Southern banner. (Athens, Ga.) 1832-1872, May 25, 1833, Image 4

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Southern banner., May 25, 1833, Image 4

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Newspaper Page Textt SPEECH OF SIR. WIEDE, OF GEORGIA, ' ON THE TARIFF. Mr. Wildo begged permission, before he proceeded, to correct & misapprehension which might naturally arise from an obaerration of the honorable gentle man from Massachusetts, Jlfr. Appleton, respecting himself. That gentleman had referred to the Jour nals of the I4th Congress, to tax him [Mr. W.J with inconsistency in voting against a proposition to re duce the duty on brown sugar .from three * ,lalf to two or two and a half cents. The prico of the ar ticle was then from sixteen to nineioen cents, and the duty he voted for as a revenue duty, was twenty per cent. The honorablo gentleman could have found a more just and recent cause of complaint against him as a member oftlio Committee of Ways and Means, at this very.session, ho had voted for re porting a bill, in which the same article how valued at about five cents, was proposed to bo charged with a duty of two cents, or forty per cent. His apology was to bo found in his unwillingness, by a sadden change, to ruin large bodies of raon—in his attach ment to the union, tha harmony, and the happiness of his whole country. Which was strongest, his love of Peace, or the gentleman’s love of Justice ?— This sample of their fabrics would enable the com. mittee to determine. A short time since,' he hod urged the observance of a sound legislative rule—majorities vote, minorities talk. It might seem, us sometimes happens to better men than himself, thcro was some slight disagree ment between precept and. example. In reality it was not so. He had the ready justification of a pol itician’s aliii—a change of circumstances. He had been in the majority, and voted; ho toa^ in the mi nority, and he talked. Properly understood, and a proper understanding, was indispensable in all things. Ho was perfectly consistent. Yes, sir!-said Mr. W. war were in a majority; it was not contested.— We are in a minority. How does it happen ? Has onr majority thawed away under the melting breath of executive pleasure ? Has it beon dispersed, like a nullifying mob, by the President’s Proclamation? Have we been routed by the Siamase twins logic of the gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs. Ells- worth and Huntington] or tho more powerful lungs of the gentleman from Pennsylvania? Mr. McKen. nan. The inquiry may not be wholly uninteresting to a portion of the people of the United States. If the motion of the, gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. Huntington] prevail, this bill is defeated. In tho present temper of the committee, it must prevail. In the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Un ion, we cannot have the ayes and noes. We cannot catch tho eels in the gill.net: and as the pcoplo of the South will be unablo to imagine why such con cessions, as they thought were offered should be rofus- od, he felt it to be his duty to assist their inquiries. He considered this,.in effect, a proposition to con tinue the present tariff, for tho purpose of currying on tiie war against South-Carc’inu. The merits of the controversy were best summed up by the pithy saying of an eastern manufacturer—of what use is this Union without tho tariff?- and what goodwill the Tariff do. us without the Union? The proposi tion to the South, then,is this? “You shall pay taxes for the conquest of South Carolina.” Now, sir, said Mr. W., 1 put it to your candor to say, if we are to fight for manufactures whether the inanufac- tures ought not to pay the expense of the war ? So far as his voico went, they should do so. He would not vote a man a musket for any such purpose. But there was something still more extraordinary. * The high tariff party of the North and East-say they pay an equal, or greater portion of theso taxes; and they only ask for the poor pfivilego of being allowed to tax themselves for the protection of their own indus try ! And so, sir, they mean to fight us for the right to tax themselves, and insist that, injustice, we must pay the cost of the campaign. Compared with this, Doctor Franklin’s Frenchman with his poker, was mild and reasonable. Mr. W. said he put this prop osition, not to South Carolina—she had decided but ho put it to Virginia, to North-Carolina. Who says she sleeps when liberty is in danger and Nathan iel Macon lives? He put it to Georgia, to Alabama, to Mississippi, to Tennessee, to Kentucky. All had on interest in tho question; and he reipinded all, “ Tua res agitur paries cum proxhnus ardet.”— South-Corolina says she will endure this system no longer. If you insist on ruining tho concern by your dishonesty and extravagance, she asks leave to withdraw front the partnership. Yon say she shall stay and bo rained ; and if she won’t you ask us to help you to blow her brains out! O, most holy Un. ion, which must be preserved by cannon and bayonet! Happy republic! by the grace of God and gunpow. der, one and indivisible ! Shall we not .head onr lletins like revolutionary France, when, in an ex. tacy of affection for all mankind, she proclaimed Fraternity or death 1 May we not say with her po- ct.thc keenness of whose epigrams nothing can equal, but the instrument which would have rewarded him had he been discovered 7— : \ . “ O, le bel age, quand I’hornmo dit a l’liomme, “ Soyons frcrcs ! ou jo -t’assomtnc ! lie bogged pardon of tho Houso for his had. French at least, his bad pronunciation of it. If they know under what circumstances his little knowledge of the language was acquired, they would excuse him. He • would not venture to translate, mindihl of the pro. verb,'* but a free version, adapted to tho times, might read, .. ■ “ O! blessed age! when lovfog Senates vote, “ Let us he brothers! or I’ll cut your throat!" Ay, sir, redress is refused—secession is denied —oppression is continued—and tho sword of tho Fed oral Executive is to be flung into the scalo of the Federal Judiciary! Discordant concord and per petual union, are proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and upon pain of death. Perpetual union 1 on such terms, it is the Dutch innkeepers universal peace when tho amiable enthusiast, whose memory Paul and Virginia would preserve when his philanthropic virions wore . forgotten, published his proposal for pacifying the world, mine host seized on the idea for «• now sign. It was inscribed indeed, “A la paix universellehut tho design was—a churchyard!— 8uch was not the peace of the peacemakers to whom tho benediction was given. It was not the peace of God, or tho peace of freedoqi; it was the peace of those described by Tacitus. : “ Solitudinem faciunt, pa com appollent." ' | But it is said, what other course than coercion is left us? South Carolina has nullified all tariff laws, whether for revenue or protection. ' If we p«°° this bill, will she not nullify it also ? Will it satisfy her Mr. W. said he had no authdrity to speak for South. Carolina. If he could say it-would bo satisfactory, ho should bo cautious of doing so. For that very reason.it might be unsatisfactory to others. This was one of the instances in which Fontenelle's maxim appliod; if you hav? your handful of Jruth, do not open more than your little finger, Thus much was certain. The bill by no means conceods all .that Carolina claims as a matter of strict- right y bat it may presont terms which for the sake of harmony, she would accept. At all events, it suspends the op. eration of her ordinance, if we pass it. -On. this point there seemed to him to be an erroneous impression. Nothing could be clearer, than, if any law passes, tho Convention most bo called again; and in the meantime tho law operates. If the law afforded even . _ reasonable hope of a return to juster councils, could it be doubted that South-Carolina would pause?— Upon the passage of this bill, or one similar in prin ciple, depended, lie believed, the pcaco and integrity of tho Union.' If it was lost, ho repeated, the people of tho Sonth should know how, why and *y whose fault it was lost. If tho responsibility rested on their representatives, they would hold them to a strict account. If on others, they would learn to distin- guish between real and pretended friends. How was the present measure brought forward ? Mr. W. ad. verted to the President's message at the beginning of Congress, recommending, in strpng and plain terms a modification of the tariff. . Has he, asked Mri W., any time advanced other opinions ? Has ho cso- teric and exoteric doctrines ? Was any gentleman au thorized to.say tho President did not desire the pas. ago of this bill, or at this time ? He would yield the floor for such a sentiment. No. There was every indication that he desired it should pass—that it should pass at this session—speedily—at once. Next in its official importance, on questions of re venue, was the opinion of the Secretary of the Treas ury. This was well known from his annual report and his communications with tho Committee 9f Ways, and Means and the Committee on Manufactures.— He 8|M>ke of public and official transactions, not of conversations secret or confident*]. There were none such. If therehad been, he trusted ho new better what was.due to the sanctity of social intercourse, than to violate it voluntarily. Nor would his vanity, if he kid boon the depository of a state secret, the first anil, no doubt, the last lie would have bcentrusted with, have induced him to hint at the important and mys terious character of his charge. Ho spoke of mat ters open and avowed ; of things authorized to be communicated, and in fact, stated to the house .by the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, [Mr. Hoffinan.] Ho was warranted, then, in saying that the bill had the approbation of. the Secretary of the Treasury; that it would give the necessary amount of revenue, without in his opinion, leaving any inordinate excess or destroying the manufac turers. 'The character ofthe Secretary was a guar anty that whatever he uttered he believed. He [Mr; W.j was no eulogist; but when he had 'occasion to speak of any man, he would do equal ;md exact jus. tice. No! ho retracted that expression; equal and exact justice was beyond the power of man. But he would do his friends a little less than what lie thought was justice, that he might not flatter them through partiality; and his adversaries somewhat more, that he might not censure them from prejudice. Wlnt ever else the Secretary was, he did not want civil courage. On that floor, where Mr. W. had known him best, his opinions, right or wrong, were always boldly avowed and manfully defended. Had lie changed since then ? Would any ono assert it ?— Was there any one there who would hazard tho as sertion that Louis McLane, ever wore two faces, ut. tered a falsehood, or betrayed a friend? There could not be attributed to him therefore, any more than to the President, two sets of opinions , private and public- ' , Who else was there, then, whose views of this matter could he supposed to tfxcrcise a material influ ence on tho fate of the bill ? The Vice President elect ? Is not he too said to be in favor of a reduction of duties to the revenue standard ? Is not he, too, desirous that a bill should pass for that purpose, ot this session ? We have , the strongest assurances that it is so. But the age is sceptical, and demands proofs. The position of that gentleman is in many respects critical and full of difficulties. Far be it from me to add to his embarrassment. But at this time and on this subject, there can be no faltering.— His past Conduct in relation to it is not clear from ambiguity. Tiie temptations tliat beset him arc strong. What then? Truly, great men are ever greatest in the crisis of their fate. Noble and gen erous spirits rise With the danger, and are equal to the emergency. In this he is confidently affirmed to be .with us; but I warn some of his friends who have been with us, but are with us no longer, that the best evidence, perhaps the only evidence, which the South will accept of his sincerity, is their votes. To them then, 1 appeal; to them 1 address myself. Of what use is it to speak to. the high tariff men of the House ? the opponents ofthe administration and yet the advo cates of coercion. Their choice is made—their san guinary purpose uttered. To whom, then, but to our political friends'Shall we look in tho day of trial? Whereelso shall wo ask aid? where else cm we find hope ? To them I turn, k not to exhort, I have no vocation; not to lecture, I am no professor; but to expostulate, as friend with friend. Until recently we stood in the same ranks, fighting the same battles, struggling against the some adversaries, acknowl- edging the sarao leaders. If they now waver in their faith or courage, may we not without offence entreat them to stand by us iu this our last great danger ? Is it not due to them, as well as to ourselves, that our thoughts of each other should be expressed frankly, but not bitterly ? If we have come to the point at whioh we can no longer act together with out tho violation, of somo duty, or the abandonment of somo principle, let the fact be avowed and the mo-' tivc admitted. Thus, and thus only if we must se parate, can both escape reproach, and hereafter, nei- ther can complain of being deserted or betrayed. I in- vitethem then, to examine the strength and weak nesa of their own-position. The circumstanced under which tho bill come forward, hod already been adver ted to. All the auspices whether of men or days, were happy; all the omens favorable. J Who could be better fitted for a'work of conciliation than his honorable friend from New. York? , [Mr. Verplanck.] Where could we look for so much zeal tempered by so much prudence, and above all, for sincerity un sullied by a doubt ? The very sun shone forth upon his bill at the moment of its first reading; and m its earliest Stages, it was borne along by triumphant ma jorities composed in p^rt of the very gentlemen to whom I now address myself. By whom is this des tructive motion made ? By an avowed advocate of the high tariff and restrictive system ; by an ardent opponent of the present administration; by a deter mined adversary of the favorite and leading politician ofNcw-York; By whom is it supported ? by the most resolute and unwavering enemies of State Rights, the doc trines of Jefferson, and tho republican school of pol itics. for what purpose ? To destroy the bill. Tho ob. jeet is not concealed; oq the contrary, it is distinctly announced. When I said to the gentleman from Connecticut,’ [Mr. Huntington] the other day, that according to Ids argument, the bill would not give us revenue enough, and his motion went to reduce it still more, he felt the force of the objection. What was his reply ? “ True, but the gentleman from Geor gia roust be aware that the motion, if successful, will be followed up by others to raise other duties, and thereby to get the increase of revenue required.” In plain terms tea and coffee must be mode free, that wool and woolens and cottons may be subjected to prohibitive duties. Tho gentlemen to whom this ap. pool is made, hold tho fate of the bill in their hands. If this motion succeeds, and it will succeed, if they support it, the bill is lost, Will they beai- with mo while I hazard somo conjectures on tho consequen. ccs? Ihsvuno gift of prophecy. I possess loses something ofits influence by an unnatural alli ance with reason and justice; "still I repeat, the country must be saved, and let the honor be his to whom the honor shall be due. Have our friends considered how they and their leaders, and their con. stiluents, must feel in such a new coalition as their votes will throw them into. Qnce more I beseech them to pause if the port they must take is not already fixed, the company they must keep already chosen. Once more,- I remind them, that, if they involve this country in a civil-war, the administration, sooner oHater.will have for its adversaries the whole South, its oldest and most Steadfast friends, and for its new allies those who have pursued it with the bitterest ridicule and the deadliest enmity. Before they throw themselves into this false position, I invite them to review with me tiie arguments which are used to se duce them from their Republican principles, their party attachments, and their .'•outhern brethren. Wo. have heard that we in st not subuiit^to be bul lied by a single State. Wo must not legislate with a sword over our heads. We will not be dictated to by South Carolina! Against listeningto these miserable suggestions of false pride, we were cautioned uy my friend from New York [Mr. Verplanck] in Ian- guige so elegant and touching, that nothing can be taken from, nothing added to it, without injury. In family quarrels the best heads and he .rts are ever ready to make the greatest allowance for errors of judgment and infirmities of temper, fc tickling on points of ceremony in such cases, is ridiculous. In entering into domestic broils, the etiquette is that, fixed in other c.tses, by old Frodric!. of Prussia, “ tho greatest fool goes first.” But bad motives will be iin. puted to us. We shall be said to have yielded to our fears. And what course of conduct can we pursue, to which bad motives cannot be imputed ? Bad mo tives have been imputed to me, Mr. Chairman, to, you, and to every body else. Is that to be a reason for neglecting our duty ? Then we mast never do any thing. The very course gentlemen are paroling to escape tho imputation of bad motives, wifi expose them to that very iinput <tion. For example : an extract of a letter was pointed out to him the other day in a newspaper, which sta ted, “ it is also said that Judge Marcy. has written to the Van Buren members of Congresp that they must stick to the existing tariff, and oppose any re duction of duties until Calhoun'.shall be so thorough ly down as to prevent all danger of his political re surrection. After that is done,'it is iutimated that something might be yielded to South Carolina.” Now he [Mr. W.] did not believe that judge Mar cy had ever written such a letter. He had too good an opinion of his prudence. He hod no idea the Vice President elect had ever authorized any one to write sucti a letter. But the father-in-law of Juuge Marcy is understood to exercise a great influence over the polities of New York, to have a very deep interest in wool, and to lie utterly opposed to any re duction of duty on it. Judge Marcy and the Vice- President debt are intimate' and confidential friends. The world app'ies with little discrimination the max. noscitur a socusand," patting all these powers, and employ no instruments of divination, olhqr- than such as are common to every one of ordi. nary sagacity; but what will be, most spring from what is, just as what is must have proceeded from what has been. To transmute the past into the fu ture, is the true alcbymy of intellect. Ldud see what Wo can extract from the alembick. Tho’first and least evil which may proceed from the defeat of this measure, if the 'blow comes from the quarter which threatens it, will be to throw the power of settling this vexed question- into other hands. Is this an imaginary danger ? )Vhat says the horoscope ?, Are there, nocetarry influences—no impending planctajy conjunction or opposition bo ding evil to the great and little politicians of the North ? May not Hospor regain the ascendant ?— In phrara less mystical, is it not a Uw of power that majorities divide and,, roihoriti.es combine? If the North and East coalesce, to support tho principl -a ofthe Proclamation, may not tho South and West, to whom they are Isss^acccptablo and familiar, unite to resist them ? And what ; can bo fairer or more natural ? Iftho giant and migicim conspire, how can they be dofeated but by Nullification and Old Harry ? Pdacc is a gift too precious to be rejected^ couio from what hands it may. The country must be saved, .let who will save it. A civil war, must be prevented, whoever is pacificator. The power is in the hands of my friends. It is the first wish of my heart that they should use it. I invoke them to do no. I entreat them by every motive of fellowship, of party, of patriotism, of humanity! But if they rel lease; if their destiny is written; if even party spirit tilings together, it is easy to impute bad motives, and to suppose that one man spears the opinions of another. Now, the truth.no doubt is, that the gen- tleman in question [Mr. Knower] does entertain an opinion un favorable to a modification of the tariff, at present. He may have expressed that opinion to his political friends, as he has a perfect right to do.— Neither Judge Marcy nor the Vice-President elect are in the slightest degree-responsible for it: and the opinion itself may be perfectly honest. Yet, after all, such is the uucharitableness of the world, that when men have a personal interest in maintaining Certain very honest opinions, the honesty of such opinions is thought to be a scruple less than standard fineness. The popular notion of honesty was best expressed by a burlesque toast which he remembered. Some years ago, some one, ho forgot at the moment who, had been toasted as “ the man who dares be honest in the worst of times.” A wag of Boston— where, by the bye, they manufacture the best toasts, if toasts are not their best manufacture—w rote a ludicrous account of an abolition festival, where Cmsar or Cully were thus made to travesty that sentiment: “De man; who dare be honcss when be git nothin by him.”— That, sir, [said Mr. VV.] is the ontjr honesty which wins universal credence. A failure to observe it was the great mistake of a distinguished gentleman from the West, who, eight years ago, had occasion to give a vote in that House for President, and who after wards became Secretary of State under the Presiden cy of the gentleman for whom he voted. In that vote the -person receiving it might be equally free from the slightest censure. Mr. W. believed they were so. Neither did ue mean to be understood as saying that in consequence of that vote the gentle, man referred to, got any thing. He was not one of those who argue “post hoc, ergo, propter hoc? He had not joined the vulgar clamor : but that-the fact of his taking office hud been successfully, though wrongfully appealed to as implicating the purity of his motives, admitted of no doubt. His honesty had been ossailod, because it did not appear to be unprofit able. Who, then, can expect toescape censure, if they profit by their honesty? He adverted to these things,not to wound the feelings and much less the reputation of any human being. For all the. distinguished names of his country he cherished an habitual fond, ness. He felt he had an-interest in them all as an American citizen. Whoever tarnished their lustre, Tobbcd him of a portion of his birthright. The mM tors, he referred to wero mentioned in no spirit of censoriousness or unkindness, but as topics of philo sophical argument and speculation. They might serv&to show gentlemen that the fear of having bad motives imputed to them, was no safe rule of action; for in the instance alluded to, the distinguished citi zen upon who n such motives were, no doubt untru ly, supposed to operate, was at first disposed to de cline coming into the administration. Bat his friends persuaded him that such a refusal 'would be attributed to the timidity of an evil conscience, and their im portunities Exposed him through the fear of danger, to tho very danger they feared. But, sir, continued Mr. W n if it ware possible that any friend of the Vice-President elect cbuld entertain or inculcate such a course as the letter.writer men tions, nothing could be. at once more ignoble opd more impolitic. Even Sylla-saved his country be fore he chastised his enemies; and was ono as much better than Sylla, as Sylla was greater than him, ur ged to remember bis petty interests and nnimnapiiM^ when the republic was in danger ? - Sir, the recent experience of toe New-York statesman’s opponents might teach his friends this salutary lesson. Never seem to persecute a depressed adversary, if you do not 'wish to raise him above you. But it will be urged, no doubt, that the Vice-Pres ident, elect ought not to be identified with the gentle/ men to whom these considerations were suggested, nor they with him. They were not uis men, nor aay one elsey men. They were their o\vn men. Undoubtedly. He intimated nothing to the contra- ry. But, unhappily again, “circtenst nee, that un- spiritual God," bore testimony against them, and, .however huff it might be, the rule of political judg. ment was the rule bf thu prize court. . Circu nstan tial evidence outweighed, positive asseverations.,— The rule was harsh—oftentimes unjust: but it was the .rale of the world, and the world' alone could al ter it. ■ Unfortunately, these gentlemen were ‘ill well known us partisans.' He traced no gentleman through ayes and noes; but unless his memory do. ceived him upon every test question pf party, they were faithful to their colors, far beyond himself. The Bank ofthe United States, the Choctaw reservations, the breach of privilege, the Wisc.isset collector, all pro ved their perfect orthodoxy; and could they who su v sCribdd the whole thirty-nine articles, boggle at the first question in the catechism ? Where is party discipline more perfect than inNew-York? Htvo they not punished iny friend [Mr. Verplanck] with the ostracism for abroach of it? And if all honor, able duty is forbidden, ought he not to be proud of his punishment ? ’ . •- . -'JpjyjSa Wo have often beon reminded ofthe power of the United States. To what purpose? gift of strength a reason for using it ? Can it make right, or legalize oppression ? “ Power, without wis dom," rays the poet, “ is but. armed injustice.” Ei ther he says truly, or we should apostrophize the sword with Devereux. “ God, law, and priest, and prophet of the strong.” Pbwer enables its possessor to be magnanimous. The weak can never yield with so good a grace. Isthe best part of the possession the only ops we are never to use ? ' Besides, is the concession made to South Carolina alone? Are there not five or six other states which have suffered long, and who still entre ,t without threatening ? Wh it is the argument as to them ?— We c uinot take off your burthens until we chastise South Carolina. May they not answer very reason- bly, relieve us first qnd chastise her afterwards. But if you insist on chastising her first, and keeping on our burthens until it is effected, when are we to lie reli-- red ? A gentleman of much experience, who thinks South Carolina ought to be quelled, [Mr. Adams],is paid to. have estimated the cost of the conquest t ten millions, and the annual loss o the revenue du- ring the operation pt three. When South Carolina is chastised, we, who are invited to assist in correct ing her, will find ourselves sh -.rors in her punishment. Tea and .coffee may continue free, but the duties on the protected articles will increase* Having warred for tixes, we shall pay taxes for the war. Bat if we submit to one State,we must to another: first, one will nullify, and then a second; and if we yield to each of'their demands, wpat is left of the Government will not be worth having—it will be come contemptible from its weakness. The strength of Government is in the affection of its citizens.— Was France ever stronger than in the day? of the republic ? Does histoiy show any example of peo ple rebelling against a government which did not op. press then ? • Has.South Carliua.no cause of coin- plaint? The whole South-says Bhe has. .Seven states Complain that they are oppressed. The Presi dent himself, in his message, admits the fact. Yet jve must give them not redress, but chastisement, irat, hereafter, other States .should nullify without cause.. A government, professing to be founded on RB.isoii,dcsires to consolidate its empire by btmu- It claims to derive all its just po wers from the consent of the governed, yet seeks to eke out its authority 'y a little gentle force. Why and Whence' the revival of all this clamor for a strong Govdrnraenff? Is not tho Government which lasted Thom is Jefferson through the embargo, and James Madison through the war, strong enough for any President ? Do we not know the origin, the progress, and the defeat of thatisect in politics; whose favorite object was to es tablish a strong Government ? That sect the repub. licans of New York and. Pennsylvania resisted, and at last overthrew. Are tljey about to be converted fo'tho rejected heresy ? more federal than fie cralism? arch federal ? Let me avail myself of the au thority of the great apostle of republic mism-he who wrote the political gospel of American independence. A Government held together by the bands qf rear, son only, requires much compromise of opinion; that things, even salutary, should not be crammed down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when they may be put into a form to be swallowed;- and that a great deal of indulgence is necessary to strengthen Habits of harmony and fraternity."t Sir, he was right, [said Mr. W.] Government; to use a comparison which would come home to the business of some of his Pennsylvania friends—Government is like iron : toughest when softest. If you harden it to make it stronger, it becomes brittle.. Even arbitrary monarchs find their best support in the affections of their subjects. There is but one way to make “ taxation no tyranny.” It is that re commended. by old Burleigh to Elizabeth—“ win men’s hearts, and you havb their hands and their purses.” The violence and precipitation of South Carolina have been'objected to. If she is wrong in her resis tance to the tariff, however moderate she might be, she would be wrong still. If she ba right, she will not cease to be right on account of her violence. Qpe of tho strongest political discourses he ever heard, was delivejed on that floor by an honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. K-uidolpb] from the text, “ tho kingdom of heaven suifereUihfiolence, and the violent take it by forced* That speech had more effect than any one circumstance. except the battle of New Orleans, in making Andrew Jackson President ofthe United States. Much has been in the course of this debate about nullification. Qn that doctrine he had once expres sed an opinion, of which he had nothing to retract, nothing to explain. Nullification could do little harm but for the help of the tariff. It reminded him of a raying, which he would quote for the gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and Hunting- ton] who had quoted him: “ the devil would not do so much mischief if it were not for the witches,”— The gentlemen had' been pleased to extract from a certain letter of his, such parts as they thought made in favor of their argument; and they referred to them with much praise, and some triumph. One advan tage that letter at least procured him—somo slight credit for candor and fair dealing, and a reputation for courage enough to tell the truth. But if he was a good witness for the East,'he was for the Sonth also. His testimony, if it was worth any thing, must betaken altogether. If it would.be good to show, the origin of the restrictive system, it. would be good to prove tho deeply seated, all-pervading discontent of. the Southern States. It would avail as testimony that Union! and the presont protective duties are incompatible. We must choose between thota. The gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs- Hunt ington and Ellsworth]' had recoiriraended to his atten tion part of his own fetter. There were other parts which he would recommend to theirs. If his memory served him, he had there raid, too mahy would , be found in every country to flatter and inflame the in clinations of whom, or Whatsoever may be sovereign; comparatively few ’to-argue with the masters of votes or legions. For the -reason, then, that if he'were the representative of a manufacturing,district, addres sing at that crisis implicit believers in the taneficent magic of the restrictive policy, he should attempt to mitigate their zeal and^confidence; for the same rea son, appealing to those who .were convinced ofits m<t lignant influence, it was his duty'to soothe, if possi ble, their just indignation. Unless this course pf con. duct was pursued by all who ospirbd to be thought honest and dispassionate, most not alienation spread and become incurable ? Do not the gentlemen from Connecticut, continued Mr. W„ aspire to be thought honest and dispassionate ? If they do, le? them an. ewer me this question. The gentlemen have prais. cd-Miave they imitated mo ? . With respect to the character of the'right to se. cede, and the circumstances and limitations under which it could be exercised, this was not the time to discuss them. He would ray but a word. Unless there ^pre instances In which a State could say to —■ * “ “ * * ' J- • i'» iljo der the same instrument, to make every difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture — They would indeed consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which could befal them; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater—submis sion to a Government of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of avoiding this shall become aiso. lutely desperate, that further forbearance could not bo, indulged. Should a majority of the eo-partiea, therefore, contrary to the expectation and hope of this assembly, prefer at this time, acquiescence in these assumptions of power by the federal member of the Government, we will be patient, and suffer much under the confidence that time, ere it be too late, will prove to them also the bitter consequences in which that usurpation will involve us all. In tho mean while,we will breast with them rather than separate from thorn, every misfortune, save that only of living under a government of unlimited powers.” i A quarter of a century before, the patriarch had held similar language ; “ I thought something essen tially necessary to be said in order to avoid the infer ence of acquiescence ; that’a resolution or declaration should hepassed.l. answering the re-.tioningso ( 'such of the st ite8 as have venturedinto the field 0 'reason, and that ofthe Committee of Congress, taking some no- tice too of those states who have either not answered at all, or answered without reasoning; 2. making colonies, add unwarrantable attempts, have been made to obstruct the commerce of this kingdom by Unlaw, fill coipbiin tions. I have taken such measures, and given such orders, as I judged'most proper and effect, ual for carrying into execution tho law? which were passed in the last session of tho late parliament; for the protection and security of the commerce of my subjects and for the restoring and preserving peace, order, and good government iu the' province of Mass. Bay; and you may depend upon my firm and steadfast reso. lutton to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this Legislature over all the ominions of my Crown; the maintenance of which, considitri, essential to the dignity, the safety, and ie weliare of the British empire; assuring myself ... w .* ? ket upon these principles, I shall never ladtorecmve your assistance andsupport. * * y Lords and gentlemen: Let me particularly recommend to you, at this time, to proceed with tem per in your deliberation*; anc v.ith unanimity in your resolutions. Let my people in every part of my do- rtnnions, be taught, by you r example, to have a due reverence .or the laws, and a just, sense of the bless, ings of our excellent Constitution. They may be se. sure! that on my part, I liavo nothing so much at c rt, as tho re l^irosperity and lasting happiness of all my subjects.” Sir, said Mr. W., I intend to excite no additional firm protestation against the precedent and principle, I odium tgainst the memory of George III. In our and reserving the right to make this palpable viola-1 declaration of independence, ho was indeed described tion of tho fe feral compact the ground of doing in fii. I as “ a Prince, whose character was marked by everv tore whatever we might now rightfully do, should act which may define a tyrint.” But he has gone to repetitions of these and other violations of the com. his account. His latter ye .rs, it had pleased Provi. pact ren«fer if expedient; 3. expressing in affection- denco, to visit with t .e he viest calamity that ate and conciliatory language, our warm attachment can befal a huma* being. With his shade, therefore, to union with onr sister States, and to the instrument I he waned not. There was probably some office and principles by which we are united; that we are I form—a atmekrd original—upon which all such in- willing to sacrifice to this every thing but the rights I struinents were inaue. of self-government in those important, points which I There was another curious coincidence which we have never yielded, and in which alone we see lib/1 might liecome more or less perfect, according to the erty, safety and happiness; that not at all disposed to I exterior which was given to a contemplated call for make every measure of error or of wrong a c mse I certain papers. An odd incident, happened, which of scission, we are willing to look on with indul. served to revive, with double force, all the til tera- gence, and to wait with pationce till those passions I per and animosity' that had long subsisted between and delusions shall have nassod over, which the, Fe l. I the Executive part of the Government and tho pco- oral Government have artfully excited to cover its pie in the province of Massachusetts Bay. This was own abuses and conceal its designs, folly confident I the accidental discovery and publication of a number that the good sense of the American people, and offeonTidential fetters, which had been written dur. their attachment to those very rights which wo are ing the course ofthe unhappy disputes with the now vindicating, will, before it shall be too late, r.illy mother country, by the then Governor and deputy with us round the true principles of our federal .com- r Governor of that colony, to persons in power and pact. This was only meant to give a gener il idea o. I offico in England. The fetters contained a very un. the cotnplexion and topics of such an instrument, favorable representation of the state of affairs, the Mr. M. who came, as hod been proposed, does not temper and disposition of the people, and the views concur in the reservation proposed alone; and from of their leaders in that province, and tended to show, this I recede readily, not only in deference to his not only the necessity of the most coercive measures, judgment, hut because, as we should never think .of I but that even a very considerable change of the Con. separation, but for repeated and enormous viola- stitution, and system of government, was necessary to secure tho obedience of the colony. These fetters, indeed, were in part confidential aud private; but the people of tho colony insisted that I they were evidently intended to influence tiie conduct qf Government and must therefore be shown to such tions, so these, when they occur, will be cause enough of .themselves.” A further developement of these ideas was to be found in his fetter to Mr.-Giles, from which Mr. W, begged leave to read a couple of passages. “I see as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid I persons as had an interest in preserving their privi- strides with which the federal branch of our Govern. I leges. Upon the death of a gentleman, in whoso ment is advancing towards the usurpation of all the I possession these fetters then happened to ue, they hy rights reserved to the States, and the consolidation I some means, which are not known, fell intothe hands in itself of all powers, foreign and domestic ; and that I of the agent for the colony of Massachusetts Bay, too by constructions, which, if legitimate, leave no I who immediitely transmitted them to the Assembly limits to their power.' Take together the decisions of of that province, which was then sitting at Boston, the F. Court, the doctrines of the President, and tho Tho indignation and animosity which these letters misconstructions of the constitutional compact, acted excited on the one side, aud the confusion on the oth- on by the legislature ofthe fed. branch, & it is but too er, neither need nor admit of description evident that the three ruling branches of that depart-1. How axact a companion.piece would appear for ment are in combination to strip their colleagues, the'l this picture, if (which God forbid!) the correspond- State authority, ofthe powers reserved by them, and enou of the Government with certain individuals in to exercise themselves,-all functions, foreign and do. I South Carolina should be published. He hoped it mestie. Under the power to regulate commerce,they I never would be. He deprecated that publication as assume indefinitely that also' over agriculture and fnuglit with infinite mischief. Other singular points manufactures, and call it regulatiou, to take the earn- of resemblance were to be found in the history of ings of 9ne of these branches of industry, and that those times. too, the most depressed, and put them into the pock- “ The Minister, after having moved that the King’s ets of the other, the most flourishing of all. * * I message ofthe 7 th March, sho aid be read, opcncl . And wh.it is our resource for the preservation of his plan for the restoration jof peace, order, justice the Constitution f Reason and argumeht ?—Yoa and commerc'e in the Massachusetts Bay.” might as well reason and argue with the marble col- After stating his opinions, and arguing their cor- uinns encircling them. The representatives chosen I rectness, the minister proceeded : “ It would bo prop by ourselves ? They are joined in their combination, I er, therefore, to take away from Boston the privilege some from incorrect views of government, some I of a port,until his Majesty should be satisfied ii> these from corrupt ones, sufficient voting together-to out-1 particulars, and publicly dccl re in council, on a number the sound parts, and with majorities of one, I proper Certificate of the good behaviour of the town, two or three, bold enough to go forward in their de-1 tliat he was so satisfied. Until this should happen, fence. Are we, then, to stand to our arms ? No ! j the Custom House Officers, who were now not safe in tliat must bo the last resource, not to be thought of Boston, or safe no longer than while they neglected until longor and greater sufferings. If every infrac-1 their duty, should be removed to Salem, where they tion 'of a conii>..ct of so many parties is to be resisted I might exercise their functions.” at once Is a dissolution of it, none can ever be form-1 Upon these arguments, leave was given to bring ed which would last one year. Wq must have pa- l.in the celebrated Boston i’ort Bill, which will serve tience and longer endurance, then, with our brethren I as a model for qny Cb rteston joit bill it may be ne- while under delusion; give them tjuio for reflection cessary to prepare, and the reasons in opposition and and experience of consequences; keep ourselves in a I support of which are so applicable, that gentlemen by situatiori to profit by the chapter of accidents ; and consulting the reports, may find their own speeches separate from our companions only, when the sole I in those of Lord North, his pa rtisans, or l is oppo- alternatives left are dissolution of our Union with I rients, with one exception—a little better English.— thorn, or submission to a government without limita- I Lord North for example, is reported to have suid, “ I hope that this act will not in any shape, require a mil. itary force to put it in execution. The rest of the colonics will not take fire at the proper punishment inflicted on those who have disobeyed your authori ty. We shall then be nearly in a situ tion that all tion of powers.” If this bill fails, said Mr. W., I entreat our friends I to consider what is the next step. If you will not alter, you must be calfed on to enforce. The choice is between this bill and another measure which nust bo nameless—not for want of worffs to characterize lenient measures will be at an cad, if they do. But it as it deserved, but because they could not be used I if we exert ourselves now with firmness and intre- , without abroach of of der. He could not say what I pidity, it is more likely they will submit to our author- was doing in the other end ofthe capitol—but this ity. Iftho consequences of their not obeying this ■ -i he could say—he was present the other day at the act are likely to produce rcbelli n, those consequen. consultation of a body of learned physicians. - The .cos belong to the;n> and not to us : it is not what we case was one of delirium and debility, brought on by have brought on, but wh:;t they alone have occasion- ill treatment,and the remody proposed was the lancet ed. lVe are-only answerable that our measures *<* and blue pills. This is the prescription of our polit- | just and equitable. Let us continue to proceed wife ical empirics. The cry is, Bleed the Republic ? Let firmness, justice and resolution, which, if pursued, me tell them, Hir, “ plus a medico quam a tnorbo peri-1 wili certainly produce that due obedience and respect culi■ * j to the laws of this country, and the security of^ tlio It.no longer admits of a doubt; the choice of our trade of its people which I bo ardently wish for.” friends must be made between coercion and concilia-1 Wfe all know,said Mr. VV. thi.t the bill passed. U tion.' The first will soon identify Carolina with tho I *uch a one comes to us, that coincidence, at least, whole South; the second will unite the South against will I trust, lie wanting. - C rolina. Coercion is not wise cr prudent; nor al- After its passage, history informs us, that- “several ways fortunate, even when tiie disparity of strength gentlemen who had voted for it, were nevertheless of is greatest? Austria attempted to coerce the Swiss ; I opinion that something of a conciliatory nature should Spain to coerce the Netherlands; England to coerce atten ,| ^is me -sure of severity, and might give great* lior North American colonies; and in our days, Tur- er e ffi c , C y t 0 it. That parliament whilst it retented keir to coerce Greece. What was the fate of coer. outriures ofthe American populace, ought not to h8r associates, “ Non in hate feeder a reminds,” dis- giuso it a^wa will, this is a groat consolidated Gov. eminent; .and if for maintaining her construction of the-compact through her eonrts and juries, sho id to ho sabred antf buyonetted, it is a despotism. List session wef wore told, “ if Carolina-will go, let her go ?" Wo were tqld “ we could not drive' her out of tho Union.”. Now wo must put tho throats of hsr citizens if she will not remain \ ■ On this head, ho could not avoid citing an. apt. passage from the declaration and . protest drawn up by Mr. Jefferson, with the intention of being submit, ted to the Legislature of Virginia. “ Whilst the General Assembly thus declares’ tho rights retained by the states, rights which they have never yielded, and which this State will never volun tarily yield,-they do.not mOui to raise- the. banner of disaffection or of separation from their sister states, co.partio3 with themselves to this compact. They know and value too highly iho blessings of thoir Un ion as to foreign nations and questions iris ing among themselves, to consider evory infraction ns to be' met by' actuil resistance, they respect too affectionately Is the mere , the opinions of those possessing the same rights Un- key to coerce Greece. What was the fate of coer* I the outrages ofthe American populace, ought i cion?There has indeed,been one successful effort. Rus. ^ tOQ to [mute tho sober part of the colo- sia hae coerced Poland: Is she proposed to- us as I an example? A motion was accordingly made for a repeal of fee I In the straggle botweon tiie U.'States and a State, tea j uJ 1767. Tho debate upon the policy to keep peace vi ei armis, by blowing op all mulcon. I Q j* a a t that particular time, was long; and ear- tents, what is the alternative ? If the State conquers, neat . p lrt y f or the repeal strongly urging expe.i- she ia out of the Union of course. If you conquer, cnce * w j,i c ], they insisted was in their favor. That is she not out equally. ? You may reduce her to the I tlie attempt to tex America had inflamed, the repeal condition of a subject province—you may reword q U ; e t e d, and the new taxes had inflamed it a* | with her plunder some proconsular Governor, for | g a ; n . The gooii affect of rigour would depend on a $ ruling.her with the despotism of a master .and the ■vastefulhess of an agent, leaving behind you in her bosom— “ Immortals odium, et nunquam sanabile tulnus.' But she is uStateno longer! You may grasp a bar-[arguments met? tincture of lenity. The lenity-.night render the nf or unnecessary. They, therefore, earnestly press^ tho repeal of tiie obnoxious duty, as a probable method of restoring tranquillity. How were these ... arguments met ? The ministry said, s ren sceptre, and wave it over a dispeopled territory that time, would show such a degree^ ^ —^but, till you exterminate tho sons of Carolina,-your an d inconsistency.as would defeat the go * , lomihion over her soil extends pot beyond the points the rigorous plan. That Park ment o g er ^* orco »f your hiyonets. And what will you have done? tljat.it would relax nono of itsjurt rig Extinguished oVte star of tho constellation, and them in u pwdical Way ;• tli-t •* % made South Carolina . - - moan* of compelling o: * d “"“ vier t0 i* Viren Like the lost Pleiad seen no more below." I thistux was.repcakffi ■ duty Qn ( * n# w Bofore-geatiemei.^^ gtitot concilmtipn, and jgjS.^ mUfen wasneg^ived. in favor of ciyil war, will they review dhe history of setts Bay, them. They era of strong g® v f Bofefeete memorable laws i Vajro doubtless pattern acts for all lov* eminent; l»ut politicians, a- little our struggle with tho mother country ? If they will, and are not struck and warned by tho coincidences, they are beyond tho power of hellebore. Let me turn their attention to tiie page bdfore me. It con. tains His Majesty's most gracious speech to both houses of Parliament, on Wednesday, Nov. 30, 1774. “ My Lords and Gentlemen: It gives me much concern that I am obliged, at tho opening of this Par- li.amont, to inform you that a most daring spirit of naze S 7that !)ill,'Lord-North favored tho House lor war nn 11*o rnmitat and disobedience to the law still unhappily prevails in the province of Massachusetts' Bay, and has, in divers parts of it, broke forth in fresh violence of a very criminal nature, Theso # proceed ings have been countenanced and encouraged in other of my On these grounds fee ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ , ;etter ter fe..Boston^ofMassachu- I regufeting, laws were before holder th n fee British Ministry,-would put them to* getiier. . - T. -1'- —miirl.l n. r'ldTlS fwn curious in engines of coercion, might p rhaps W scanned them clause by clause. In bringing ‘o’re . * j favored the House ol Commons with a dissertation on t.he posse com,tatus. Then c ame the bill for the better administration of justiceMassachusetts Bay. That too would for* 4 [Concluded on the 2rdpagc.]