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“The ferment of a free, is preferable to the to*por of a despotic, Government.”
VOL. If.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, APRIL 20, 1333.
NO. 5.
The Southern Banner,
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Such
l\ r , than him whose Juba thou art!
is Juba—aud certainly
When Juba dies,
Mute nature will mourn her worshipper,
And celebrate his obsequies.
Thus much tor Juba. Let us now come
back to old John—Duke, of Gaunt.
“ Old Gaunt indeed; and Gaunt in being old.”
The character of John Gaunt—a distin
guished citizen of the Republic of the United
States.
He is one of the most uncommon and cr-
ratick productions that nature has given birth
to the last hundred years; he is indeed one
of the rarest men that any country has yet pro
duced. He is not to be judged of by the or
dinary rules of creation ; for like those hallu
cinations that sometimes appear in the hea
vens, he frcquentlv‘shoots out madly from his
sphere,’ and conipells the world to gaze in
wonder. Nature, in some tilings especially,
has marked him altogether different from
his species, he has no beard, as most men
have. In the length of his limbs and the
f Ord'^iiyTfor l ^*ve l to*"8eirL^d"orNegrocB, must j lc.-gth of his speeches he resembles eternity
published four months. more than any other man of the present times
Notice that Application will te mode for letters of! He is altogether peculiar, and of his own
Administration, must lie published thirty days, and
for fetters of Dismission, six months.
s THE ALBATROSS.
The following beautiful lines are taken from the
last number of the Knickerbocker:—
•Ti* said the Albatross never rests.”—Buffon.
,’bere the fathomless waves in magnificence toss,
eles* and h gh sours the wil i Albutross—
Jnwouried, undauntee, unshrinking, alone,
J’lic ocean, his empire—the tempest, his throne.
fhen the terrihie whirlwind raves wild o’er the surge,
Ind the hurricane howls out the mariner’s ..irge,
thy glory thou spurnest the dark-heaving sea.
Proud bin! ol‘the ocean world—homeless and free,
RVI.cn the winds are at rest, and the sun in his glow,
fAncI the glittering tide sleeps in beauty below,
n the pride cf thy power triumphant above,
With thy lnatB iliou art holding thy revels of love.
I'ntirrd, unfetter’d, unwatched, unconfincd,
y - pint liuatlice in the world of the mind,
..ning tor e rth e'er to weary its flight,
fre»h a- thy pini- n in regions of light.-Orcalius.
A man who practices pistol shooting, for
the purpose of making himself formidable as
a duellist, is uniformly an arrant coward.
Short dumpy women wear their hair dres
sed very high, and are partial to lofty combs.
At a dinner party, always endeavor to seat
yourself close by the landlord, as you thus
avoid carving. •
Persons who are very finical and dainty,
have invariable gross imaginations.
I never knew a person of talents who had
small nostrils.
The most consummate fops and foppesses
are to be found among deformed people.
It has been well remarked, that a man who
has nothing else but his ancestry to boast of,
is like a turnip—in consequence of the best
part of him being under ground.
It is truly disgusting to see the scandalous
manner in which ladies pamper those nasty,
little, good-for- nothing wretches, called lap
dogs.
A man who is good at making explanations
and apologies is seldom good for any thing
else.
motives assigned to bring on the con
test, (to enforce the law,) are almost iden.
tically the same.
this digr ession to the consideration of the bill.
Whatever opinion may exist upon other
points, there is one in which he would sup
pose there could be none; that this kill rests
on principles which, if carried o^t, will ride
over state sovreigntics, and that it will be idle
for any of its advocates hereafter to talk of
state rights. The Senator Irom Virginia (Mr.
Rives) says that he is the advocate oT state
rights; but he must permit me to- tell him
that, although he may difierin premises from
the other gentlemen with whom he acts on
this occasion, yet in supporting this bill he ob-
literates every vestige of distinction between
sort. “ Heterochtc in all his declensions,
there are peculiar rules that apply to him.—
He tg Long by Position, and /Short by Authority,
as they say in Lati.. Prosody when the usual
rules do not apply. As a politician,member of
Congress, or upholder of a party, he is still
the same uncommon character, ns such, he is
to be pr..iscd, but like small beer,more few his
lively qclitics than his usefulness-.more for his,
“ Keen sarcastic levity of tongue,”
his lash—his malice but here let us
HOME.
• * * * “ What so sweet—
So : e.uiti'iil on e -rth, and oh ! t.o r..re
Vs kindred love and family repose.”
* * * » •» ']-j lc | (U ,.y world,
With a 11 the tumult and the slir of life,
1’urMCs its -v on ted course ; on pleasure some
Ami so-, e on commerce, on ambition bent,
And ill on happiness ; while each one loves
One littlo spot i:i which his heart unfolds
With nature’s holiest feelings, one sweet spot,
And c lis i\ Home: If sorrow is fell there,
It runs through many bosoms, and a smile
Lights up in eyes uround a kindred smile ;
Ami if disc .so intrudes, the sufferer duds
Rost on the breast:.cloved.”
iniMuua—
draw a curtain over his character, and strive
to forget the frailty of the. man ; a frailty
which has left him but few in whose honest
friendship, the pilgrimage of existence may
be relieved of its loneliness and its dark hours,
always except the good people of Bucking,
ham and thereabouts. His course, through life
has been like that of the arrow which Acestes
shot to Heaven, which effected, nothing useful,
though it left a long stream of light behind it.
Of all the acts of his life the sculptor should
select his mission to Russia, as the one by
which to hand him down to unborn eyes.
He ought to go down to posterity with his Rus-
sian Credentials in his hand. But who can
tell, whether posterity may after all inscribe
upon his monumental marble, the Hie jacit
of the man of great and useful services, in
stead of that of Erratic genius of the age. In
either event we shall be willing to sbed a tear
upon the-stone, as we read that he was the
Russian Ambassador of the year ’56 of the Re
public.
iRl0CClU H£.
Aphorisms.—I have remarked that men
who sport tights, either have or imagine they
have, good limbs ; this may be received as an
incontrovertible fact.
Little fellows generally wear high-crowned
hats, tall men low ones.
I cannot understand why short, dumpy wo
men are so fond of sporting wide-shouldered
and full bottomed gowns, to say nothing of
inordinate bustles; but such is the fact.
If you wish to make yourself agreeable to
any one, talk as much as you [dense about
his or her affairs, and as little as possible
about your own.
Young girls of from fourteen to seventeen
are very fond of aping the woman in their
Mr. Randolph, and after him Juba.
■esc gentlemen seem to have made their
ppeurancc again upon tiie stage, but the for-
ii r in such a shape as to induce us io believe . dress, and are partial to long shawls, which
e now enters to play out the last scene ofi give these young tilings a matronly appear,
singular <lrama of bis life. The curtain j ance. When they become women in reality,
ill*
state continued to retain a considerable por
tion of the rights of sovreightv. Every an-
qient Teutonic monarchy must be considered
But, (said Mr. Calhoun,) to return from j us a federation; it is not an unit, of which the
him and them; saving only that, professing
the principles of’98, his example will be more
■old
Bent
must Indore long drop upon his extravagant
)er;.irmauces. lie seems however to pur-
liis eli iraeieristics to the last. The mas-
;er passion siro..g in death is his. Though
low almost worn to the last thread, he is still
Ihc same Randolph who always, abroad and
It home—in the Capital or in the Public Ta-
k’ern, had his hands ujion every man, and eve-
man's hand upan him. Bonaparte we are
was a soldier to the last—he died cxclai-
mug l -tctc d'armc, as if watching the current
heavy fight,” says Sir Walter Scott, his
historian. The last words of General Charles
c, the unfortunate soldier of the Revolution,
n died in a tavern in Philadelphia,) were,
and by me my brave grenadiers.” The last
lords of him of Roanoke,must be some point-
surcusm, in keeping with his temper and
hole life. And from all accounts this seems
u- Ins present vei l ; for has he not but
other day called i..e I’resident—the Pres-
who is his own man—has he not called
jm Andrew Jackson, Esquire—and has he
sai l of hi) old brother aud compeer in
ilitics, Thomas Rithchie, (what is alas! but,
true !) tha lie is a mail 01 seven principles
-namely five loaves and two fishes'{ All this
has said, and many other Randolphomania
illicit we will one day collect und arrange
under their proper head 1
Julia too is abroad—the honest Juba the
faithful Achates of these times. We have a
Jiigb regard tor Juba. We class him among
Dur distinguished men. And certainly he is
Ivot unknown to lame, for he has often figured
In the newspapers—those modem trumpeters
renown. Juba however is not ambitious
t>f distinction. We have been told that he
Mights in quiet retirement, and that like his
[ace, he is foiid of wandering through the
roods and gathering those plants and roots
rhich have a medicinal virtue. He is a great
pllow for ointments—cures bruised shins and
[heumatisms, and broken or sprain legged
8 es. This is his vein. He goes about
/ling qf simples, whilst his master goes about
1 hng of simples. O haiipy Juba! happier
lot
they are rather too apt to go upon the oppo
site tack, and to assume the dress and airs of
the girl.
Never praise or talk of your children to
other people, for depend upon it no person
except yourself cares a single farthing for
them.
Blue stockings, arc a most infernal bore, es
pecially if ugly, which they generally are.
Still greater bores are ladies who keep al
bums, and who solicit contributions in the
shape of picture or poetry.
It is difficult for a man of sterling talent to
perpetrate a pun, or solve an enigma.
A man who is forever my dRaring his
wife, may with great safety he pronounced as
hen-pecked.
A married pair who show a huge love and
respect for each other before company, inva-
! riably fight like dog and cat when alone.
The study of the law has a sad tcndcncy
to pervert the intellect, and destroy the capa
bility of distinguishing between right and
wrong.
When a mother is constantly stunning you
with praises of her daughter, you may depend
upo i it she lias some design upon you.
A hint to medical men: If you wish to suc
ceed in your profession, assume an air of
great sanctity,*gct yourself made an elder,
and connect yourself with the saints. This
done, your bread is baked for life.
Never compliment a woman upon her cor-
pulency. If she really be fat, the greatest
compliment you can pay her, is to remark,
in an indifferent sort of way, that she is not
looking as stout ;ts usual.
There is, perhaps, not an instance of a
man of genius having had a dull woman for
his mother, though many have had fathers
stupid enough in all conscience.
Blockheads are exceedingly’ afraid of be
ing quizzed, and cannot tolerate the slightest
joke at their expense.
If you hear a man affecting to be very stu
pid, depend upon it he considers himself an
exceedingly clever fellow-
HR. CAL SIOUX’S SPEECH,
ON THE JUDICIARY BILL.
In /Senate—Friday, February 15.
[concluded.]
In the same spirit we are told, that the Un
ion must be preserved, without regard to the
means. And how is it proposed to preserve
the Union ? By force ? Does any man, in
his senses, believe that this beautiful struc
ture—this harmonious aggregate of states,
produced by the joint consent of all, can be
preserved by force? Its very introduction
will be certain destruction of this Federal
Union.. No; no. Yftu cannot keep'the
states united in their constitutional und feder
al bonds by force. Force may indeed, hold
the parts together; but such uuion would be
the bond between the master and slave;a uuion
of exuction on one side and of uiiquallitiod
obedience on the other. That obedience
which we are told by the Senator from Penn
sylvania, (Mr. Wilkins) is the Union! \ r cs,
exaction on the side of the master; for this
very bill is intended to collect what can be
no longer culled tuxes—the voluntary contri
bution of a free people ; but tribute, tribute,
to lie collected under the mouths of tire can
non ! Your custom house is already trans
furred to u garrisou, and that garrison, with
its butteries turned, not against the enemy of
your country, hut on subjects (I will not say
citizens,) on whom yo.u promise to levy con
tributious. Has reason Hed lrom our .bor
ders ? Have we ceased to rellect ? It is
madness to suppose that the Union can be
preserved by force. I tell you, plainly, that
the hill, should it pass, cannot he enforced.—
It will prove only a blot upon your statute
book, u reproach to the year, and a disgrace
to the American Senate. I repeat, that it
will not be executed; it wil! rouse the dor
mant spirit d»thc people, and open their eyes
to the approach of despotism. The country
lias sunk into avarice and political corruption,
from which nothing could arouse it, but some
measure, on the part of the Government of
lolly and madness, such as that now under
consideration.
Disguise it as you may, the controversy
is one between power and liberty,' and he
wouid tell the gentlemen who are opposed to
him, that as strong as might he the love of
power on their side, the love of liberty is still
stronger on ours. History furnishes many
instances of similar struggles, where the love
of liberty has prevailed against power, under
every disadvantage, and among them few
more striking than that of our own revolution;
where as strong as was the parent country,
and as feeble as were the colonies, yet under
the impulse of liberty aud the blessing of God,
they Gionously triumphed in the contest
There were, indeed, many and striking anal
ogies between that and the present controver
sy ; they both originated substantially in the
same cause, with tins difference, that in the
present cose, the power of taxation is conver
ted into that of regulating industry—in that
the power of regulating industry, by the regu
lation of commerce, was attempted to be con
verted into the power of taxation. Were he
to trace the analogy further, we would find
that the perversion of the taxing power, in
one case, has given precisely the same con
trol to the northern section over the industry
ol the southern section of the Union, which the
power to regulate commerce gave to Great
Britain over the industry of the colonics;and that
the very articles in which the cylonies were per
mitted to have a free^rade,and those in which the
mother country had a monopoly, are almost
identically the same as those under which the
southern states are permitted to have a free
trade by the act of 1832, and which the nor
thern states have, by the same act, secured
a monopoly; the only difference is in the
means: in the former, the colonics were per
mitted to have a free trade, with all countries
south of Cape Fi.ustere a cape in the north
ern part of Spain; while north of that the
trade of the colonics was prohibited, except
through the mother country, by means of her
commercial regulations. If we compare the
products of the country north and south of
Cape Fimstere, we will find them almost iden
tical with the list of the protected and unpro
tected articles contained iu the act oflastyear.
Nor does the analogy terminate here. The
very arguments resorted to at the commence
ment of the American revolution, and the
pernicious than that of the most Open and
bitter opponents of the rights of the states.—
He would also add, what he was compelled
to say, that he must consider him (Mr. Rives)
as less consistent than our old opponents, -
whose conclusion were fairly drawn from
their premises, whilst his premises ought to
have led him to opposite conclusions. The
gcntieniim has told us that the new fangled
doctrines,as he choose to call thcni,had brou ght
state rights into disrepute. He must tell him, in
reply, that what he called new fangled,are hut
the doctrines of’98, and that it is he, (Mr.
Rives,) and others with him, who, professing
these doctrines, had degraded them by ex
plaining away their meaning and bfficacy.—
He (Mr. R.) had disclaimed, in behalf of
Virginia, the authorship of nullification. Mr.
C. would not dispute that point. If Virginia
chose to throw away one of her brightest or
naments, she must not hereafter complain
that it had become the property of another.—
But while as a Representative of Carolina,
he had no right to complain of the disavowal
of the Senator from Virginia, lie must believe
that he (Mr. R.) had done his native state
great injustice, by declaring on this floor, that
when she gravely resolved, in ’98, that “in
cases of deliberate and dangerous infractions
of the Constitution, the states, as parties to
the compact, have the right and are in duty
bound, to interpose to arrest the progress of
the evil, and to maintain, within their respec
tive limits the authorities, rights, and liberties
appertaining to them,” meant no more than to
ordain the right to protest and remonstrate.
To suppose that in putting forth so solemn a
declaration, which she afterwards sustained
by so able and elaborate an argument, she
meant no more than to assert what no one
had ever denied, would be to suppose that the
smaller bodies politic therein contained are
the fractions, but they are the integers, and
the state is the multiple which results from
them. . Dukedoms and counties, burgs and
baronies, towns and townships, and shires,
form the kingdom, all, in a certain degree,
strangers tc each other, and sepavate in juris
diction though all obedient to the supreme
executive authority. This general descrip
tion, though not always generally applicable
in terms, is always so substantially and in
effect; and hence it becomes necessary to
discard the language which has bee . very
generally employed in treating on the English
constitution. It has been supposed that the
king tom was r duced into a regular and grad
ual subordination of goverament, and that the
various legal districts of which it is compos
ed, arose from the divisions and subdivisions
of the country. But this hypothesis, which
tends greatly to perplex our history, canaot
be supported by fact, and instead of viewing
the constitution as a whole, and then proceed
ing to its parts, we must examine it synthet
ically, and assume that the supreme author
ities of the state were created by the con
centration of the powers ori anally belonging
to the members and corporations of which it
is composed.” [Here Mr.^C. gave way to
a motion to adjourn.]
On the next day, Mr. Calhoun proceeded
by remarking that he had omitted at their
proper place, in the course of his observations
yesterday, two or three points to which ho
would now advert, before he resumed the
discussion where he had left oft’. He had
stated that the ordinance and acts of South
Carolina were directed, not against the re
venue but against the system of protection
But it might be asked, if such was her object
how happens it that she has declared the
whole system void—revenue as well as pro
tection, without discrimination? It. is this
question which he proposed to answer. Her
justification would be found in the necessity
of the case: and, if there he any blame
could not rttach to her. The two were so
blended throughout the whole, as to make the
entire revenue system subordinate to the pro
tection, so as to constitute a complete system
of protection, in which it was impossible to
discriminate the two elements of which it is
composed. South Carolina at least could
not make the discrimination, and she was re
ducod to the alternative of acquiescing in
system which she believed to be unconstitu
tionul, and which she felt to be oppressive
state had been guilty of the most egregious and ruinous, or, to consider the whole as oae ;
trifling that ever was exhibited on so solemn , equally contaminated through all its parts, by
an occasion. the unconstitutionality of the protective por.
Mr. C. said that in reviewing the ground I tion: and as such, to be resisted by the act
over which he had p .ssed, it would he ap-1 of the state. He maintained that she had
parent that the question in controversy invol, j right to regard it in the latter character, and
ved that most deeply important of all political
questions, whether ours was a federal or a
consolidated government. A question on the
decision ofwhich depends, as he solemnly be
lieved, the liberty of the people, their happi
ness, and the place which we are destined to
hold in the moral and intellectual scale of na
tions. Never was there a controversy in
which more important consequences were in
volved, not excepting jth»t between Fersia
and Greece,, decided by the battles of Mara
thon, I’latea, and Salamis, which gave ascen
dency to the genius of Europe over that of
Asia; and which, in its consequences, has
continued to cllect the destiny of so large a
portion of the world, even to this day. There
is, said Mr- C., often those analogies between
events apparently very remote, which are
strikingly illustrated in this case. In the
great contest between Greece and Persia,
between European and Asiatic polity and
civilization, the very question between the
federal and the consolidated form of govern
ment was involved. The Asiatic govern
ments, from tlie remotest time, with some cx-
that if a loss of revenue followed, the fault
was not hers, hut of this government which
had improperly blended together, in a man
ner not to be separated by the state, two sys
tems wholly dissimilar. If the sincerity ol
the sta.e be doubted; if it be supposed that
her action is against revenue as well as pro
tection, let the two be separated ; let so much
of the 4uties as are intended for revenue, be
put in one bill, aud the residue, intended for
protection, be put in another, and he pledged
himself that the ordinance and the acts of the
state would cease as to the former, and be
directed exclusively against the latter.
He had also stated, in the course of his
remarks yesterday, and trusted he had con
clusively shown, that the act of 1816, with
the exception of a single item, to which he
had alluded, was, in reahty, a revenue meas
ure, and that Carolina, and the other states,
in supporting it, had not incurred the slight
est responsibility in relation to the system of
protection, which had since grown up, and
which now so deeply distracts the country
Sir, said Mr. C., I am willing, as one of the
cepuous on the eastern shore of the Meditcr- i representatives of Carolina, and I believe, I
ranean, has been based on the pri iciple of
consolidation, which considers the whole com
munity as but a unit, and consolidates its pow
ers in a central point. The opposite prin
cipal has prevailed in Europe—Greece,
throughout all her states, was based on’ a fed
eral system. All were united in one common
speak the sentiment of the state, to take that
act as the basis of a permanent adjustment of
the Tariff, simply reducing the duties, in an
average proportion on all the items, to the re
venue point. I make that offer now to the
advocates of the protective system; but I must
in candor, inform them, that such an adjust-
hut loose bond, and the governments of the | meat would distribute the revenue between
several states partook, for the most part, of
a complex organization, which distribut d po
litical power among different members of the
community. The same principles prevailed
in aqcient Italy; and, if we turn to the Teu
tonic race, our great ancestors, the race which
occupies the first place iu power, civilization,
and science, and which possess the largest
and the fairest part of Europe, we will find
that their governments were based on the
federal organization, as has been clearly, il-
lustr ted by a recent and able writer on the
British constitution, (Mr. Pnlgravc,) from
w!»ose writings he introduced the following
extract : v
‘ In this manner the first establishment of
the Teutonic states was effected. They were
assemblages of septs, clans, and tribes; they
were confederated hosts and armies, led on
by- princes, magistrates and,clucftains, each
of whom was originally independant, and each
of whom lost a portion of this pristine inde
pendence, in proportion as he and his com
peers became united uuder the supremacy of
a sovereign, who was superinduced upon the
state, first, as a military commander, and af
terwards as a king. Yet notwithstanding
this political connexion, cach^ncmber, of the
the protected and unprotected articles more
holding up her rescif ed rights as the shield
of her defence against further encroachment,
,T, his attitude alone, unaided by a single state,
arrested the further progress of the system,
so that the question from that day to this, on
the part of the manufacturers, has been, not
how to acquire more, but to retain that which
they have acquired. He would inform the
gentleman that if this attitude had not been
taken on the part of the state, the question
would not now be, how duties ought to be re-
pealed, but a question as to the protected ar
ticles, between prohibition on one side, and
the duties established by the act of 1828, on
the other. But a single remark will be suf
ficient in reply to what he must consider the
avid ions remark of the senator from Virginia
(Mr. Rives.) The act of 1832, which has not
yet gone into operation, and which was passed
but a few months since, was declared by the
supporters of the system to be a permanent
adjustment, and the hill proposed by the treas
ury department, not essentially different from
the act itself, was in like manner declared to
he intended, by the admiaistration, as a per
manent arrangement. What has occurred
since, except this ordinance aud these abused'
acts of the calumniated state, to produce ihis
mi hiy revolution in reference to this odious
system? Unless the senator irom Virginia
can assign some other cause, he is bound
upon every principle of fairness, to retract this
unjust aspersion upon the acts of South v Car
olina.
After noticing, said Mr. 0'., another omis
sion, he would proceed with his remarks.—
the senator irom Delaware, [Mr. Clayton,]
as well as others, had relied with great em
phasis on the fact, that we ar* citizens of the
United States. I, said Mr. C., do not ob
ject to the expression, nor shall 1 detract from
the proud and elevated feelings with which it
is associated ; but lie trusted that he migiit
be permitted to raise the inquiry, in what
manner we are citizens of the U. States,
without weakening the patriotic, feeling with
whicli he trusted it would ever be uttered.
If by citizens of the United States he meant
a citizen at large, one whose citizenship ex
tended to the entire geographical limits of the
country, witnout having a local citizenship in
some state or territory, a sort of citizen of
fie world, all he hud to say was, that such a
citizen would he a perfect non-descript; that
not a single individual of this descri pfiou
could be found in the entire mass of our pop
ulation. Notwithstanding all the pomp and
display of eloquence on the occasion, evpry
citizen is a citizen of some state or territory,
and, 03 such, under an express provision of
the constitution, is entitled to all the privile
ges and immunities of citizens in the several
states; and it is in this, and in no other sense,
that wc are citizens of the United States.—
The senator from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Dallas;)
indeed relies upon that provision in the con
stitution which giver congress the power to
establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and
the operation of the rule actually established
under this authority, to prove that naturalized
citizens are citizens at large, without being
citizens of any of the states. He did not deem
it necessary to. examine the law of congress
upon this subject, or to reply to the argument
ofthe senator, though he could not doubt timi
he (Mr. D.) had taken an entirely erroneous
view of the subject. It was sufficient that
the power of congress extended simpR to the
establishment of an uniform rule, by w adi
foreigners might be naturalized in the several
states or territories, without infringing, in any
other respect, in reference to naturalization,
the rights of the states, as they existed before,
the adoption of the constitution.
Having supplied the omissions of yesterday, •
Mr. C. now resumed the subject at the point
where his remarks then terminate*:. To *
Senate would remember that he stated) at
their close, that the great quest io. ..t.issue
was, whether ours' is a federal or a consoli
dated system of government; a system-i*x.
which the parts, to use the emphatic la; gauge
of M. Pal grave, are the integers, and tiie
whole the multiple or in which the who:- is
a unit,-and the parts the fractions; that he had
stated that on the decision of this question,
he believed, depends not only the ‘ifier.y and
prosperity ofthis country, but the place which
.we are destined to hold in the intellectual and
moral scale of nations. He had staled, also,
in his remarks on this point, that there was a^
striking analogy between this and the great
favourably to the state, and to the south, and
straggle between Persia and Greece, which
less so to the manufacturing interest, than au
average uniform ad valorem, and, accordingly,
more so than that now proposed by Carolina,
through her convention. After such au of
fer, no man who valued his candor, will dure
accuse the state, or those who have represen
ted her here, with inconsistency in reference^
to the point under consideration.
. He omitted, also, on yester lay, to notice a
remarkofthe senator from Virginia, (Mr.
Rives) that the only difficulty in adjusting the
tariff, gre\v out of the ordinance and act3 o;
South Carolina. He must attribute an as.
ceriion, so inconsistent with the facts, to an
ignorance of the occurrences of the last few
years, in reference to the subject, occasioned
by the absence of the gentleman from the U.
States, to which he himself b:is alluded in his
remarks. If the senator will take pains, to
inform himself, he will find that this protec.
five system, advanced with a continued and
rapid step in spite of petitions, remonstrances
and protests, of not only Carolina, but also
of Virginia, and of all the southern states, un
til 1828, when Carolina, for the first time,
changed the character of her resistance, by
had been decided by the battles of Marat hon,
Platen, and Salamis, and which had immor
talized the names of Miltiades and Themis-
toclcs. He had illustrated this, analogy by
shoving that centralism, or consolidation*
with the exception of a few nations along the
eastern border of the Mediterranean, had been
the pervading principle in the Asiatic Gov
ernments, while the federal principle, or,
what is the same in principle, that system
which organizes a' community in reference to
its parts, had prevailed in .Europe.
Among the few exceptions in the Asiatic
nations, the Government of the twelve tribes
of Israel, i» its early period, was the most
striking. Their government, at first, was a
mere confederation, without aj»y central pow
er, till a military chieftain, with the title of
Ring, ' vas planed at its head, without, how
ever,, merging the original organization of the
twelve distinct ticbes. This was the com- •
mencement of that central action among that
peculiar people, which, in three generations,
terminated in a pertnanent division of their,
tribes. It is impossible even for a cfari ss
reader, to peruse the history of that event,
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