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v'Vv f ■
'iiJL 1 vr ■"iwi» aw
set Received,
■ , 2* Razees, Vor two Horses
2 V
2 Gigs. , /
Which will be sold lovy for Cash, by
ft PICQUET./
FOR SALe/,
; Bills on Nl York.i
October I / tt
„~5 jroTiju*:. “
ALL persons indebted to Col. Wn,-
m am F ew, of JV< mv-ftor/c, ii»;e here
by notified, that unless payments are
made on \»r before the Ist January next,
suites will be commenced Without dis
crimination, ns no further indulgence can
be given by the subscribers- /
J. B. Howards,
JHtornies for
Wm. Few.
July SO. ts
ftEATOKTKk'ff labuZaS
Have Just Received
A CONSIGNMENT of Cotton Yarn,
which they will sell on very ac
commodating terms.
August 8 ts
Bolting Cloths.
THE subscribers have just received a
complete assortment of the best
quality DUTCH BOLTING CLOTHS.
Edward Quin, & Co.
June 25. tf_
Bills on New York
f AT SHORT SIGHT,
For Sale by
A. Slaughter & C. Labuzan.
August 1 6. ts
iP To Rent,
TWO Front Rooms with a Cellar, on
the comer of Bridge Row, directly
opposite the Toll-House. Thesituation
is an excellent one for business.
BRUX & (SCURRY.
Nept. 37
* GEORGIA, ? TaROUOHT to
Scriven County. 3 Jill Jail in Jack
sonborough, September 23d, 1817, a ne
gro man who says his name is HARDY,
and that he belongs to David Jameson
of Twiggs county, near Marion, he is a
voungfelibw about five feet eight inches
high, of dark complexion, pretty liberal
in his speech, says he has been in Augus
ta jail, and made his escape when taken
out on his way home; and cays he is a
tolerable good shoe maker; has on a pair
of red striped overalls, and says he has
been run away ever since December last.
Solcimon Kemp, s. s-.c.
October 1. o
GEORGE WALTON, Esq. is
candidate for a seat in the Representa-
Branch of the Stare Legislature, at
the ensuing electiou.
October 1 ts
lO"* We are authorized to announce
General Thomas Glascock a candi
date for Me Legislature at the ensuing
election- July 26.
?r-?* We are authorised to announce
PATRICK. PRESCOTT, Esq. a can
didate for the Legislature at the ensu
ing election.
Skotomber 13 ts
|CS“We are authorised to announce
Anstu.m Fogg, a candidate for the of
fice of Sheriff', for Richmond county at
the ensuing election.
June 7.
fry* We.areauthorised to announce
Col. Peter Donaldson, a candidate
for the office of Sheriff" of Richmond
county, it the ensuing election.—jun.ll
•**VVe are authorised (0 announce
Edmund Fugg, Jun. a candidate for the
office of tax collector of Richmond
County, at the ensuing election. July 9.
%*We, are authorised to announce
Thomas Jlandlky a candidate for the
office of tax collector for Richmond
county, at the ensuing election. July 5.
gy" We are authorised to an
nounce Capt. JAMES BARTON, a can
didate for the office of Receiver of Tax
Returns for Richmond county at the en
suing election. Sept. IS.
%*Mr. Hiram Mann is a candidate for
• Receiver o K tax returns for Richmond
county at the ensuing election.
June 21. : '
WE are authorised to announce Ed
ward llassel a candidate for re
ceiver of tax returns for Columbia county
at the ensuing election.
August 6
WE are authorized to announce Jas,
Hutchinson a candidate for Tax
Collector of Columbia county at the en
anlng election. Sept. Si
80 s * We are autboris?d to announce
Kichap.d Rc Sh? a candidate for the of-
of Tax Returns of
Richmond county, at the ensuing elec-
i-—— June 11.
w*. to announce
Major DRNN SDENT, a candidate at
the ensuing election, to represent the
# of Columbia in the next Legis
S* All kindiT of J ob~W oik.'
JVeatly exeeuted at this Office.
Iff
K||
From the Boston Chronicle.
On tho Present Slate of England.
Inquiry into the individual situation of
the JZnglish. Their freedom, moral
ity and happiness on a level.with those
of the other feudal nations.
THE only plausible argument that is
ever urged in defence of the character'
of the British Constitution and Admin
istration, is the supposed prosperity of
. the English people. It is constantly
asserted by English writers, ami often
; repeated by those of other countries,
that of all the people upon earth the En
glish enjoy In the greatest perfection the
advantages that civil society is intended
to afford—viz: the most perfect combi
nation of security of person and proper
ty, with liberty of speech and action.
I propose at. peresent to examine the cor
rectness of this opinion. The subject is
somewhat more extensive than the mere
effect ot the domestic administration of
the government—but this will form one
, branch of the inquiry, and will be con
. sidered with more convenience in this
connexion than in any other waly.
The present moment is, as I have had
occasion to state in some of those letters,
a period of real and singular individual
( distress in England, and this situation
may be reasonably considered the re
sult of vicious political institutions, and
consequent vicious administration. It
is also probable, that this state of things
will not be materially improved without
some important alterations in these po
litical institutions. Still it would bo
improper in considering their effect OTI
tbegcneral happiness to confine our at
tention exclusively to the present mo
ment—especially as this has been alrea
dy a subject of separate consideration.
1 shall now, without reference to present
circumstances, proceed to inquire whe-.
! tber the English are, as is supposed, the
freest, the happiest , and the most virtuous
people upon earth.
We have, to be sure, on all these
points, the direct and unequivocal tes
. tiinony of nearly all their writers, who
agree in this opinion, whatever their
differences may be in other respects, and
as most of our notions of foreign affairs
come to us through English channels,
the same idea is pretty general in this
country. It ought however to be observ
ed, that the opinion of men or bodies of
men respecting themselves is not ad
mitted as evidence either in law or com
mon sense. If it agrees with other in
formation, it is useless—if not, it is not
entitled to any weight. If we permit
-tins sort of self-evidence to be urged in
Tsivoiir of England, we must permit it
also to be brought forward in favour of
eve-ry other nation on the globe: for
though the English are somewhat remar
kable lor the extent to which they car
ry this natural prejudice, it is well known
that every other nation partakes of it in
a greater or less degree.
The naked Negro panting at the line,
Boasts of his golden sands and palmy
' wine—
Basks in the glare or stems the tepid
wave,
And thanks his Gods for all the good
they gave.
With what contempt the vain and good
humoured Frenchman regards the frowns
of foreigners that come to Ids capital to
catch his manners, learn his language,
and enjoy his luxuries. How inferior to
himself does the Italian consider the
barbarians beyond the Jllps.—U ow the
German exults to see the rest ot Europe
Haifa century behii d him in philosophy
and science—The Spaniard in the bo
som of superstition,ignorance and slave
ry, retains all the pride of that period
when he governed the world—-and the
representatives of the United .States had
nearly declared this country by a vote
the freest and most onlighted nation on
earth. The extent of this prejudice is by
nomoans in direct proportion to actual
superiority. The Turk has no better
term for the ingenious and enlightened
European, than Christian dog—-and Chi
na, that has stood for ages in the porch
of the temple of improvement without
having spirit enough to open the dom 1 ,
regards herself as the physical centre,
and the Sovereign of the Universe: while
the philosophers in every country, tho’
not insensible to the value of political
institutions, and the superiority of some
nations over others, place them all in
many important particulars,upona level.
When, therefore, the English assert
themselves to be the freest, the happiest,
and most virtuous nation upon earth, we
must look round forsomebetter evidence
than this assertion, before we receive
the opinion as indisputably correct.
1 . The freest nation isthe one thaten
joys at the least expense , the security of
personam! property, which constitute
the principal advantages of social union.
Freedom, therefore, includes two con
siderations—the degree in which the se
curity of person and property is enjoy
ed, and the expense at which the enjoy
ment is obtained. First then, in whai»
degree do the English enjoy this secu
rity of person and property. Property
in England is di\ ided under feudal prin
ciples, but the division, such as it is, is
secured by the law, and in contempla
tion of/the law the poorest man is equal
ly protected in his small possession, as
the richest landholder in his large do
main. Now as the whole mass of pro
perty belongs to the nation as a corpo
rate body, if any portion of it is appro-
J* ■•» .. •JJ X . -'C- fa .: I•<>"■» %, " :
priated in an arbitrary manner to one,
portion of the nation, this must be view
ed as a sacrifice made by the people at
large for the security of the rest. But
on feudal principles, this division was
no other than appropriating the whole
property to a few nobles and leaving no
thing to t\& body of the people. The
harshness of this division has been in a
considerable degree softened by the mi
tigations and alierations introduced in
to the feudal system by the progress of
improvement; but it still forms the radi
cal feature in the distribution of proper
ty. The case is not peculiar to England
hut is common to all countries where
property is divided on feudal principles,
and it is perfectly clear that in all such
countries, supposing the object of social
onion tube the secure enjoyment of life
and property, the people make the ab-y
surd and incredible sacrifice of giving up
, the thing itself to obtain the secure en
, joynieut of it, and as far as the feudal
principle enters into social institutions
in their more improved forms, so far they
are tainted with the same absurdity.-
Ihe law to be sure is said to secure the
poor as wel l as the rich in the enjoyment
ot their rights. The operation of it
however in practice has been well illus
, trated by a writer in the Edinburg Re
view, in the following way:—Suppose a
brood of twenty fowls in a barn yard to
whom a quantity of corn is given out,
and suppose that nineteen of the fowls
are employed laboriously and steadily
all the time in scraping together and set
ting apart for the use of the twentieth
fowl, (who all the time does nothing,)
ninety-nine out of a hundred parts of the
whole quantity, the remaining hundredth
being, divided among the nineteen la
bourers. Now the law which is said to
secure to the nineteen their single part,
as well as to one his ninety-nine parts,
is in fact the law that compels the nine
teen labourers to give to one idler ninety
nine parts in a hundred of the fruits of
their labour. That is, when applied to
England, to adhere to the principles of
distributing property actually in force.
And strange to say, the power that sanc
tions this law, is no other than the joint
force ol the twenty. Such is the sacri
fice made lor the security of property in
feudal countries and in England among;
the rest. 6
It would be hard enough if the mono
polizers who have succeeded in appro
priating ninety-nine parts in a hundred
of the fruits ofthe common labour, should
still grasp at the remaining hundredth;
and the encomiaists of British jurispru
dence make their boast that the owner of
the hundredth part is as safe in his pos
session as the owner ofthe ninety-nine.
Wbat is this but saying that the mono
polizer has sense enough not to disturb
an arrangement which secures to him
all the advantage, and to the restall the
labour? When feudal usurpations have
settled down into the form of established
political institutions as they have through
all Europe, the inferior ranks of society
are as firm in their places, theoretically,
at least as the superior. That they are
so is not so much advantageous to the
inferior as the superior, because an in
terruption ofthe regular course of events
would produce inquiry—develops the
vices ot the arrangement, and substitute
for it one more conformable to reason
and nature, lliat the humble are mate
rially better protected in their rights in
England, than in the other feudal coun
tries, I am not, however, quite satisfied.
If the forms of administering justice hold
out some appearance of advantage, as in
the Habeas Corpus Act, and the trial by
jury—they are probably more than coun
terbalanced by the great expense &delay
ia legal proceedings; and the criminal
code ofEngland is more bloody and bar
barous than any other in the world. To
refcur to my former illustration—one of
the nineteen labourers whose industi v
supplies the single idler with ninety
nine hundredths of the whole stock, in
an emergency of hunger pilfers a single
kerned from his superfluous heap. The
consequences is he loses his life. It is
clear that no natural and rational dis
tribution of property, would require to
be enforced by such sanguinary and ab
surd regulations. The Habeas Corpus
Jict has its value; but considering that
it is suspended whenever the ministry
pleases, which is of course the precise
and almost the only periods when the
people want it; and that its application
is waved in ordinary times, when it suits
the convenience of* the government, as
in all cases of impressed seamen—this
value cannot be rated very highly. There
is a difference between the Liberty of
the Press enjoyed in Great Britain and
in the rest of Europe; that in the latter
people are prevented from writing what
is called sedition , and in the former they
are punished for it; sedition being about
the same in both. Which of these cour
ses is the most humane and rational, 1
need not take upon me to determine.
Upon the whole I am inclined to think
that appassionato and philosophical ob
server would consider the people ofEn
gland as enjoying about the same share
of freedom as that of the other feudal
countries. In all of them the rights of
the people are by the theory of their in
stitutions completely sacrificed, and for
what advantages and security they prac
tically enjoy, they arc indebted to the
improved state of public opinion, which
protects them against the pretended pre
rogatives of their oppressors, and to
which their oppressors are compelled to
attend. The gtgte of public opinion is
about the same oh these subjets in En
gland as on the continent, and the pro
tection afforded by it ia about equal in
both—This discordance between esta
blished institutions and enlightened pub
lic sentiment would result in the imme
diate reformation of the former, were
not the personal interest of powerful bo
dies and individuals concerned in retain
ing old abuses. As it is, society is kept
in a continual ferment by the conflict
between opposing interests.—Europe is
arrayed into two parts, the adherents of
ancient forms with all their abuses, and
the friends of improvement in social in
stitutions, corresponding with the im
provement in political knowledge and
public sentiment. The knowledge of
this fact is the true key to the history of
the European world, including this coun
/ try, tor the last half-century—to its pre
sent political situation and its immed
iate and ultimate future prospects—lt
unlocks at the same time the mysteries
of the great party division that has dis
tracted our own country.—But into these
interesting and curious recesses I have
not time at present to penetrate further.
2. Are the English, as they pretend,
the most virtuous people upon earth?—
If they were this would be a strong tes
timony in favour ofthe character ol their
social institutions, considering how very
important these are in the formation of
character. It will be found however, I
believe by impartial inquirers and .obser
vers, that like other boasters they are in
general no better than the rest of the
world—They have readied about the
same point of improvement with the
oth ?r European nations. The divisions
of society are marked in about the same
way and preserve about the same dis
tinctive character. You will probably
find for instance that in England and
r ranee there is nearly an equal propor
tion of capitalists and labourers, and that
ejch class possesses in equal degrees the
vices and virtues incident to its educa
tionaml pursuits. That die labourers
England are more moral than the la
bourers in France, or the nobles in Lon
loti less vicious than those of Paris, it
would be found, I believe, verv difficult
to prove. With regard to the nobles
they have, as a body, no pretensions to
morality in either country—The peasan
try in both are subject alike to the ne
cessity ol labouring, the great source and
protection of virtue. There are even
one or two circumstances of considerable
force that may be urged in favour of the
probably superior morals of the French
peasantry; the influence of the catholic
priesthood—whose ceremonial is much
more strong and direct than the corres
ponding influence in the English church
—and the force of domestic attachment
is acknowledged to be much more re
markable among the French—both very
strong inducements to correct habits—
Much is said of the superior character
of a supposed middle class, existing in
England but not upon the Continent.—
But it we analyse it correctly we shall
find the nation extremely vague and at
bottom incorrect—This middle class
consists ofthe moderate and small capi
talists, the lower clergy, the lawyers and
physicians, the tradesmen and merch
ants. And has not France and the o
ther powers of the Continent the same
class composed of the same materials?—
and w hy in the name of common sense,
should the morality of an English lawyer
or a n English physician be superior to
that of a French one? it is really time
that we should begin to lay aside the
habit of viewing every thing English
through English eyes—and apply to that
nation, as to alt others, the general prin
ciples of accurate and impartial obser
vation. It we must have national pre
judices let them be in favour of our own
country.—There is at least as much
ground for them, and they have their
advantages and graces—But it is a kind
ot moral adultery to pour out upon a
distant and foreign land the fountain of
natural affection and "partiality that
ought to be reserved to refresh and fer
tilize our own.
Those who like the subject may expa
tiate in praise of the charitable, and pi
ous institutions of Great Britain. Poli
tical economists are, however agreed that
charitable institutions have a tendency
injurious, instead of beneficial to the 1
public good, and the ostentatious exhi- '
bition of benevolence on these occasions
is very slender proof of its existence in 1
the character of individuals.—Piety, un
derstood in an enlightened and liberal
sense, has no approving smile for the
fanatical and ill judged zeal of Mission
aries and distributors of the Bible with
orwitheut the English Liturgy; and com
mon sense hardly knows which to ad- i
mire most, the delusions they la- <
hour under, or the unexampled vigour 1
with which they follow them out into i
action. but that some good may *
possibly result from these extraordinary i
efforts, as from almost every operation
however equivocal or pernicious, but
their immediate effect is certainly mis
chievous to society and unfavourable to
the progress of truth, and it is not very
credible to the intelligence of our coun
trymen that they should have thought it -
expedient to adopt all these institutions; 1
and have given infinite credit for piety 1
and philanthrophy to individuals who
have no other view for the most part but 1
to prop up a rotten and tottering Ecclesi
astical establishment, with which their I
own interest is connected. It is not the '
least among the ill effects of this adoption
that it tends to keep up that sentiment
■
*A , eolonial servile dependence with
we are *pt W look towards 'Great
Bn tauvand which it is the principle «b
ject of sound American tolicy at ?,
present moment to discourage.
3. As to the question whether t L
Enghshare orare: not the happie stcf"?
tions, as they claim to be, it is not
cessary to enter into a very elaborat*
enquiry. We have seen already ,
their social institutions and politic f
advantages are upon a level with that
of their neighbours in the other f e , l( |„i
countries, and as far as happiness j 8
fluenced by these circumstances the’
have no right of course to claim any J
penority—They sometimes put forward*
a claim to an exclusive monopoly 0 fe 0 «
fort which they say no other nation on
the globe has a name for, or knows how
to enjoy.' This notion however, w h en
analy sed, is found to resolve itself into
polished grates and snuftcrs,and i n gen
eral a greater perfection in the small ac
commodations of domestic life. n ow
far these matters are essential to well be
ing, or how far a superiority in thowi may
be counterbalanced by the constitutional
disadvantage of a sombre and melancho
ly disposition I shall leave for others to
consider.
We have now taken a general survey
of the foreign and domestic administra
tion ot the British government, and this
sketch terminates the plan which I pro
posed for these letters. My object wag
to make a brief but distinct
the present distresses, to indicate the
more probable immediate causes of them
and to trace them in their ultimate ori’
gin, to the vices of the constitution and
the consequent mal-administration of the
government. I have not been moved in
this enquiry by any aversion to England
or to Englishmen, many of whom I per
sonally love and respect, but by a wish
to communicate what 1 conceive a cor
rect vie\v of the present situation of
things in that country, and also to illusl
trate by contrast |the superior advan
tages of our own political institutions.
And though I have taken the liberty to
point out the fundamental errors it* the
British constitution, I am not disposed
to say that any immediate amendment in
them is either practicable or convenient.
The dangers of hasty revolution may be
as great or greater than those of erro
neous systems. Thefproper conclusion
to be drawn from the inquiry is that we,
who pqssfess a constitution founded on
the basis of equal political rights should
regard it as an inestimable treasure and
instead of puzzling and distressing our
selves with doubts whether purely re
publican institutions are practicable, and
hankering as it were after exploded fol
lies of Europe—should feel and be sen
sible of the blessings we enjoy—— 1
Ofortumti nimium, sua si bona norint.
lhat it should still be a doubt among
the speculative philosophers of Europe
whether institutions of this character
will admit a favourable operation in
practice, is as I have already had occa
sion to suggest rather a singular fact
With a view of throwing some light up
on this subject I shall inquire in my next
letter, which will form the concluding
one of the series, into the present state
of political philosophy in Great Britain,
and into the circumstances that have
given the latest English writers a preju -
dice in favor of monarchical andaristo
cratical establishments.
NOTICE.
By order of the Hon. the Inferior Court
of Richmond county ,
I HEREBY call on the representatives
of those men, formerly residents of
this county, who sacrificed their lives in
defence ot the United States, in the late
war with Great Britain and the Indiaft
t ribes, to report me the number and cir
cumstanqes(of the families of the ileceas- 1
sed, that a return thereof may be made
to the next General Assembly of this I
State, according to a joint and concurred
resolution of the 2d day of December,
1816.
John H.Mann, c.i.c.k.c.
September 3. AM
NOTICE
A N ELECTION will beholden on the
-jlJml. third Tuesday, being the 21st of
October next, for Justices of the Inferior
Court of -Richmond county, at the cMrt
house in the city of Augusta.—By order
of the Hon. the Inferior Court.
John H. Mann, cVk.
September S. tde
- _
NOTICE.
AN ELECTION will be held at the _
court house in the city of Augusta,
on the first Monday, being the 6th day of
October next, for a Senator and two
Members to represent Richmond county
in the next general assembly of this state.
—By order of the Honourable the Infe
rior Court.
John K. Mann, ci'k.
September 3. tde
Administrator’s £ale.
AGREEABLE to an order of the
honorable the Court of Ordinary ot
Lincoln county, will be sold at Lincoln
court-house on the first Tuesday in Oc -
tober next, a tract of land containing
137 acres, on Soap creek, Lincoln coun
ty, belonging to the estate of Elijah
Athey, dec.—Sold for the benefit of the
heirs and creditors of said deceased.-*
Terms made known on the day.
Archibald Heggie, adra’r
September 6. t?d