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seven doubting whether they will light or sub mit, ho must wait until they make up their minds! From such logic, I beg lenve most greatest monied iuterest I possess in the world, protected in common with other monopolies, by this very system! Hud I not reason to believe thnl I hud, in nn enlarged degree, ac quired your kind indulgence and increased i onfidence? Could I not have returned home, nnd liy a silent, selfish course, enjoyed my pro| erly and popularity free from lilts danger of losing either, if I hud been disposed lo con sider Ihese ns the oi ly objects worth regard, or the chief rewards of a uenerous nod confi ding people ? UndercirciimHlances like these, mine indeed most lie a fatal infatuation, but onlv accord to rne, what before heaven is true, giiig till I am tired—wc have tried ler.imisuat- ing till I am disgusted—we hnve tried reasoning till I otn disheartened—we have tried threaten- hcartil v to dissent. All infractions of the con- ing till I am ashamed, and all tins has been go- stitution arc alike, whether they be great or I ing on for the last twelve years, till the advo- amall, or say all divines in reference to the moral 1 cates of the system, hardened nnd confirmed in law: the progress of the mischief may lie differ- their encroachments, declare it is fixed and for- ent, but the final result will lie the same. The j ever settled. Mow I am tor resistance, and beautiful green field imy ho as cflcctnally de- 1 never to cease till we strangle the monster, or strayed by the admission of its di spoilers at n get out of the reach of its mischief, single gap, as if they had rushed open its Iuxii- i These, gentlemen, are my “ sentiments in re liance fretn a prostrated broadside. ! j, nrt ] j Q nullification,'’ and though they may dif- Tho fourth case, strange as it may appear, is j f cr from yours, yet I know my own heart, I have actually going on, almost unnoticed, at the pre-; Ilot a solitary wisli to disturb one single view sent time, anil though silently, yet as certainly you may have upon this subject, and I rejoice I an iioncst intention, and yon may tube hack ns the other three. I allude to the survey and j| ln t (],{„ feeling of mine fully sustains me ill the your trust to-morrow. I will yield it without occupation of the Cherokee nation. 1 liousands declaration, that I entertain no spirit of proscrip- who are now decrying the term nullification, are (j on against any one who differs from roc in opin- perfeclly w illing that it should not tie arrested in j on . As your meeting, by your resolutions, was the case referred to, and perhaps like the threat j„tcnded to influence the approaching elections, in your third resolution, would vote against any I n mst beg leave to enter an appeal from your man w ho should lie opposed to its success.—! tribunal to the much higher court of that of the The last legislature authorised a survey and dis- KUO< ] |IL . (I| ,1,, of Georgia, and to them the l.alancc position ol this whole country, and 1 under«.and „f , nv mnar ks will Is; addi eased. the .survey is the coia'iiissioners are con- It* .. 4 4 , , , i ' ,■ , .. • . 4 , In line public character or other, I have vened, preparation is making (or the lottery, the' , 1. . . ^ , . • ' • * : n . , / , served you lor twenty-five years, and though I drawing is to commence in October next, and \ , 4 . , f , ® • • r.i i i , may not have satisfied you, I know I have nev- m all probability the possession of the lands will: , . , , 3 ,, «u.. i* i:* ». ..I * r 4 , , cr deceived you. I hope I hnve given sufficient pass Iroin the Indians before the close of the! ,. 4 , . . P U. , ® , , year. Now what becomes of the treaties that P r0 " f ,hft ' tlle lovc of, ; n,co haH . w ‘ l ,nd,,C f d ™ have guaranteed this very territory to its «han« my opinions to conciliate popular fa- sent inhabitants! The constitution of the Uni- i VOr ',, 1 ""J P roU<l °‘>°" r “"“""ft l,Ut >° U ted States declares all treaties to bo the supreme c ' ,uld f*°! n,,! ‘“R***! ' at lh ? “° law of the land, any thing in the constitution K 1 In. my lateserv.ee 1 have and laws of the Slates to the contrary notwith-1 " ,lvan,:nd °P“ ?" tho nnor '' 1 Con f p “ standing. The violation of a treaty often in-! d ° "° TT 0 ’ ° r ' VC *" lf * re P rC8en,ed 7° ,r volving a nation in war, nnd hut for the weak- f e "" mente ‘° oppressors, you ought to - i turn me out. Undeceive them as quick ns it is ness of this nation, such might have been the consequences of this proceeding on tho part of Georgia. Can it he possible that this will not he called a plain, and palpable, case of nullification! The matter is too clear; concerning it there ho no manner of doubt. And although as an indivi dual, I can not agree that it is right, yet under my doctrine, based upon the opinions of Mr. Jefierson, that a State has tho right to “judge for itself, ns well of infractions (of the compact) as of the mode nnd measure of redress,” nnd tho State having pronounced these treaties tin- constitutional, and therefore null and vein, if she is invaded by the general government, 1 go to support her decision “ right or wrong,” for my lirst nllngiance is due to the State of Georgia. This is my kind of nullification: will your meeting do this? If they will, there is no difference of opinion between us; if they ■will not, I leave the people of Georgia to judge which doctrine suits their notions of pntiiotism best. Now what care can tend to blood nnd revolution stronger than this f And yet I do not believe that this, or any other rnse, will ev er produce such a result. The thing is unrea sonable. Na oppressive and unconstitutional law can he enforced against a Sovereign State. It is a tree agent in a mere voluntary confedera tion which is wholly unnecessary to its intc.rnnl municipal regulation. Having gone into the Union for external objects, the moment theso are lost, nnd an attempt is nindo to rob her of her inherent rights, the same freo ngenr.y thirt mode the coinpaet cun dissolve it, nay it weald become so by reason of the frauinl of tho oppo site party. Force is out of tiro question. Four times Ims Georgia tried this matter, and just ns certain ns tirle four times she will have proved it. And if she will try it tho fifth time, she will meet with the sumo success, for no man can believe that when tho alternative is presented to tho general government to give up the Union, nr to cut the throats of her citizens to pamper the wealth of n privileged order, Mint the choice will occasion oven an instaiit’.s hesitation. In all cases of usurped nr assumed powers, Mr. Jefferson's doctrine maintains three things: 1st. Thnl nullification is the rightful remedy. 2d. That it is a natural right. 3d. That “every State,” of its “own authori ty,” Ims it right to “ nullity within its own li mits.” Upon this last it may he necessary to say but a word. A Stato entitled to “ judge for itself, as well of infractions, ns tho mode and measure of redress,” cannot part with its sovereignty (without becoming dependent) to nnv other State, so os to ninke that other the judge of its violated rights. A submission nl'this kind im plies an obligation to abide hv the award, and such n course every body must perceive re quires a State to give tip its own judgment to tho decision of one who may not have half the same interest at stake, or any thing like a pro per knowledge of the hearings of that interest. Whnt would have been the consequence if Gov. Troup had waited till he should have submitted tho enso of the old nnd new tronlyto a conven tion of Southern States, or if Governor Lump kin had done tho same thing in relation to the missionaries or tile survey of tho Cherokee na tion ? Think you not the decision would have been against us I And whnt security has any State against any other result, when she trusts her sovereign powers to an arbitration ? I sub scribe most unequivocally to the doctrine con tained in tho above three points, mid consc in your power to do so, nnd I have no doubt they wili greatly rejoice at it. It will lie an act alike due to their superior discernment of your views, as well r.s to your own sincerity, and it will bo certainly ii just, though a severe rebuke to my want of fidelity. But let me pray you not to bo deceived by the mere force of words. Von cannot lie made to believe that Congress has any thing to do with nullification, cr that your liberties are in dangrrfrum the doctrine in that body. Ilcpcnd upon it, whenever n vote shall ho taken in Congress to nullify tho liirill' system, it would well behoove you to have os ninny uultifiers there as passible. You own it to your understandings to make this enquiry, “ what possible harm can n nuttifier do us in Congress”? Perhaps, of oil the places in the world it is the one where he could do the least harm; anil if ever Congress should attempt to force the tnrift’upon tho South by arms, it is the one in winch he might be able to do most good. At least them would he more dependence upon his vote to withhold the necessary supplies, than upon that of nn miti-niillilicr. It is only at home you liuvo to dread him, if there lie need for dread at nil. But you may rely upon it, there is nothing in that name, hostile to your lib erty, which originated with tho greatest friend liberty has ever had on this sido of tho Atlantic ocean. Though a constant effort is mndo to throw around tho word nullification tho greatest possible odium, nnd to render it another name ibr treason, yet did not Mr. JefTerson so con- ccive it. It was employed to rid ourselves of the unconstitutional arts of Grcnt-Biilnin: it was recommended by this immortal sago to sub vert the tyranny of the sedition law; it has been successfully practised j n our own state, and I nllirni that many other cases can tic adduced front other states. It means, it can mean noth ing more than, disobedience to arbitrary nnd oppressive laws, and in (hat senso is (hero n man among yon longer prepared to obey nn edict that exacts half the fruits of your labour, nud forces from your honest ploughninu such a slavish contribution ns that every other furrow which he rims under the scorching beams of a summer’s sun,yields its produce to unorthern na bob! Who is there that is not willing to wage nn intcrminnblo war against an extortion thut subjects you, your property and your posterity, to a tribute limited only by mi interest that has been denf to reason, dead to sympathy, blind to justice, nnd bent only upon tho full fruition of its unholy desires ? Would to God you could hnve personally witnessed the late deliberations of Congress. 1 tell you by all that is holy in heaven, that this protectivo system is dictated by the ninniifiicturcrs themselves, that they nt- tend by committees, and agents, around the halls of Congress, for the purpose of giving instate tions to members of Congress, ns to what must bo taxed, whnt must he free, nnd what must be tho quantity of tho burthens. I tell you in the same sacred manner, that members of Congress a murmur, und the consolation shall be mine, lhat I can live under nnv gnvermnent that you can. and will have closed a political life free from the reproaches of conscience. A. S. CLAYTON. most realize the fact, that uc had been, as it were by iraftic, transported into the interior of Spain, or Prussia, or Ituaaia ; nnd began to tremble lest we had commit ted eg«i"«t some of our petty Inrdling neighbors, the enormous crime of ilitf-ring with them in opinion ; nnd T'r: court ' in « • ’ ■ ' which I ivns nrpspnt. nnr. in urki«k I . e. rippling, 12 lh Sept. 1832. Dear .Sir,--In reply to your note of tho loth 1 slate that if 1 am-capable of understar,din’, the English lauguage, Judge Schley did a*! ion, winrt*<j us in Uic luce! Jv rit.uHv; we disclaim . • . t , at he charge ol “Lexington/’ that we imputed to him or 1 which I was present, one in which I often par- ,1, I'ncm, “lh, mosi sttfii’i nnd degrading motives, as tieipnted. distinctly assert and maintain ih», ” ' * .1 : r . 1. „ a.. e ' n **l A Hum Chase anil A. ill. Aisfoel. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 31, 1832. FOB PRESIDENT ANDREW JACKSON. FOIt VIC E-PIt ESI DENT MARTIN VAN DUREN. Removal.-CO Tlio Office of th* Southern Runner ii removed lo the New IlniMing nn the Corner, North of Messrs. Graham & Huggins' Store. —0 Erratum — In ti e -lili Resolution of tho proceedings of the Jackson County Meeting, published last week, for “ United Slates,” read “united South.” — We publish to-day, to the exclusion of matter per* hups more interesting to our renders, the reply of “ Lexington” In our strictures nn his former vindication. “ Lexington” ncknow ledges thru they,the individua's who got up the late meeting in Oglethorpe, d-* not pro tend to have been ignorant of the fact, that at the tune Messrs. Forsyth sod Wayne were proscribed by them, those gentlemen hail always, in dtbate % opposed the Tariff; and that our .Senator, (Mr. Forsyth) nt the opening of the last session of Congress, d< dared that he would “die rcMixting in the list ditch” this odious system. He further admits, that at the same time they “ had no reason to doubt” but thnt ihose gentlemen were still willing to contend against the Tariff, by “ar gument, pretest and remonstrance.” With those ack nowledgments before us, we would ask “ Lexington,” what new light was shed over their counsels by the information of Col. Foster, in his speech at the dinner table, “that those gentlemen had voted in favor of the hill reducing »he Tariff, w ith a protestando Did thin ii.''urination from Col. Foster, warrant them in believing that Messrs Forsvili and Wayne intended licrcaflct to dufTthe arms of peaceable warfare, which they had used so successfully,viz. Argument, protest and rcmonsl ranee nnd in their plnco to “snatch the torch of the revolu tion,” nnd essay to put down the system at the point hid frieoas, the actuating cause of their movements.” VVechatgcd them with nullification—ns the conductors of a public press we had the light to do so—it has not been denied. We charged them with attempting to dictate this doc trine to others—this we had a right to do, for reasons which have been assigned, and not rtfuted. We char ged them with (lisiugeniiousrtess (not ignorance) in their treatment of Messrs. Forsyth and Wayne—which we have fully established. These are all the charges we have brought against 4 and if in making them, we uess the press, then God help its independence “ Lexington” winces most piteously under the lash which wc playfully bestowed on him over the shoul ders of John C. Calhoun. He does not deny but that he had an interview with Calhoun at Washington City, hut then it was at a Tavern! of course, in bo public a l (he decision of the Supreme Court, to which you refer, wus right, nnd (hat it was our duty to submit to it. Upon Ibis subject I deem it impossible llmt I can be mislaken-niy recollee. tions ore perfectly dear. At the Commence, ment of our Court, indeed, the Judge's senti" incuts, were somewhat doubtful; thoguh ho ev Lexington” and bis friends; dcntly leaned towards the Supreme Court nnl prostituted to/frmticiu- his arguments in conversation, were generally if not always in its favour. We had not then received the decision-at length it came it was rend nloud on the evening nf its arrival i office by Judge Longstrcot, when Jude* Sfltlnu u/fid nrnconl I netinJ ■ ** place, it was impossible for them la have entered into [ Schley was present. I asked Jud”t I,i the arrangements alluded to with record to the dowry J street, when he hud finished its peru-al vA^'i and Mis. Nullification. lie further slates that Call,non j he thought of it ? lie replied lhat it was’rin ,i did net even otter linn the place of“(,roomoftlieStrrle,” , , b r . " T , 1 0 ,, ”-*'12111, or any thine else, ns n dowry with his daughter—and r an d * 3m confident Judge Schley immediately same evening it « as ugatn read aloud by Juj,,. Schley himsolf, in the room then occupier) Gen. Flournoy, and I then understood Jud^ " Lexington's” voracity cannot be doubted, lie farther, in connexion with this matter, relates a very funny an* ecdotc nf a Dutch Ambassador nnd a Siamese King, in nrdpr to prove that “ it must be contrary to our expert, enee, mat human actions ran proceed from any ether thee wicked and selfish motives.” In reply we would remark, that education and the Bible, (in wli'cli, not* witnstandinqhis nullification, we presume “ Lexineton" believes, and which probably the Siamese King knew mulling about,) hoth Icoch us that the “lire u kn oren by its fruit /” This is the rule by which we judge man kind, and if our experience always proves the rule lo work a3 well as it has in the present instance, w« will adhere lo it through life, with the utinuat tenacity. The latter part of 1 * Lexington's” vindication wu must lay over fur future consideration. I ho is welcome to ull llm advantage, his favorite doc trine will derive from it ; for in (feorgia, nullification , been “doubled,” is “it d,” and will soon be • pofsonal nno political mends, viewed wiik surprise nnd regtet, the strong and decided stand which Jmigo Schley took in favour of (lie Supremo Com!. M’e often expressed- . ramediately added, “ there can be no doubt of it.” Schley to coincide in opinion with Gen Flournoy, who certainly uspd any other biit equivocal language in expressing hit apprnhg. lion of it. The paper containing the decision belonged to myself, and was for a day or two the only one | believe we had amongst us- and these first perusals of a decision of snr|| absorbing interest and importance, could not the menu time hut have made upon my mind a strong, an j deep impression. I and many others of hi* buried out of sight, -<&&— FOH THE SOUTHERN RANKER JUDGE SCHLEY. Messrs. Editors,—Considerations j these sentiments to one another, and whtleour ; court lasted, 1 did all in my power to ronvinro v.-cssr*. ™,.vr.,-u U i,»,uuai r. .r ) the Judge that he was w rong. I directed I,is fiom tho relation between constituents and: „ , i r eu ms , , • , , . , . attention to an urticln on our Indian contra- candidates, induced mo to stato what I did over . ,, ,,, «r c.u c ,r. n „ ; versy, in the -llh No. of the southern Ilevicw lo signnureo °"' | and I also placed in his hands, the celebrated In our Government no effort of a citizen to nr , jc|e of ^ T(jrn6ul|) „„ „ )0 .. |ribu „alofder. Iny before the pi,bite, the political creed ofj nj ,. r „ which j jn |h(j those who solicit the suffrages of tho ponple ' f vallwb|o work . Tho onIy modifi can be condemned, and no apology can he re-l (jon l)f ,he Judge’s opinion which 1 heared from qtiired for tho remarks intended to redeem a ,, l(f|t>| , h|!|r ^ ,hat if the ,p,o,. rise from their places, nnd deliberately drawing from their desks letters received from their maniifneturing rnnsliluents, will rend nut thnir demands for an increase of taxes, and they are as deliberately granted, agnin-t the ardent and repented rcimmstrances id your protesting representatives. I tell you solemnly, that it is not nn uncommon thing for thoso members, friendly to the mnmifncltirers, to fix tho rulo of duly on one dnv, and then ehango ii to a higher amount nn tho next, nl the mere instigation of manufacturing agents. I tell you that they os- quently 1 am for a convention of the people' of srrl on ,ho fl > 0,,r l of « hn ‘ | he the State to determine the best method of rcniov- ] " vo *>'" ,inM ne vor ho repealed, and give nn n reason thnl it was imposed by the south ing tho burthens imposed by this unconstitution al. usurped, and unjust law, and whatever that method may be, I leel bound to submit to it.— If, however, you would nsk me whnt my plan would be, if I were in thnt convention, I am rea dy to give it, though I should bn willing to yield It for any other, which the prudenco and good sense of that convention might detail. I would declare the law unconstitutional, and therefore null and void. That I would notify the general government of this fact, and that if the law w as not repealed, or modified, so as to Iny a revenue duty only, which should be adequate to the just wants of tho government, on or before tho Inst day of the first session of the next Congress, that is to say, in the year 183-1, and if, Ibrther, it should attempt to enforce tho law after that time, thus unrcpcalcd or unmodified, within the limits of Georgia, this Slate would be no longer a member of the Union. This is my modo of resistsnoc, but I am free to confess, that I nm prepend for any and all other modes that will rid u*of the oppression. Wehtvo tried beg- thnt the nation is now pledged to continuo it that the manufacturers have two hundred mill ions of money invested in tho business, lhat to take offlho system would bankrupt tho cap ilalists, blast the prospects of tho farmers, beggar tho operatives in the Factories, and, in fine,reduce the manufacturing districts to com munities of paupers ; and rather than submit lo such a slate of things,they say they are willing lo dissulvo the Union. They present the alternative lhat Y'OU or THEY must submit, snd they moat solemnly declare they .hall not. Whnt hope have you from a prospect so gloo- my, if you can believe my testimony? And ifm charity, yon may yet flatter yourselves that I nm deceived, if my delusion is honest, can you - blame me for my earnestness in the cause t Have 1 not as much at stake a« you have 1 Have I not the same country ? Have I not a home nnd a family among you, whose all is perilled as well a« yours ? Nay, more : havo I uut an interest, different from yours, the! of llm liavonrl ? H o trow not; for wo finrl neither of ihose gentlemen new lighting in tho ranks of the nulli tiers. IVo must tlirrcliiro policlinic, from llieacknowl- figments of " Lexington," ami the rourso of Messrs. F. anil IV. ainco I heir return In ficorgin, tl.nl the eeje- hrnted preteetmuto did, in fact, throw no new light on the minds ufour Lexington friends; hut lhat finding they had, in their tun linslv zeal for nullification, and their proscri|ilinn nf Ihose distinguished and popular gcnllc- mcn, taken a position from which they would he com pelled lo retreat before the overwhelming influence of public opinion, they made a virtue of necessity, and in order In cover over and white-wash the aliair, seized hold nf the proltslando so fortunately thrown in their way bv Col, Foster. We therefore acquit (by the by vvliat we havo never charged them with) “Lexington” ami his friends of" culpable ignorance,” and set down their proscription of Ihose gentlemen, to that ovorh rat ed zenl for the new doctrine nf nnllificotion, in which they seem to hnve been so entirely absorbed. “ Bui, (say. “Lexington,”) wo did suppose that the time for this modu of warfare had passed ; lhal iho honor of theStnlo involved by the resolutions of 1828. at all hazard, should be redeemed,” Messrs. Forsylh nnd Wayne ihoughl thal the timo for an open rupture with tho licneral Uuvernincnt hnd not arrived; thnt without coinprnmitling the honor nr dignity of the Stale, nnd without jeopardizing Iho Union, or involving the country in all tho horrors of war and bloodshed, in a few years the question might be amicably settled- ami for this hnm si tlifierence nf opinion, they wero to bn pul down, and their names made a reproach and a byewnrd throughout the land I With regard to the charge again and again reiterated hy “Lexington” and Ilia condjiitaiM, that those gentle, men voted fur Ihe bill of IS32 as n TarifT l.ill, we call again hut deny tins impiilatlnn. The bill of 1832 was introduced into Congress and passed, simply esa mod ificalion of thal nf 1828—no other principle hot that nf reduction was involved in it. These two bills, then, were presented to our delegation for their rejection or adoption—bmh Tariff bills—but ono much less objec tionable, as such, In the South, than Ihe other. Messrs. Forsyth and Wnyno choso the Irast, and for this they are to he, in this enlightened community, reviled and persecuted! We put this question to " Lexinglon"— suppose that by the united votes of the ultra Tariff men nf tho North and West, and the ultra Anti-Tariff men nftlie South, Ihe bill of 1832 had been lost; would not tho votes of the whole nf our delegation, with the ex ception of IFaynt and Forsylh, have been instrumental in fastening upon ua the “bill of abominations” of 1828/ and would it not now ho hy their sanction, op pressing the South to the amount of several millions ovef and above the requisitions of the bill ns modified ? The people cannot he imposed upon in this matlcr, be cause the facts connected with it cannot be mystified ; they arc entirely within Ilia comprehension of the most humble capacity. “ Lexington” again denies iho charge that tho people of Lexinglon attempted lo dictate nullification to the people if Georgia, either by proscribing Messrs. For syth and Wayne, nr hy attempting to intunidato the press. Ilo hero refutes his own disclaimer most satis factorily ; for he savs that they declared, “that if those gentlemen are for resistance, not by w ords but hy action, wo aro for them.” Now, every body knows what kind of art inn was here meant—disguise it as they choose, nullification and nothing else waatheir meaning. With regard to their course towards ns, whatever attempts were mado by others, wo must exonerate “ Lexinglon” himself from any agency, so far as vre have learned, in our proscription; Inn that some nf the citizens of Lei- ingion did, ao far at least as to withdraw their patron age, because of our opposition to nullification, attempt lo dictate it to us, is a fact “ Lexinglon" must know wo aro “amply fortified" in assorting. “ But, (says •• Lexington”) there is a wide difference between the liberty of the press and the licentiousness of tho press." And this, then, ia the apology he offer* for those who have attempted tonidlM/ua for opinion sake. Licenliouanru of the presa! Truly, when this charge against our unpretending little proas first met our eyes, we almost doubted the very land on which welrod.snd the government under which we liv-d. We coulu a!- plr-dgi’ nintli! hi tin- public', in wlurli it was nl- loged, thnt il could bo proven if denied, that Judge Schley lind hold iho opinion relitlivn lo Ihe decision of Ihe Supreme Court, in the ruse of the Missionaries vs. the Stole of Georgia, which hnd been charged upon him hy “ M'ni ton.” When my first communication was mndo, it wnn under the confident belief, that not n single word would ever ho denied Itv one, whom I hnd heard so emphatically express himself in favour of tho decision. Bui con trary to my expectation, he has imposed upon mo the necessity of producing proof of my as sertion—tho performance ol wjiich, necessari ly compels me to present myself lo the public; n necessity I would willingly forego, did not the duty of placing Judge .Schley in ltis prop er attitude before llio freemen of Georgia, for- hid mo to shrink from a responsibility 1 have voluntarily assumed. When the Judge’s denial for tho first time appeared in the public Gazette, (tho Federal Union of tho 6th inst.) I addressed tho follow ing circular to those gentlemen whoso an swers are hereunto annexed. To General Thomas Flournoy : Sin,— During the lust session of nor Su perior Court, the late decision of the Supreme Court of the United Slates, in tho rnso of Worcester vs. the Slnlo of Georgia, was re reived nl this plaro ; and I understood Judge Schley to say tho decision was right, nnd I so publicly stnled : ho has sinro publicly denied il. In Iho vindication of truth, and tho preser vation of my own reputation, yon mu«t find my apology for requesting you lo stato tvliul you heord the Judge say upon that subject, llespcctfully yours, C. H. SHOCKLEY, Jlppling, lOlli Sept. 1S32. I havo no distinct recollection of what Judge Schley said on the subject. But some how wns under the impression that ho thought ns I did, (which wns that the decision wns right.) Afterwards I met Judge Schley in Augusta, nnd nt my office ho informed mo thnt I had misconceived him; nod proceeded to slate his objections to the decision, but I do not now recollect them. THO. FLOURNOY. [Similar letters to the one addressed ioGen. Flournoy, wero addressed to thoso gentlemen whose replies arc ns follows.] Jlppling, 10/A Sept. 1S32. C. H. Siiwcklf.y, Esq. Could I feel at liberty to consult my own wishes upon this occasion, I should certainly prefer remaining unheard upon tho question submitted to mo in your note of to-day.— But I cannot temporize a moment with fee ling* of delicacy, when my testimony is re quired upon an issue involving personal “ rep utation.” I therefore promptly and frankly reply to your enquiry. I cannot now recall a single word which I heard Judge Schlcv utter nt the last term of Columbia Court, in refereneo to the decision f tho Supremo Court cf the United States; hut I well remember thnt lie was present at Mr. Hobby's office w hen I read that decision the first time; and from remarks w hich he occasionally interposed during the reading of it, and from his observations immediately af terwards, and in several subsequent conversa tions, I left Columbia Court as fully convinced that he acquiesced n Ihe decision as I was lhat it met with tho approbation of General Flournoy or myself. I remain, sir, Your ob’t servant, AUGUSTUS B. LONGSTREET. ticn tvore new, he in'ghl perhaps think dtier- ently ; but Georgia had acquiesced so Imv j n the construction given hy the Federal Goietv ment, lo its powers relative to Indian inter, course, nnd the whole country in the consliui. tionality of that section of the .Judiciary act, under which tho Supremo Court clninuii ju risdiction in our case, that, lie did not believe that either,but particularly the latter, could non bo made a matter of controversy. This, if not his exact language, was what I understood to bo his opinion, after many nnd repented ar guments with him. Certain I nm, lhat when iie left here, at the close of the court, I had come to (he reluctant conclusion, that my du ty to my country, would not permit me again to advocate or support his pretensions to Con gress or to tho Bench, if he were ever again a candidate for either of those responsible sta tions ; so objectionable did I deem his opin ions, nnd ro decided was lie in the expression of them. Very respectfully, vnurs, WE NS LEY HOBBY. C. II. Shockley, Esq. P. S—Sinro writing the above, I hnve had a conversation with Judge Schley, in which ho endeavoured to rocull to my mind, some conversation held between us, (as lie says) about his Report upon the subject, while a member of the legislature. The only allusion to the Report, which I recollect, was mads by myself, to him one day at dinner, before wo hnd received the decision of the Supreme Court. His sentiments nnd arguments seem ed lo mo to hnve so decided a leaning towards Iho Supremo Court, that I distinctly asked him, if ho wero not Iho author of Iho Report, alluded to ; and I did so In quolo his own nil- thorify against himself. He said ho was its author, and when he wroto it, his opinions wero such ns il contained. But he did not know what effect the decision of the Supremo Court, might hnve, when he had rend it, &c. &c. When that decision came, its effect did seotn to mo to bo very speedy nnd very deci sive. I recollect no otiier conversation in which Judge Schley's report wns alluded to. W. HOBBY. Jlppling, 10lh Sepl. 1832. C. H. Shockley, Esq. Sir,—In reply to your note of this date, Icon only slate, that I understood Judge Schley M sny, at the timo you mention, thnt the deciw° n of the Supremo Court was right—his I*"* gungo I do not remember. In a subsequent conversation with him in Augusta on the sub ject. he snid that I had misconstrued what ho said, and entered into gome explanation, "luu* 1 I do not now rornemher. In the last conver sation he snid lie believed the decision 'o bo wrong. Y'our ob’t servant, ANDREW J. MILLER. Sepl. 10th, 1S32. C. H. Shockley, Esq. Dear Sir,—In answer lo your note of this morning, requesting rne to stnto my recollec tion of the opinion expressed by Judge Schley in reference to tho decision of the Supremo Court in tho ease of Butler and Worcester, 81 our last Superior Court; I can say only, A' 31 there were so much conversation among tho gentlemen of tho Bar on Iho subject, and not charging my memory with the sentiments ol any one, I cannot now separate in my rec0 ‘ lection Iho soverol opinions expressed by ■hoa 1. But tho impression left upon my mind is. tl' at Judge Schley approved the decision in a grea ter or leas degree ; but I cannot sar that b® opproved it fully; nor can I sav that he did not, as I havo not a perfect recollection of bn conversation. Yery Respectfully, B. PETTIT