Newspaper Page Text
mutibtvu
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<l ferment of a tVee, is preferable to the torpor of a despotic. Government.”
VOL. I.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, DECEMBER 22, 9§S2.
NO. 40.
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« The tail link it broken that bound me to thee,
The ecordt thou halt spoken hate rendered me free.”
TO
Is the last link then broken, that bound me to thee,
Hare the wotds that were epoken, then, rendered ine
free 7
Oh! I horn not coat from me the hopee of the pant,
My heart is thine only, inti thine to the last.
.Nor hare I forgotten each moment of bliss,
Still brightly they beam thronch the darkness of this ;
Like the rays through the summer-cloud breaking, they
shine.
And light up the “ pleasures of hope” that were mine.
Though offended, in anger I turn'd from thy side,
And crush’d erery feeling of lore, in my pride:
Though I gare back the tokens that render me free,
My bosom beats fervent and fundi) for thee.
And now in the darkness and stillness of night,
While nature’s reposing—while skies are all bright,
The soft roicenf memory steals o’er my heart,
And lore whisper, sadly—“ why, why did yc part 7"
I gave you my pledges—the billets and chain,
You hare them—you keep them, yea, all you retain;
Whilst I, bow unlike thee in greatness of soul,
For ope slight offence;—suffer'd pride to control.
f gare hack thy token—! gare up the claim,
To thy beauty, affection, thy faror and name;
’Twa'a tho rash act of madness, unkind and unfair,
’Twaa the error of sadness, the fault of despair.
That" error is over, the (suit is no more,"
The gill that you wore me, the name that it bore,
Though return’d—its remembrance can ne’er from me
part,
Affectiou hath woven its links 'round my heart.
Then pardon my fully and errors again,
!.el the inuse that now wooa thee, no! woo thee in vain,
And though ununited the broken link be,
My spirit shall cling to remembrance, and thee.
political.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
Fej low Citizens—The undersigned have
been appointed it Committee, by the Conven
tion which liue just temporarily closed its sui
tings, "to prepare an address to (he People of
Georgia, illustrating the ohjocts and procee
dings of that body.”
In the discharge of this duly, we desire res
pectfully, but enrnesily to commune wth you,
on questions of deep and solemn import, inti
mately connected with the peace and prnsper-
tly ul our common counlrv, and necessarily
therefore, interesting to every citizen of Geor
gia. The crisis at which wo have arrived is
one ol uwakjnmg interest. No mnn can he
insensible to the dangers which beset its.
bal alterations, to the principles contained in
the report which was subsequently adopled by
the Couvenlion, thought proper to return from
their seats, and to present (heir reasons in the
form of u protest, which they have given to
the public. Thirty seven counties, contain
ing as it is believed a majority of the Repre
sentative population of Georgia, continued to
be represented in Convention after this seces-
sion. The Delegates who remained, nut deter
red by that secession from the discharge of
the duty which they owed to their constituents,
proceeded to consider the report of their com
mittee, and have concurred with great unanim
ity in recommending to the consideration of
the people of Georgia, the resolutions which
appear in the Journal.
Wo propose to speak briefly of the character
of those resolutions, and to suggest to you
some of the conseqtienees which may result
from their ndoplion They announce certain
principles which are believed to he at the foun
dation of our Government, flowing naturally
and ncressarilv from the relation of tho States,
and the confederacy—from the limited grant
of power to the General Government, and the
broad reservation of rights <>f the slates. Pro
ceeding to apply these principles to tho sever
al arts of congress laying duties on imports,
they declare those ants to be unconstitutional,
unequal and unjust—and conclude by sugges
ting the means by which tho evils under which
we lubnr may most probably be relieved.—
Tho duty prescribed by the Convention to
this committee,will therefore have been perfor
med, when we shell consider very brieflv—
First. Tho principles announced hy the
resolutions.
Secondly. The evils op which we com
plain.
Thirdly. The remedy suggested, and the
probable consequences which will result from
its adoption. Of theso principles it may with
great truth bo said, that up to the present mo
ment, it has not been doubted that thev
express on the subject to which they re
tain, the political creed of an overwhelming
majority of the people of Georgia. They
have boon repeatedly declared by every de
partment of our Government, Legislative, Ex
ecutive and Judiciary, and now when for pur
poses which remain to be discovered, it has
been deemed proper to resist the proposal to
submit thorn to you, for yonr deliberate con
sideration, the chief, nay, the only objection to
them in substance is, that they hnvo been loo
repeatedly announced already, to render the
repetition of them either necessary or proper.
The answer to the objection is simple, nnd it
That
You yourselves arc aware, that tho*. are not
the onl v grounds of complaint which the pen.
plo of Georgia may properly urge against the
General Government. Out present enquiries
are however limited to them.
By the provisions of the tarifT act of 1832,
a principle of taxation is nflirmed, which imn
led power? In the solution of this quesln n,
lei it he remembered, tlml a people, united ill
anv given purpose, seldom experience defeat,
while diversity in sentiment or division in uc-
lion, ns seldom meet with success.
But it is not only of the unequal and oppres
sive opera non ol'ilm prolcciiv
ion. Wo carues'ly desire to preserve it in • J
its original purity. We still look to it as the
ark of our safety, mid will not yot “ despair of
the Republic.” Tttc»o expectations may bo
frustrated by divisions umung ourselves, or by
the refusal of our sister States to make eom-
svsietn upon | mon enuau with us in this struggle. Evon in
ses burdens on articles or necessary consumn-. uur pecuniary interests, by force of which wn I this event wo shall have the consolation of
lion, while those of luxury, and those inuieri are compelled lo pay taxes which uro not re-1 having used our bust efforts for the preserva-
als used in manufacturing, such ns dye-stuffs, quired fur tho purposes of revenue, ami to! non of the precious inheritance which we hove
&u. are wuh a few unimportant exceptions, j contribute from our own hard and scanty ear- received from our fathers. But we are not
nings u homily lo (lie iiiaiiuliictiires of (he j without hope that all will yet be well, for our
ni.rih n is mil merely the uiniiunl of dollars , conlidence is in Him, in whose hands are the
uml cenlH which u extorts Irom us,of which we destinies of cummuniles ns well as individuals,
complain. It is tlml the power which is here who walched over us in ihe infancy of our p«-
exercisedr.o.-ls upon a principle which may be liticul existence, and has mercifulfy conducted
il to the utter annihilation of all our rights, us to our present elevated rank among tho na
tions of tho earth.
JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN,
A. S. CLAYTON,
ROBERT AUGU’S. REALL, Jr.
WILLIAM H. TORRANCE,
CHARLES I*. GORDON,
Committee-
Milledgeville, Aon. 21, 1832.
No patriot can be indifferent lo tho consequen
CCS which may flow from them. A portion of j is believed lo be entirely satisfactory,
the people of this great confederated reputilic, which is true in itself, is not 'he loss so, because
respectable for their numbers, and principles j it hr, been told before. If tho occasion for
of civil liberty, complain of the systematic nod I littering ii ho n proper one, il is not weakened
persevering oppression lo which they nro sub-1 hy hiving received the assent of those who
jeeted by their brethren. A system of luxa- have gone before us. Bui there is n peculiar
lion has been adopted by the Federal Govern
ment wilh ihe distinctly avowed object of pro
lecling domestic manufactures. I Is character
may he thus briefly described : It lavishes
bounties upon iffte clnss of our people, which
ere extorted from another, and a different por
tion of I lie samo people. It denies to the
American citizen the fight of regulating' hi
own industry according to the dictates of his
own judgment, aright which is equally essen
tial to individual and national prosperity. Il
forbids lo the planter of the South the right of
selecting his own mnrket, and makes him trib
utary to the manufacturer of tho North for the
necessaries of life. It does this by nn usurpa
tion of tho power to create and uphold domes
tic manufactures within the States, a power
which is not conferred upon the Federal Gov
eminent by the Constitution, but which was
expressly refused by the Convention of States,
which framed it, and by the gross nnd palpa
ble perversion of the constitutional power to lay
and collect duties for the legitimate purp les
of the Government. Agnmst this systematic
end continued oppression, tho people of Geor
gia have for a series of years remonstrated, ns
well in primary assemblies of our citizens, as
through the medium of the constituted author
ities ofthe State. These remonstrances
have been Disregarded. The solemn pro
test of the Legislature of Georgia,“deposited
in tho archives of the Senate of the Untied
States, in perpetual testimony of the determin
ation of this people not to aubmit to these op
pressions, was almost unheeded in the moment
of its presentation, and utterly forgotten or
disregarded in that which followed it.
la this alarming condition of our affairs, a
great majority of our citizens assembled in
their respective counties, had resolved to meet
in general convention for the purpose of con
sidering the evils under which we labor, and
of devising the most proper and efficient niodo
of redress. Delegates from aixty counties ac
cordingly assembled at this place on Monday
the 12th November instant, and having exhib
ited their credentials, proceeded to enter up
on the duty assigned to them’ At an udvanced
period of the scskion, after having participated
in its organization, and shared in ill its pre
ceding deliberations, a portion of the dele
gates, some of whom had been appointed to,
and had served on the general committee
which was raised to consider what objects
ought to angago tho attention of the Conven
tion, and what would bo tho most proper
means to effect the same, who had shared in
the labors of that committee, and had express
ed their assent in substance and wilh some vur-
propriety in declaring iliosn principles now,
and in the manner which is proposed. W<
have arrived at a crisis in our public affairs
in which il heroines necessary to ln»k careful
ly lo the fundamental nrinciples of our Gov
eminent. \Vn allege llinl these have been vi
olated hy Federal legislation. The principles
pot forth in the resolutions, relate In this state
of things. Thev profess to speak tho will of
the penpin on the subjects to which ihcy refer,
Who can sn properly deride that question as
the people themselves? If Ihe different depart
menu of our slate government have mistaken
the popular will in ibis regard.it is peculiarly pro,
per that the error should bo corrected, nnd that
il should be rorreeled now. On tho other
hand, if thev have rightly understood it, the
solemn ratification nf these principles hy the
people, will nerve the arm of their functinna
ries in their efTorts to obtain relief from the
grievances tinder which wn labor. Thereaf
ter we can nn longer he represented to our
Northern Brethren as a divided people.
But what are thn«e principles, which al
though thev are admitted to he true, il is con
sidered unsafe, or improper to announce?—
Th'-v may he briefly stated thus :— The peo
ple of the Stale of Georgia, as one of tho
States of this rnnfpdernry, have conferred
upon Ihe General Government certain defined
powers, and no others. If that Govern-
ment abuses the trust reposed in it; bv oxer
cising powers which have not been granted, nr
by pervprting those which have been granted
to purposes which are not authorised bv the
Constitution, their acts ought not to he hind-
upon the several Stales. Tho Federal Gov
ernment cannot have the right to decide upon
their own use or abuse of the powers confer
red, because that would bn to destroy the con
stitutional limitation altogether, and would
leave us entirely at the discretion nf Congress.
There is no arbiter provided hy Ihe Constitu
tion of the U. Slates to judge of this matter,
nnd because there is not, each state in virtuo
of its sovere’gn'v, must necessarily .exercise
ibis right. In what manner it shall "he exor
cised these resolutions do not declnre, leaving
thnt question to he examined first bv Ihe Con
vention of the Southern Stales, whose opinion
will he communicated to Ihe Conven'ion ol
this Stnie, and by whom il will bo ultimately
referred to the final decision of tho people ot
Georgia themselves. May we not confident
ly enquire, if any possible danger can be up-
preliended from this source ?
The evils of which we complain, are
those which result from tho several eels
of Congress imposing duties on imports.—
declared lo lie free of duly. Thu elf
this unwarrantable discrimination is to exempt
unprotected iirlicles entirely from luxaiion,
and to throw ull iho burden upon the protkc
ter articles, Htirli us iron, suit, sugar, woollen
and colton fabrics, tie. Those nru articles of
neeessnry consumption at the South, the du
nes imposed upon which, in many instances
amount to an entire, prohibition
The spirit which characterized the majori
ty in Congress in the adoption of this odios
act, cannot perhaps bo better iIIusimjciJ than
the rejection by the majority in tho Senate of
nil propositions lending to the reduction ofthe
duties, to the wants of the government—or
limiting those imposed to n cerium definite
amount. A distinguished Senator Irmn iho
South, during Iho dismission of Ihe act of 1832,
in ihe Senate, submitted to that body four d
line! propositions. The first was an amend
ment to Mr. Clay’s resolution,hy which amend
ment it was proposed “ to bring down tho do
ties gradually lo the revenue standard, adjus
ting them on the protected and unprotected ar
ticles, on principles of perfect equality.”—
This proposition, fair and equitable in its terms
in overy respect reasnunhle in its operation,
was treated by the majority, “ as n scheme to
destroy manufactures, and as pledging Con
gress to an ultimate abandonment of tho pro
teciing system, which it was declared hud be
come tho settled policy of tho country.” Im
mediate reduction was termed, “ sudden de
struction to the manufactures;” gradual reduc
tion was called “ slow poison.” The propo
sition was rejected
To tho clause in the hill imposing n duly of
16 cents a yard upon fiunnels, the same ill
linguished Senator, proposed to add a proviso,
" that tho duty shull in no case exceed fifty
FEn cent.” Tho duly of 16 conls a yard on
course flannels used hy the poor, would be
pqu d lo 160 per cent, while on the finest of
■ hat article it would umounl only to 32 per
cent! yet this proviso was rejected. Tim
reason ulleged for this rejection was that ‘ 50
per Cunt, would not be an adequate protection
lo tlic Domestic manufacturer nf flannels
Another proposition was made *’ to strike out
the iniiiiiuuins on cottons.” This was also
rejected; und this “ fraud ilent device” was
relumed m the act, by which an urtirlo coal
ing 5 cents, is to be deemed to have cost 30
m-nis, mid to pay a doty us having actually cost
30 cts. 'This was dnnetoo, in the fscenl n dig.
line! admission ofthe friends ofthe manufac
Hirers of coarse cottons, that they did not at
present require proloclmn. But iho majority
in tho plenitude of their power, thought it
would ho wise “ to keep tho fences up hy
which fnicign competition would be excluded.”
The fourth and last proposition made hy the
southern senator, was that u clause should he
added ut Iho end of the art, declaring “ that
THE DUTIES IMPOSED BT IT, SHOULD IN NO
case exceed 100 rEH cent,” yet this proposi
tion shared tho same late of all tho previous
ones—it was rejected. Yes, a majority in
the Senate secure of tiieir power, calculating
on the deceptive features of Ihe ud, und rely
ing upon u want of unanimity among iho South-
t-rn people, for iho lioal triumph ot the protec
tive system, rejected a proviso, winch would
have limited Hie maximum of duties to 100
percent, People of Georg, n ! the rejection
uf these propositions speak a language not to
be mistaken, the direct tendency of which is
lo enslave you— to rendcryou tributary to the
North. This ronduci of the majority evinces
lint loo clearly a determination lo inaiiltuin
the protective principle inviolate, regardless
of the cost, and reckless of the consequence
The character of the act of 1832, is di
lincily marked. Its diminished credits, us
requisition of cash payments, its increase of
the value of tho pound sterling, its discruniin
ling duties will show, that Ihe burdens imposed
upon you are decidedly m< reused, yet you aiu
told that this act is a concession—“an effort
to moderaie the burdens of (lie South,” that
like the troubled dove it coines with the olive
branch, lo give you future security. The
treacherous kiss of Judas is not more decep
tive—A concession, with tho odious principle
of protection retained us ihe permanent policy
of the govt rnnienl I—No—it is no concession;
its object is rather to lull von into a false seen-
toy. The artn is still raised lo crush your lib
erlies, the blow is only suspended for a sen-
son, until the present excitement is hushed in
to careless indifference, then it will fall with
such concenlraied, such accumulated power,
that you will feel all its forre ; but the oppies-
sor will then be secure from resistance.
Whoever bus marked the course of congress
upon ibis subject, cannot huvo tailed to per-
ceive, that all hope from that source Ibr rebel
from llm operation of this odiuos, oppressive,
and uncnnMilutional act, is at an end ; and
(he question now to be propounded 10 the tree-
men of Georgia is, will you submit to be plun
dered by uiiconstitulinnul exactions; or w ill
you resist the unlawful exercise «f undelega-
Tliat principle may he, and in some instances
has been poshed to Ihe oxtent of prohibition.
Il assumes Ine right then utterly to annihilate
the foreign commerce nf tho (Juilnd Slate
and thus to leave os unreservedly at tho mercy
ol the northern matiufuciurer. Il assumes Iho
right to raise a revenue not limited hy the le
gitimate wants of ihe government, but one
which tnav minister to ils patronage, by being
employed in schemes of internal improvement,
in which we can never beneficially participate.
Finally, it claims the startling prerogative of
doing whatever in the discretion of Congress
may conduce to (he common dofence and gen
eral welfare. This is the principle on which
the protective system is rested hy the report
of the committee of nmniifuctiires of the Sen
ate at the last session of Congress, (fit can
be maintained, nil the limitations nf Ihe fed
eral constitution are scattered to ihe winds,
all its safeguards destroyed, all its defences
broken down. Our rights, of whatever des
cription, will thereafter be held not under tho
protection of our own laws, but at Iho discre
tion nf the national legislature. One species
of our propuity w hich is rendered indispensa
ble to us by uur climate, our lialiils, and even
by the Nature of our compact with the other
stales, will he rendered insecure, if Ihe fanmi-
rism of the abolitionist shall receive Iho coun
tenance of Congress.
Such are sunte of the evils of the system nf
which we complain. It rnmnins to state, very
lira flv, TI1F. REMEDY SUGGESTED AND SOME
OF THE CONSEQUENCES WHICH WILL PROBA
BLY RESULT FROM ITS ADOPTION. It is pro-
posod if these resolutions slinll meet your sanc
tion, io tulto counsel with such uf our sister
Status, us have n common interest in this mat
ter, leaving to I lie delegates who may he elec
ted to settle, hy Correspondence among Ihetti-
selves, the tune und place of their assemblage.
11 was believed to be desirable lo huvo a lull
meeting nf nil the Southern Stales m the pro
posed Convention, nnd llmt with this view it
wa. important not lo fix Ihe lime of convening.
You will see that this course is free from the
objection which was urged against it: namely,
that of precipitancy. Tho Convention suppns*
ed that this meeting of delegates from Iho
.Southern Stales might take place in June next,
nnd to be in readiness to receive tho report of
(lie delegates from this .State, if iliut should |>p
tho rase, havo adjourned lo meet in July next
—but should tho Southern Convention not
have convened at th.it lime, our own can he
ro-asseinhled either hy the same nr any other
delegates lo he elected by the people at such
lime as may lie necessary. Great pains have
been taken lo disseminate the idea, that the
other Slates will not meet us in Convention,
with tlm exception of South Carolina, and that
dm effect of tills measure will he to wed our
fortunes lo those of nor Sister Slates, and to
put these two Slutcs nlono in opposition to all
the others. Tho answer lo this suggestion is
obvious, and wo commend it to your nllcnlinn
— SUCII A RESULT CVNNOT HAPPEN WITHOUT
your own consent. Whatever is done in
die Convention i.i Stoles, is first to he submit
ted lo tlm Convention of this Stale, and then
to YOURSELVES lor your upprnvul er rejection.
While it is not possible therefore that any evil
can result Irmn this measure, you yourselves
retain a cheek upon llm whole prnccedure,
moeh benefii may and probably wdl (low from
il. It is not in he believed that nor staler
Slates, who have a like interest in tins mailer
wilh ourselves, will reliiso to meet us in Con
vention, and the moral force «<l" their milled
counsels cannot hot he salutary. Il is impos
sible to suppose that rashness eon ehiimeterizi-
die deliberations of u Convention ofthe wnole
Southern Stales —and ho must, wo think, very
much underrate tlm moral force of their mu
ted counsels, who can believe Iliut n deliberate
nod solemn appeal from them to nnr brethren
of the munuTacturing Males, can he made in
vain—meantime hii opportunity will be offered
calm and deltlu r ue reflection. Tlu* question
which now agitate its, wdl have passed 'nun
ihe hinds of pidiiieians lo ihnse ofthe people
The erisis will have gone by—our northern
brethren may awaken to a sense nf ihe dangers
who’ll wdl result from a perseverance in the
system of which we complain. We shall not
have laboured in vain for the preservation of
llm peace and harmony of tin: Union, and with
the full fruition of those rights of which we
have been deprived, wo shall enjoy iho addl'd
gratification ofhnviug successfully vindicated
our constitutional charter.
Such, fellow citizens, have been the views
»f the Convention, hy whom wc h tvn boon d«.
poled lo address you on this occasion. IVe
believe that Ihe limes in which wo live nro
pregnant wilh dangers, which menace tho I?n-
From the It arhington Globe.
Nullification.—In the Ordinance presented
lo tho world by the Nullifiers’ Convention in -
South Carolina, there are features more revol
ting than any we had imagined as appertaining
to that monstrous doulrinc. Heretofore, wu
linve considered il only as a heresy fatal to Iho
pcaco and union of these States, but it conies
In us bearing on its face the most inexorable
tyranny to tlm pcoplo of South Carolina them
selves.
Alter declaring tho Tariff lawa null anil
void, forbidding their execution within the lim
its of the State, making it the duty of the Le
gislature to pass laws to prevent their execu
tion, and prohibiting appeals from the Stato to
tho federal courts, it proceeds in the following
words, viz:
“ And it is further ordained, Thnt all per-
sons now holding any offico of honor, profit or
trust, civil or military, under this State, shall
wiihin such time, and in such manner aa the
Legislature slinll prescribe, lake an oath, well
nnd truly to obey, execute, and enforce this
ordinance, anil such act or acts of the Legisla-
lure, ns may ho passed in pursuance thereof,
according lo tho truo intent and meaning of
tlm same ; and nn Iho neglect or omission of
my such person or persons so lo do, his or
heir office or oflices, shell be forthwith vaca
ted, and shall he filled up, as if such person
or persona were dead, or rest good, nnd no per-
hereafter elected to any offico of honor,
pinlit or trust, civil or military, shall uolil the
Legislature shall otherwise provide end direct,
enter on the cxccuiinn of his office, or bo in
any respect competent lo disenarge the duties
iln roof, until he shali, in like manner, have
taken a similar oath ; and no juror shall bo
itmpHiiiielli'd in any of tho Courts of this Slate,
in any cause in which shall be in question this
ordinance, or any act of the Legislature, pas
sed in pursuance thereof, unless ho shall first,
in uddilitm to tho usuul oath, have taken nn
oath, Unit he will well and truly obey, execute,
nnd enforce this ordinnnee, and such ect or
arts of tho Legislature, us may bo passed to
carry Iho same into operation and effect, nc.
cording to the true intent ond meaning theroof.”
About two filths of the Freemen of South
Carolmu, believe this Ordinnnco itself, subver
sive of the Constitution, and destructive of all
pearo nnd good government. When they en
ter upon a state office, they take an oath “ In
support tho Constitution nf tho United States."
This Ordinance requires them to lake an oath
to subvorl that Constitution, becomo traitors
in their country, nnd plungo it into anarchy
and civil war! Gun any Union man lake thin
mull? No, lie would fed himself guilty of
perjury, if lie did. It ia not intended Ihut
Union men shall lake it, or uxpecled that they
wil!.
What then is the object nnd effuot of this
provision ? It it the univeranl erputtion and
unrelenting protcription of the whole Union
l>orly from every •'office of honor, profit or
Irutt, civil or military," wiihin the State of
South Carolina, Those in office must swear
iliut (boy will lie falsa to their country and ita
otislilolion, or Ihoy are turned out by tho
mere fact of omission or refusal! Not ono
of those out of office cun gel in. It will sweep
every Union man out of the Executive, Judi
cial, and even Legislative Departments. 'Thu
people may elect honest and patriotic men lo
their Legislature ten limes over; but they
are met ul Iho bar of iho House hy this inexo
rable nalli, and forever excluded. It expels
trout (lint body the whole minority "alonn
fell swoop." it cashiers hy iho same despo.
tie power, every IJ uion man holding an office
in the Militia, from the Commander-in-Chief
down to a Corporal, and reduces them to the
ranks. It cnlets into ull cities, towns and pub
lic corporations, points at, and turns out May
ors, Aldermen, Trustees, Clerks, Police-men,
and all. There is nothing so low under the
power nnd authority ofthe Stale Government,
that this sweeping sentence of proscription and
exilu does not reach it.
As iflo set a new example of arbitrary pow-
er in this enlightened age, nnd make a perfect
mockery uf tiie forms of justice, it excludes
every Union man from sorving on juriea in ca.
sjts where this Ordinance or laws panned to
enforce it, uro called in question, by requiring
of jurors the saroo oath. When an Union
