea soning on thn subject; and hence I suppose the necessity of (hose Apostolic missions which nre now going on to enlighten the blind, miser- itbln peoplo of this poverty stricken Slate.which is cursed with Ihe evils of Union. But could are comprehend what is incomprehensible, and if it be true that the Southern States have been paying all Ihe taxes, then surely the South is areally relieved ; for all acknowledge that the Tariff is reduced at least ten millions. Tbit is certainly no small pari of our rights restore? (o os. Ilnve not the people of this enlightens? State common sense enough to know that 10 millions off ftnm 23, is a very great relief? Or shall we have another edition of Mr. McDuf fie’s logic and arithmetic, and convert evety $14,000 of tho 13 remaining, into millions? Can Ihe people nf this country suffer them selves to be cxciled by men so destitute of candor, nnd must I not any, of truth 1 Is there not evidenrly something else besides your grievances, which actuates these men? “ But is not the policy of the Tariff now fet tled ?” “ Is il not fustened upon us, and hare we any hope of ever being relieved?” How nlisurd such a question ! Have not the mild men of tho North, nnd West, nnd Middle States, met the mild men of tho South in Ihe spirit of compromise ? Have ihey not given op much which they were anxious lo retain, and which they think might have been retained with perfect justice, hut lor our, ns we think, just clnims? Have not these men been with us in all our difficulties? Have they not shield ed us from the deadly thrust which has been aimed nt our very vitals ? Do they not say Ihey wish nn amicable adjustment of this un happy contest ? And have we not a pledge of this in the late Tariff bill ? Neither side has abandoned ils interpretation of the constitution. Neither could have been expected to do it.— Was it not so in our contest with Great Britain concerning impressment ? Who will doubles patriotism of such mnn Bs Bell of TennossH, Johnson of Kentucky, Benton of Missouri, Cnmbrelenir of New-Ynrk, and many others oflhe Tariff parly, who luive been nor warmest friends ? Shall we discard them, and clasp to our bosoms those who have ever been our must bitter enemies, and who now only flutter nnd nllurn, Ihnt we may bo the means of assisting tlieir unholy ambition ? Let every Georgina beware. Let us not be deceived. We are in the high road to glory, never enjoyed by any nation. AVe ore prosperous : nnd I trust in God we will mil suffer a few headstrong poli ticians to roh ns of overy blessing. Jl Friend to Union and Equal Rights. ros THE SOOTHERS OANWBR. Morgan County Meeting—At a meeting uf a number of ihe Citizen* of Morgan Coun ty, convened at the Court-House in tho town of Madison, on Tuesday the 21st day of Au gust, for the purpose of making arrangements for a more general meeting of the people nf the county, lo tnko Into consideration the sub ject of Ihe Tariff: Isnne AA’alker, Esqr. «ni called lo the Chair, and Thomas J. Burner, nominted as Secretary. The following Preamble and Resolutions were then submitted by Col. Nathaniel G. Foster nod unanimously adopted, Dr. Juba AVingfield having previously rend, the circulir letter and accompanying Resolutions from the corresponding Committee appointed by lb« meeting at Athena AA r hereas the present criiis demands that tho sentiments of the people of Georgia should be known on the subject of tha Tariff or Prolectivo system, and tbe first step to wards accomplishing that object, having been taken at Athena by a large number of citizen* from all parts of Ihe Slate there assembled, and an expression of their opinions having liccn given, that the only way of effecting that purpose, will be by assemblage of the citizens of each County separately, with a request to that effect; Resolved, therefore, That a Committee of seven be appointed by the Chairman of Ihi* meeting, fbr tbo purpose of making known to V