Newspaper Page Text
ANSWERS
Received by flic Richmond Com
mittee of Correspondence, n
111 subject of JYuHiflrution.
Albemarle Countv, Va., Sept, 4, 1832.
Gentlemen: I have the honour to acknowledge
the receipt of your circular of the 20th nit. Iienr-
ingtho Augusta post mark ofthe 24th. You ask
moat tho instance of a public mooting of in v
fellow citizens of Richmond County, to com
municate to them, through you, iny sentiments
in regard to Nullification, and forward me
tho proceedings of the meeting, ns the host ex
planation of the acts and motives of those who
composed it. Such a request, so urged, de
mands, for my own credit, tin immediate nnd ex
plicit answer. The election is rapidly approach
ing, and any intentional delay or disguise, would
be inconsistent with iny habits, and unworthy of
your Representative,
I consider nullification ns a proposed remedy
for the evils ofthe tariff, unsound in theory, and
unsafe in practice. This opinion, proiiably o'
little conscquonco to anyone hut mvself.thougli
uttered frnnkly, is I hope without any tinge of
arrogance or dogmatism.
Having answered tho question put to me, ns
one in the catalogue of candidates, I might, if
this were an ordinary occasion, lie permitted to
conclude, with thojtpproved formula, of grati
tude nnd devotion to iny generous constituents,
and to tho personal friends, through whom lh< ir
communication has been made. Hut the time
—tho circumstances—tho great interests at
stake—tho danger of tho crisis to our comitiy
and the cause of freedom—all admonish me not
to deal in tho common places of holiday ceremo
ny, or to shelter myself behind dry nnd barren
generalities.
My sentiments are not, demanded, on account
of any personal suspicion, or tho apprehension
of peculiar danger from nullification in (‘ongre
They have been required most probably from a
flattering hut mistaken estimate of their possible
influence with the public; ami as in our day arid
land, every man judges, well, or ill, tbr himself,
you look not fer opinions only,hut some reasons
tu support them.
Though usually regarding the insignificance
of mero party controversies with contempt, and
their intolcmnco and malignity with disgust,eve
ry personal wish, and taste and feeling, is lost
in a question like the present. Its intrinsic
magnitude and enduring effects no one will de
ny; and my views of it, although neither novel
or profound, are due to the solicitation of a com
munity among whom the bust and longest part
of my life lias past, in tho interchange of
mutual good will, and to you, the compan
ions of fny youth or boyhood. In such an
intercourse concealments would he pitiful
—professions misplaced. Thoughts opened
without rcservo—emotions the deeper for sup
pression, may ho safely commend 'd to the fa
vourable interpretation of men, whose experi
ence of tho world, must ere this have taught
them, there is ulways least heart where there is
most tongue.
It iH impossible for me to defend, palliate or
deny tho evils of a protective tariff. Atcvcrv
stago of my political life I have borne testimony
against them. But I cannot—dmo not say,
they are unendurable—irremediable—or entire
ly to bo imputed to tho grasping avarice of any
portion of our country. Writing within view of
Montici'.i.lo, once the home and now thegrav
of Jefferson, I may not proliino t!i
breathe with the language of submission. Nei
ther must I hear talsc witness against my neigh
bour, for Hid name reminds me, thut some live
and twenty yoars ago, the Patriarch of Ameri
can Freedom, assisted by Southern politicians
laid in tho exclusion of all commerce with for
eign nations, the foundation of protection to do
mestic manufactures. “ We must bring our
workshops from Europe!”'—“Wo must not con-
sumo tho productions of those who injure and
insult us.”—“ Perish Commerce! let our con
stitution live I”—Such was the langiiage which
for years found nn echo in every southern bo
som, from thu Potomac, to tho Mississippi -
Such was tho feeling that bore us through Em-
bargu—Non-Intercourso—Non-Itnportatinu—
War. Need I tell you, gentlemen, that it was
southern votes which, in eighteen hundred and
and sixteen, carried n tariff partly lur revenue,
partly protective, against the strenuous opposi
tion oftho navigating interest? And must I
protest, even to you, that this recapitulation, is
lint made to defend or accuse, tho post, or the
present—to ineulpato or exculpate, any man, or
party, or people—hut simply because it is
truth. “The thorns we reap, are ofthe tree we
planted,” they may not wound us the less; lint
surely we have nu right to impute nil the injury
to others. I do not say wo ought to hear them
patiently—or at all. 1 will not presume to tell
a whole commonwealth what it can or cannot
bear. But I will recall to the recollection »|
my countrymen, even at the risk of some odium
to myself, that the manufacturing states were
made such by our legislation. We destroyed
their shipping and they turned to manufactures,
Must wo destroy their munuiiicturcs that they
may return to their shipping.
It is natural enough Unit wc should seek to re
move restrictions which ure hurtful to uur indus,
try but it is equally natural they should strive to
retain what they imagine beneficial to theirs.
Considering when—by whom—and under
what circumstances they were imposed, it is
asking too much of human uaturc, to expect
they will be readily abandoned. A part cf the
population on which they were forced, once
tpoke of seceding from the Union if they wrre
persisted in. But the union has survived tlicir
discontent. They converted our folly to their
benefit ', and now tre meditate secession unless
they will instantly relinquish their advantage.
Perhaps they have enjoyed it long enough.
Pcmapa they havomorc than indemnilieU them
selves for the losses.which we made them suf
fer. Certainly our injustice, if wo committed
anjt cannot justify theirs. Most undoubtedly
the interchange of wrong for wrong Is impolitic
—inhuman—unchristian. Still the practical
question recurs: Must we not suffer something
from our own imprudence? Can wc expert
tnrkmf concession? Shall wc not be aMji&ed
•mpoiling lawfully, or illicitly, in goods or in ) tic opposition. The consequence*.are ob\tons, | most proper course to be pursued under present
specie, the oofrexpoiiding millions for which it and ( am not insensible to them. No uavigu- j cxegencies. 1 hat tho burdens of the General
is exchanged, must at no distant day oeca-ion tor, howerer skillful, can trim his sails to every J Government are not equitably apportioned
new reduct ons of our imposts. Hut before, wind at once. I have but one consolation. 11 seems to me to admit of no doubt.' '1 hr prosem
and above all, if we are riglit we have the wea-; have not sought to catch any. Mv notions be-1 Tariff Law, contemplating (he protection of n:a n .
pons which seldom fail. 'Am I asked when did ing probably in many respects disrellished by nil | factures, is not founded in u spirit of constitu!
reason nnd justice conquer interest and preju- parties, will, at least, not draw down on mo the j tional justice, an 1 operates unequally and op.
dice? I point to) all triumphs of Truth and suspicion of seeking popularity, the last worst pressively upon the South. Under this state of
Time. To a reform in the English reforma- j ridicule that can lie-tail one; whose honest am-1 things, these questions present themselves; \\
don restoring civil privileges to'a persecuted bition is much more to servo his countrymen | shall be done! To what means shall we resort
sect—to such an extension of the elective (ran-, than to please them. for tho purpose of treeing ourselves from t|jj s
ehise, as Chatham dared nut meditate, endI have thus, gentlemen, endeavoured to per- system of injustice and oppression ? Are our
Fox could not accomplish. To revolutions i form what it is presumed was expected of me. I grievances so intolerable, our liberties so much
iiimuicr madness ofdriv- [less bloody, nnd codes less barbarous—to the i In such communications, it is hard to avoid j infringed, and that constitution which is the basis
me nut of constitutional! liberty of the press—to our own institutions, the j speaking more ol one’s sell, than is either plea- ol our free system ot government, so grossly, sq
restrictions mid concurring majorities! Man’s! hope nnd admiration of all that i> liberal in isant or graceful. I on, I am sure, will he the J dangerously, and so palpably violated and di«-
universal, eternal laws, are those of I! i \ snv, or in Christendom—in a word, to the extended and ; first to pardon the egotism into which you have i regarded, os to demand a resort to violent and
JIaiiit, or Force, All the checks and haiaii- extending empire of opinion. ! betrayed me; for few know belter, how humbly forcible means to obtain redress, that might,and
ees of government, practically resolve them-1 We have heard to be sine, that a total, inline-! I estimate mysell and iiiy opinions, ft is use- in.all .probability would, result in a dissolution of
selves into these: nnd every other device for} diate, unconditional abandonment of the prinei- j 'ess to wish that more time had bamr allowed j this (inioii! 1 his last is, to me, a question of
to win back again, step by step, and with the
arms of truth and reason, the ground which we
lost by an abandonment of both ?
But are we to endure forever? What right
have we to expect relief from those who are in
terested to oppress us ? This is mv answer.—
Either the theory office trade is not Hue; or if
true, it must ultimately triumph.
If we asstitn" that man cannot distinguish
right from wrong, truth from error—is incapable
of self government—w ill not pursue his own
happiness—or can promote it by injustice, *>ur|
institutions are a lie,and a federal representativ
rcpublick, the very ini'
oiling imbecility. T<
bending the w ill of the greater, tt
smaller number, however subtle and ingenious,
is too delicate to be useful, l!ail habit ' stablish-
ed nullification as a remedy for federal usurpa
tions, it might be submitted to, ju»t us long a
the constitution could remain unaltered, hilt u
longer. If it is so hard for a minority to sub-
mil, would the hardship be diminished if a ma
jority had to bear it! From habit however, nul
lification has no sanction. Is it an appeal to
the Reason ofthe Tariff slates! After tho ob
noxious law has been solemnly annulled as un
constitutional by one member of the confedera
cy—in an assembly ofthe whole collected peo
ple, unanimous, if you plcasr—nnd until the re
quisite majority ofthe other states decide wheth
er it is constitutional or not, is the offensive sta
tute to lie operative er inoperative on tho state
which has annulled it! To concede i»s opera
tion, would bo n solecism reducing the proposed
remedy to a more formal method oi' remon
strance. To suspend its execution, is giving
to the dissent ol one state, a veto on tho com
mon legislation ofull: a veto assuming iri its
exorcise, tie; iinconstitution-.ility of the statue,
which yet remains confessedly snhjntlice, and
liable to lie confirmed by the teqiiisite majority
of states. Nothing short of ancient usage, or
the most explicit constitutional provisions, could
prevail on the majority, to ncquicsce in such a
slate of things; nnd every dispassionate observer
will perceive, that in the absence of such usage
of provisions, attempts would be—must he
made, by those administering the government, to
execute in the dissenting state, the same law
which prevailed in all others. However con
ducted, and however opposed, this must end in
Force—forOe used to uphold the law, and force
employed to resist it.
Long the then, before the complicated post-
iiullilyiiig process of revision could pass through
its labyrinth of its tribunals—its maze of forms
—before three and twenty legislatures could as-
Miible, deliberate mill decide, the swonn, that
keen and clear interpreter ol'iiKiiiT imd just,
would have solved the constitiitimml difficulty,
and when the snail-paced rescript came, it would
ecmie to men, clad in angry steel, to ho burned
iiigdcri fien, by the torch of civil war.
Nullification, however qualified, disguised, or
explained, has then this attribute of an evil spir
it. It is swift of foot only on bad errands. It
Hies to seutter discord: it limps to bring peace.
Let me not bo understood. In speaking freely,
of what I feel strongly, the dangers ofthe doc
trine; it is tin- from my intention to impeach the
motives of its advoc ates. I have heard it umili-
itir I tuined v.-ith arguments tho most plausible, and
eloquence tho most Reductive, by men whoso
talents may receive my humble admiration, but
to whose unquestioned patriotism, I cannot,
without insolence, even oiler to bear witness.
In the heat of conflict—ill the exasperation of
d leal—lltn sense of southern wrongs bus ollen
overcome my own habitual calmness. And is
it possible for me to deny indulgence to the
words or projects of follow companions embark-
i d in the same cause—contending with the same
adversary—men of more ardent tempers, and
only resentful perhaps, in proportion us they are
bravo and generous? .Such spirits are never
first in an unworthy feud. It it becomes so, the
hlame iim.-t rest with a portion of their follow
ers. Nor is it hard to draw the line. The en
vious, desperate, or interested arc soon known.
They court every party and betray all. As for
those imii.ible enthusiasts, bearing in their veins
the blood of liberty's martyrs, who are iudiller-
ent counsellors, it may be, at the commence
inont of (i difficulty, but excellent companions
to stand bv you in tho end, they are not more
to be c heeked than cherished. That they have
tailed to convert me to their favourite faith, may
perhaps be owing to my phlegm or dullness.—
Certainly not to any want ol ability in them, or
any prejudice in me. Far limn reproaching
whnt I believe to be their errors, I du not even
think it wonderful, that in honestly seeking a
remedy for tho disordeis ofthe republic, many
should entangle themselves in refinements that
confuse when they do nit convince. Yet the
very subtlety of tho urgument is its great defect.
that of the! pin of protection is our right.- that wc a-k nnfii- rue; and vain to regret that I di.uld not mingl
tug inoro; will lake nothin*-ie«; and must not |in your deliberations. Could I have anticipa-
Iniv i'1-.tiee. These are lolly ami cap- j ted the state of public, feeling in Georgia, the
stoop t
riveting sentiment*; yet a doubt may be indiilg- ]honorable employment which detains me, ne
ed, whether they are practical. Justice is a
rare commodity, eve n among friends and neigh
bours ; and though forbidden to he sold, he is
thought lucky w ho pays dearly, and gets it at
last, inter enduring tlie oppressor's wren", the
proud man's contumely, the law’s delay, the in
solence—and v. hut to some, is worse, the Je
of office.
If indeed we arc resolved to yield no preten
sion—In ook no compromise—if tilt; tariff is rc-
allv i isrjrpnrlnljr, and u nostrum must be found
to cure it now—at on*'e—and forever—secession
and not imllficathm, is the melancholy, hut ap
propriate remedy. I no mure approve one than
I jti.stiiy the other. If heaven hears my prayers,
both will he spared me. My life, though short,
ami morn fortunate than happy, will be far ton
long, should I survive to hear part in a civil war,
or to witness a dissolution of the Union. A et
the last I mil persuaded would he the least evil.
It may lie cfleetcd without the guilt of home-
shed blood; which is to me, of itself, a sufficient
ground of preference. It is probable tliut if
(icorgia or .South-C'arolinn, or both, should think
proper to withdraw, no attempt would bo made
to prevent them. They may he allowed to de
part into obscure independence, if they can
maintain it; to settle quietly us a petty princi
pality; or sink into an appanage of some Euro
pean. I cannot believe that the secession of
tho whole South would be seen with equal indif
ference. Of this our antagonists suppose there
is no danger: and they hug themselves with the
belief, that unless all made common cause, the
new government will hardly bn formidable o-
neugli for freedom. Without the Chesapeake
it would scarcely have a port into which a fri
gate could enter; and New Orleans would be
wanted us an outlet for Mississippi, mid the
means of a favourable alliance with the West.
But I will not conjecture the effects of such u
change. Mav Gon aveiit it! Still less will
I imagine that questions so serious and afflict
ing can lie agitated merely for intimidation, or
to serve or thwart the uinbition of any man or
party. It is doubtless important tliut our breth
ren—our unjust and selfish brethren, if you
choose—but still our brethren—should know
the intensity of our feelings and our suflcrings
—our deep—settled—unanimous hostility to
the protective system, it may he worth re
flecting, nevertheless, how lar, at this time, un
founded suspicions may be thrown upon our mo
tives, by the pendency of a Presidential election
—tho pledges contemporaneously given to cer
tain candidates, and the eager discussion of even
contingent pretensions, which four years yet,
ure wanting to mature
In this allusion however, as in all I have said
or omitted, it is my earnest desire to estrange
no ally, to provoke no opponent. More than
enough of scoffing and reproach has already
past between the members of this Union. Its
integrity has been shaken us much perhaps, by
mutual taunts, as by reul injuries. Sharp say
ings, at all times, leave behind them bitter re
collections; lint they are especially unseasona
ble at n crisis like the present.
Indulge me with a remark or two on the tone
of this reply. It may be thought too mild for
the temper of the times. Anger will not hear,
that his antagonist should be only gently censur
ed, mid exhortations to momeruto counsels,
grate harshly on tho ears of injured men. Yot,
alter all, when delusions, not heads, must he
broken the best words for service, sounds the
least like blows. I admit, it is not enough, that
lie w hom you honor w itli your confidence,should
faithfully represent your rights, your wishes, (be effected, I however entirely coincide with you
your interests. There should be chords in his in the upiuion, that tho acts of such a convcn-
pted as it Was, not merely on the score of
health, hut for the gratification of my colleagues
and constituents, must have been refused.—
Were I now able to support a long journey, I
should still feel myself bound to return. But
tho hope of reaching home in a condition to en
gage in any active duty, is yet inure feeble than
that of being serviceable by my presence. No
thing remains for me then, bat to commend you
and our common country, to the protection ol
that power without whose aid all wisdom is hut
folly. If tho chalice ui her lips must in no wise
pass away, her destiny, is my destiny, fer good
or for evil.
I am, gentlemen, with great respect, and sin
cere esteem, your friend nnd fellow-citizen,
RICHARD HENRY WILDE.
To Col. IFwi. Cumming, Hon. John I’. King,
Augustin Slaughter, Esi/. Augusta, lico.
Rockingham, Virginia, Sept. Till 1832.
To the Citizens of Richmond County.
I have seen published in the Augusta Consti
tutionalist of the 21st of August, the proceed-
ngs of a meeting of Richmond County at which
i committee were appointed to ascertain by
lircct correspondence with the candidates for
Congress, “their sentiments in regard to nullifi
cation.” My absence from Georgia lias pro
bably prevented my receiving tliecominuiiiction
ofthe committee. I have therefore thought it
my duty to address you directly, lest the object
of tho call upon me should be defeated. My
answer is, that I do not believe, that n state can
render a law of Congress null and void, which
has been passed upon a subject over which
Congress has, by the contitution, the exclusive
power of legislation. I am therefore no advo
cate for the adoption of nullification to remedy
the evil ofthe tariff.
This answer might he misconceived, were it
not extended to tho other important matters em
braced within yo r resolutions.
I cannot concur with you in the opinion, that
“ tho tariff recently enacted is a decided ameli
oration of the system.” Its inequalityan l ivunt
of uniformity has certainly been increased.
I cannot agree with my follow citizens of'j
Richmond County, that the evils of tho tariff
have been i cully exagerated. It would, in
deed, be difhcult to exagernte the injustice and
tyranny of ottr present system of taxation and
public expenditures, which bus been made
so to operate upon different sections of our
country, as to render it an object of eager de
sire with the majority, for tho purpose of en
larging their individual profits, to increase ra
ther than lessen their amounts; and especially
when that system has been adopted in violation
of all the obligations which hind us together as
one people. Georgia sutlers more oppressive
ly from the system than any other state in the
Union. 1 do not therefore think that its evils
ought tu be palliated by any portion of her cit
izens.
I cannot agree with you, “that it is advisable
for the present to leave the subject of tho tariff
to the state legislature,” because all that can
he ilonn has already been tried, by resolu
tions, threats and protests, without producing
tho slightest cliect upon the fixed majority in
Congress, I consider it more advisable to re
fer the subject to a state convention, as recom
mended at the meetings which have keen held
in many Counties, with the hope that it may-
lead to one united effort on the part of southern
states, to procure a repeal of the tariff, as the
only practicable means by which that object can
liosuin, respective to your very passions. But
tlicir echoes need not reach you, to swell the
notes of discord, lie who would nppeose, if ho
cannot reconcile contending parties, must he
■areful not to augment their mutual prejudices,
lie should rather strive to abate their respective
claims and animosities. Too many will lie
found, in every country, to flatter nnd inflame
When logic is too acute, the edge turns, ll’woi the inclinations ofthe Sovereign—whether peo-
wnnt it for common use it must be course and: pie or despot; Compa atively lew* to argue with
stronger. Shall 1 he cited to shew that the ta
riff is unjust—he told that if unjust we ought to
resist it—and if resisted, according to my own
urgument, that resistance must be effectual.—
Wliat I said concerns appeals to reason only.—
When force becomes the arbiter, it is not jus
tice or even courage that deciJcs. My proof is
in one word—Poland ! Were it otherwise,
trial by ordeal and judicial combat should bo re
stored, and the victor in battle would once more
become right by the judgment of God.
But what hope have wo of redress, if not in
nullification I How can wo expect to convince
men, rendered deaf by interest to every remon
strance ? 1 answer, the interest against us, is
less real than nppnnnt. The gain of the farm
ing Slates by the tarifl’is imaginary. A Euro
pean war, would, in all probability, dissipate
their illusion at once. A constitutional n-
mendinent in flivor of roads and canals might
dissolve the combination of the East and West.
It is not impossible, that in the disposition of
tho public Isnds, means might bo found, to re
store the harmony of our country. Even the
necessity of exporting an immense and annually
increasing surplus of domestic products, and of
tho masters of votes of legions. As the apos
tles of political toleration nro scarce, if one
should chancu to gain the public ear he ought
to improve the occasion, to beat down in what
ever party may be his hearers, that self-suffi
cient obstinacy, which will allow nothing to he
tit, or right, or bearable, hut what wc ourselves
approve. For the reason then, that if I were
the representative of a manufacturing state, ad
dressing at this crisis, implicit believers in the
beneficent magic of tho restrictive policy, I
should*attempt to mitigate their fire and confi
dence ;—for the same reason, appealing to those
w ho are convinced of its malignant influence, it
is my duty to soothe if possible their just indig
nation. Unless this course of conduct is pur
sued by all who aspire to he thought honest and
patriotic, must not alienation spreau and become
incurable ?
If an opportunity were afforded me to confine
the circulation of this letter to that region for
which alone it is intended, I would add much,
which I new suppress. But ns that may be im
possible, I will not run tho risk of being quoted
any where, ns the apologist of Restriction or
Xullification; of cravcu acquiescence or fran-
tion will not he obligatory upon tho people,
without their subsequent approval.
I have thus, in answ er to your requirement,
very grave and solemn import. It should be ma .
turcly considered, and every matter having the
least connexion with it should be deliberately
weighed and revolved in die mind of every free-
man before he ventures a reply. \ m j ss(
once tuki n.from the pride of opinion,common to
men, is seldom retraced. I would yet forbear u
resort to any remedy that might tend to a disso!
lution ofthe Union,and a consequent destrueticu-
ol this government. If I do not greatly m j, a '
prehend the doctrine of Nullification, it will jf
enl'urced, produce this result. I cannot view jt
as either a peaceful, or constitutional remedy
and that the enforcement of it “would prove most
disastrous to the country.” I deem it unneccs
sary, and presume that it is not expected,for me
to give at length the reasons that have operated
in bringing my mind to this conclusion. At the
same time that I believe this doctrine dangerous,
and that if acted upon, it w ould prove dcstruc.
five to tho Union and the best interests of tho
country, i know, that among its advocates me
ranked many, very many highminded and hono
rable men, whose attachment to the constitution
and the government, is pure and unfeigned. l!ut
why need I name its advocates! it is not against
them, but their doctrines that I war. I belevc
that a Stale has as much right, as an individual,
to investigate lor herself the constitutionality of
a law ol Congress, anil to express her opinion
accordingly. But I do not believe thut a single
State has a riglit, consequent upon her declan,
tion ofthe unconstitutionally ol'a law passed liy
Congress, agreeably to the forms of the cons in
tution forcibly to resist the execution of, and to
refuse obedience to that law. I have adoptuhhc
vic-.v taken of this subject, by* Air. Madison, m
his report tu thu Legislature of Virginia, upon
tho Resolutions passed by the General Assem
bly of that State, on the 21st December, 1797;
That “ the declarations in such cases, are ex
pressions of opinion unaccompanied with any
other clicct than what they may produce on
opinion bv exciting reflection.” “ Where can
there be the impropriety ot communicating
tho declaration to other States and inviting their
concurrence in a like declaration.” It is thus
the minds ofthe people throughout the Union may
be aroused to a knowledge of a constitutional in
fraction, and a sense of their danger ; thus a
change produced in a public opinion,anil then by
the intervention ofthe control uftlie people, and
the State Legislatures, over the government of
the United States, the obnoxious act be repeal
ed, ami all is well again. “The Resolutions of
Virginia as vindicated in the report on them,
will be found entitled to an exposition showing a
consistency in their parts, and an inconsistency
ofthewhole with tho doctrine of Nullification,
(Mr. Madison’s letter dated 1830, to tho Ed. N.
A. Review.) VI hencrcrtho oppressions and bur
dens ot the people becomes so vast and onerous,
that they cannot, with a duo and proper regard
to their rights and liberties, submit to them, till
they can be constitutionally redressed they have
a right beyond tho centroid of all constitutions
to redress themselves: or in the language of Mr.
Madbon, (in the letter before referred to) “in
the event ol'tlio failure of every constitutional
resort and an accumulation of usurpations and
abuses, rendering passive obedience nnd non-rc-
sistance a greater evil than resistance and revo
lution, there can remain but one resort, the last
of all, an appeal from the cancelled obligations
of the constitutional compact to original rights'
and self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio
under till governments, whether consolidated,
confederated or a compound of both, and it can
not lie doubted that a single member of the Un
ion, in tho extremity supposed, hut in that only,
would have a riglit to make the appeal.” I can
not conccve that this extremity has yet arrived,
consequently am opposed to a resort to forcible
and violent means, or to any mode of redress:
“ that would endanger the Union, the govern
ment and the liberties of tho people. 1 fear,
gentlemen, that I have transgressed the limits
given you briefly, and, I hope with sufficient was anticipated I ought to occupy. By saving
distinctness, my views upon a subject ol great less I could not have done justice to myself; as!
interest to us all. I have not thought that the
occasion called lor any elaborate reasoning in
their support, or that they should lie extended
beyond the matter* contained in your resolu
tions.
With sentiments of great respect, your fellow
citizen.
GEORGE IL GILMER.
Carnesville, September 4, 1832.
Gentlemen : Your communication dated 29th
ult. addressed to mo in pursuance of a Resolu
tion adopted at a meeting ofthe citizens of Rich
mond County, on tho iSth of August last, re
questing me to express to them, through you, my
“sentiments in regard to Nullification,” is now
before me. I do not hesitate to comply with
that request. I have no desire, neither would it
lie justifiable in tnc, to conceal my political opin
ions. The deep nnd pervading interest felt
am fully aware I have not to a subject that so
deeply agitates the country.
Accept, gentlemen, for yourselves, and those,
citizens w hom you represent, the tender of my
highest regard and esteem.
Very respectfully your fellow citizen,
JAMES C. TERRELL.
.Messrs. Gumming, King and Slaughter.
Monroe, Walton Co., Sept. 10, 1S32.
Falsehood Corrected.
A report lim ing been circulated that I was an
“advocate Ibr thu Protective System,”or at least 1
friendly to it;” which if uncontradicted might
with persons not personally acquainted with my
feelings, do me an injury, I take this method to
declare that wheresoever or however it origina
ted, or liy whom propagated, it is irhollij nnd ill-
conditionally false—nor can I conceive how it
. _ ever was thought ofi unless from my open and
throughout tho country, iu regnrd to our griev- j uniform opposition to Nullification, a doctrine
ances under tlie protective tariff system, and I which I believe to be neither constitutional nor
the firm determination of the people of this sec-1 peaceable. 1 always have been, and still a in
tion ol our Union, never, quietly, submit to a j opposed to the protective system, or anv Tariff
measure so unequal and unjust in its operations,; recognizing the principle of protection,"and will
have induced me to devote to the consideration j go as far us any man in resisting or relieving
ot these subjects more than ordinary attention. IJ ourselves of its burden, (short of Revolutionary
have endeavoured to deliberate calmly, dispas-1 measures) to which i am most decidedly op-
sionntcly and maturely, upon them—that I might J posed, and shall be, until I loose all hope of
be tumbled to determine honestly, and satisfue- a returning sense of justice in our National
torily, fer myself, what would be the best and Councils. THOS. W. HARRIS.