Newspaper Page Text
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ALBANY, BAKER COUNTY, GEORGIA, OCTOBER 29,1843.
NO. 29.
THE ALBANY PATRIOT,
.. j ; j EVERT WEDNESDAY MORNING, BY
NELSON TIFT & SETH N. BOUGHTON,
Editors and Proprietors.
teITms.
-cotton ! Wlmt would her merchants be; us. Tlic emancipation of slavery in her with liim l nre.alsoiunde poor.
in the marts of '.lie world, without our col- j West India Islands, cerlninly followed up- ' " L ’
ton 1 Where would he her thousand ships, j on our enactment of higher duties, in many
which bear her dag to every seal and leases prohibitory, upon the importation of
where the steamers which plv, almost I her,manufactures, at the very lime when,
tores ana Europe, to! from the rapid increase in the production
weekly, Between our shores and Europe, to! from the rapid increase in the production
p,it!i\r» per annum, if paid in advance, or tell of the condition of the cotton market! of cotton, her market was becoming more
otlai* at the end of the year. in the two hemispheres? All this, anti and more necessary to us. This njanifes-
miioh more,arc lobe traced directly to the ‘ ? 1 ”
industry of the cotton planters,
TV. 4
T , _ r Dollar*
1 "\JnTti»inenU mit exceeding twelve lines, will
'"inserted at One Dollar for the first insertion, and
Viv cents for each continuance. Advertisements
.. ii'ins tlic number of insertions specified, will
’ liilwished until forbid.
' djcsofland and Negroes by Executors, Adrainis-
rr , nI1 ,| Gnard'ans, are reqnin d by law to lie
' i I rtist d in a public gazette, sixty days previous to
, Jj, of sale.
lie sale* of Personal Property roust bo advertised
p, r.iar.ra r forty days.
^ \oiire to IJelitors and Creditors of an estate must
vM.bHd.rd forty days.
\Mice that application will be made to the Court
• (Wiasrv for leave to sell Land and Negroes, must
j nitiished weekly for four months.
Monthly Advertisements, One Dollar per square
Ii insertion.
i All letters on business must be port paid.
OM MU N1 CATION.
And yet,
upon them has their own Uovcrnmcni cast,
not only the burthens nvccssaty to its own
support, hut has heaped exactions to en
rich those, who deriving prosperity through
their umc<|uiicd toil, would degrade them
to barbarism, andowho display tlicir r\vn
refinement and Christian virtues, by curs
ing nnd calumniating them.” '
These arc the important heads of the
discussion, hut in conducting it, a lesson is
read to the attentive hearer on the impor
tant subject of Free Trade, in contradis
tinction to the “American System,” as it is
called, or the Prohibitory Tariff properly,
which will leave the unprejudiced mind
nothing farther to look for ; or in his own
words,
■ “The doctrines of Free Trade may be
hom-siiv condemned bv sttcli ns do not ttn-
«SPEED THE PLOUGH;”
K j nj, showing the effects of Proteclire
I Pho'iihitory Duties, and the operation j dcrsland them—but no man, after "having
of the present Tariff. By a Georgia Plan
ter. Miens, 1815.
Messrs. Editors :—You published some
f incc, extracts front the letters of Gov-
,-nor Hammond, of South Carolina, on the
„|,jcrt of Slavery, where this domestic in-
; lu iion was so forcibly delineated, that
u could rend without being fully satisfied
ith the truth of the foundation upon which
rested. We propose, by the following
.rice and extracts, from a recent Essay by
Georgian, on the productions of slavery,
iperfoiin alike parti for “Speed the
Loff.il” is a pamphlet which has but to
Ic presented to the render to satisfy him cf
i- important facts which the author com.
nnicaies, and the high duties, which in
Federal point of view, these impc.sc upon
i. Cotton, and cotton's worth, is the sttb-
ct, but in treating it, he has like Govcrn-
ir Hammond, created, ns it were, a new
-liny for it; it is no longer, “ wltcro it
ii! grow, nnd Itow much can he produced
from it r but the question now is, where,
mil upon whom, lias the God of nature in-
nailed tiic culture of this invaluable plant
—a plant, which, in the language of our
author, “lias exercised so great nn agency
upon ilie welfare of our race, ns even to be
■.died the peace-maker of the age. In-
ilted it lias not only imposed a pacific poli
ty n|Hin the great military powers of the
aoil.l, but has become, like bread, a neccs-
-ity, supplying the means of daily sybsis-
ciioc to millions, who without it, would he
educed to a state of more utter destitution
iian that produced by rapine and by slaugh
ter.”
Filled with these convictions, we rise,
ircparcd to enter upon the second subject
he discusses, satisfied that our part os an
integral of the great “body industrial” of
'he litiitod States, entitles ns to due consid-
• ration, and that the rights that it involves
arc not only worthy of maintenance, but
should lie maintained at every cost.
It was to this portion of the work that
ivc wore at first niost attracted, for he has
certainly in the most graphic style depicted
'lie abject degradation to which a failure
; o perform this duty has reduced us ; but
although we give ti c following extract to
■ how this, wc, upon a second perusal give
'lie palm to the pedestal, upon which he
bos placed the “ Colton Planter” among the
great producers of the Earth : wc actually
feel that wc were working for a great na
tion—a nation destined not only to feed,
but to clothe the world—wc sec the ships
of “Hie iiiimi'nblc valley,” with their rich
. . , r — When he is purest sense, hod infused its equalizing;
r 1 . ■y orc n ‘ so munched.” jet loftv fellowship, into their hearts. To ;
Nor bus our author failed to draw the ... -
contrast of his bright picture of Free Trade,
and the cotton culture. ■ He has assumed
that 1 euplc, we their descendants, owe our
Independence, our Republicanism and our
lur extended lame. ”1 licsc are not to be
once acquired a full knowledge of them,
ran ever abandon them front conviction
that they are wrong. He may seek nnd
find a selfish gratification in connecting his
interests with the Proliibitoiy system, but
lie can never believe tlint the doctrines of
Free Trade are false or impracticable
But wc would draw the attention of the
reader (for wc trust that all who take your
paper Messrs. Editors, will call for the pub
lication of the pamphlet entire) to twoiin
portnnt evils which he attributes to the
Prohibitory system, and which should awa
ken the most serious apprehensions in us if
they lie tine. First, the iinbils of cur peo
ple, and next the dangerous collisions to
which it subjects us with for foreign na
tions. On the subject of our habits he de
scribes a combination of States, who hav
ing studied with care the history of Great
Britain in her restrictive policy, arc deter
mined to practice ihc same lessons here—
a nyslnn, which Ima itio- limtl-cnt-
ned labor of twenty-odd millions of Eng
lishmen, to keep tins wealth upon some
two hundred thousand ; or in other words,
which has made two hundred abject slaves
for every white freeman of that beautiful
Isle. But let us have his own forcible lan-
tatioti of a policy, whose two-fold object
was the cxci.L-ion of a vast amount of her
manufactures from our market, and the
supply of our manufacturers with cotton at
a very low price, could not have escaped
her observation. It was a vital aflair to
her. She possessed no territory on this
confluent suited to the culture of cotton.;—
The dense population of the East Indies
could supply cotton, but not at prices to
interfere with that produced by slave labor
here—nor of like quality. The ministerial
press of Great Briiain, lias declared that
she is opposed to slavery in this country,
chiefly because, whilst wc “preservb the
monopoly of rollon, wc bold the manufac
turers of Europe in cheek and dictate laws
to them and it is furl Iter alleged, that so
long ns wc “preserve the labor of the
blocks,” wc will pteserve the monopoly of
rollon—and that Government unsuccess
fully invoked the co-operation of oilier
European Powers to unite with her in put
ting down slavery here to destroy the pro
duction of cotton, that she might obtajn
that monopoly of cotton by its cullv.rc in
India, which wc now possess by its culture
in the United Slates. Sho could have but
one strong motive to a measure, which
would liuvc reduced the quantity and quali
ty ol cotton, even when that measure
would liuvc given her J lie monopoly of it.
Tlint motive was to obtain her supply of
the raw article in exchange for Iter manu
factures, which the policy'of our Govern
ment lias in a measure defeated here.—
That policy requires the cotton planter to
reject llie greater consumer of his cotton
for the lesser, and to reject the greater mar
ket for bis supplies of consumption for the
lesser—in the one case, compelling him to
sell less and at n lower price of what he
produces, and in the other, to buy less and
at a higher price of the articles of bis con
sumption.
“No one, who understands anything of
the history of Great Britain, can be sur
prised, that she slictild have contemplated
the destruction of slavery in the U. States,
ll»nf wnm np/N»«a«»y «» iw-jibI imin n«
the monopoly of cotton, and transfer it to
herself—and when our Northern brethren
were inviting her to aid them in wiping out
the crime of slavery from the very fair tunic
of the Anglo-Saxon name. Tlie Anglo-
Saxon ! A race of many vices and rare
viitucs, that has always known its own
with cotton at $12 per bale gross, cr $9. the self-denial—the fearless daring and the
nett to the planter, negroe’s lubor at $150 noble bearing of our ancestors. The prize
for male, nnd $120 for female—the land * ,,inl ,lns bccn hardly won, cannot be surclv
per acre at 50 cents, does justice to tlic i f ? eb,e ba “ ds - W ? owe to tl.'o
dark side J memory of our fathers, and to ourselves,
“Let it not be said, that ibis is an ex
aggerated picture. Jf the measures re
commended by the friends of the manufac
turers, be carried out, and if they can sus
tain their system in Congress and enforce
Hie operation of it, ns they claim that they
can, we cqnfidcnily believe lint the prices
of cotton, nnd consequently of land and
negrocR, will fall below onr estimate. Wc
certainly do not believe, that they van do
all this. TVe arc only pointing to the con
sequences, which must inevitably follow
the establishment and the enforcement of
their measures. Let it not be said, should
cotton full to three cents per pound, that
the slaves will be withdrawn fretn the cul
ture of cotton and applied to other occupa
tions. Wc affirm, that there are no occu
pations in which they can be employed so
profitably, as in cotton nt 8, or even 5 cts.
wages per day—wc do not speak of the
employment of a small portion, but of (lie
whole amount of slaves now engaged in
the cultivation of cotton, with tlicir in
crease. And when, from the great accu
mulation and consequent low price of cot
ton, its culture censes to be remunerating,
all slave labor, at least for some years,
must be turned from it. It cannot be ap
plied to the production of food, for more of
that is now annually produced in the U.
States, titan there is a demand for. The
same may be said of lobacco and lie.mp.—
Our slaves, then, wilt be employed in the
cultivation of cotton, so long as cotton ran
lie made at prices, which will, after paying
the necessary expenses cf that omploymeni,
leave any remuneration to the owner—
whether "that amount to 8 cents a day, or
only one cent. If the laws did not, our
own security requires, that wc shall main
tain our slaves in subjection as long as they
arc here—and we can do that, only whilst
wc give them employment.
gunge:
“ It is a remarkable fact, that many of
the present eminent champions of the Pro
hibitory system in this country, have been
the equally eminent advocates of Free
Trade. It is likewise true, that Massa
chusetts and some other States, which are
now the advocates of that system, were
formerly the sttenuous supporters of Free
Trade. It is believed, that in all such in
stances, change of policy may be traced to
change of pursuit. It was not until Bos
ton had signally failed in her rivnlsbip with
New York, as a commercial city, that her
capitalists licrniue first manufacturers, and
then the advocates of Prohibitory system.
With this change in-thc policy and princi
ples of the Boston merchants, we find a
corresponding change in her chief political
men anti literary 'organs.* The North
American Review, for so many years the
uble champion of Free Trade in New Eng
land, following the example of New Eng
land’s gifted son, squares itself with the
doctrines of the Prohibitory system, which
it alleged had been forced" upon the coun
try by the Policy of the Government, and
which it is now alleged is the settled nnd
established system of the Union.
“ Is it not a fearful thing to sec men, nay
communities and sovereign States even,
abandon, not merely long cherished nnd
valued opinions and"principles, but change
tlicir views and construction of the Powers
of the Government, to aid them in their sel
fish schemes? If our constitution is to be
interpreted for the benefit of every new cn-
icrpnzc that is to lie sprung upon the
“The Prohibitory system, then, imposes
a policy and incuTcnTcs measures, which,
if successfully carried into operation, des
troy the profit's of stave labor—render the
slaves burlhcnsome to tlicir owners, and
sooner or later, will involve the whole rot-
ton region of the United States in a com
mon ruin, alike fatal to the prosperity, Imp-
rights mid the weak' points in others, I" and peace of the freemen and the
whom it wished to subdue or plunder. In , . ... . , . . , ,
this joint attack upon our dearest interests, I And what . will lie a. itcd l> lio.e li
where Philanthropy for the black, extin- j j»»vc not studied the Phohibitorv system,
gitisitcd all sympathy for the white race,; is Ihc character of (his Tariff? what is the
there is nothing to excuse or extenuate ; premium allowed the manufacturer? This
still it should lie boruc in uund, that the i OI|r pamphleteer answers nioit salisfnctori-
movement on the part of the British Gov-:, l, J „„„ n,
eminent, was subsequent to the enactment | '/• Ic 6,a ' cs ' hat ** cl . 9 ' ^ ll \ 13 P" ,d
of our Tariff law of 1842, which was a Tor (lie delivery of cotton in Manchester,
virtual rejection by our Government of her more thnn it costs to deliver it in Lowell,
overtures, for a free interchange of com
modities, made precedently through her
Tariff law at a very moderate rate of du
ties.”
lie l rents a Iso oft lie injury to commerce:
, - , , i iiiiton or it iuiuiu avarice, in what consists
*lte bosom of the great deep, those laden j hg |loaslcd advantages of bcin
with the equally rich treasures of our col-
ton fields—the West and the South—the
great agricultural sections of the Union, a-
cltieving alike their high and important du-
tics to the Confederacy, But to our ex
tract, blighting this fair picture by the pre
sent state of the case... Our author has
been dwelling upon the blessings confered
by the cotton plant.
This gives the Lowell factorcr, when cot
ton is nt 12 cents per pound, nnd advan
tage of I2J percent, over him of Manches
ter. When cotton in Savaunah or Charles
ton is 6 cents per pound, his advantage will
“ Iu the three years of Free Trade, cn- 03 . )Cr ccn i nn d when 4 cent, 37i per
B«, with this natural difference our
which preceded the War cf 1812, tlic value manufacturers arc not satisfied, and by the
of the exports of the United States, actual- Turiff, hare actually protected themselves
lv exceeded the value of those of the last by the prohibition of foreign cotton fabrics,
three years. Tbc Extioiis of 18;>5, C & 7, nl (e , 0 jg.j „ cr ccu i. more. Or,
amounted to S3 5,440,134, making an av-1
erage of $14,815,378 each year. The as our wriler statcs it.—
Exports ol 1842, 3 4- 4, amounted to only “ The Prohibitory system, furnishes to
$3 1,161x292, making an average of $lti<>,- the American manufacturers, first a monop-
588,7G4 cadi year, llelwecn ihc first and dy of ihc eolton ^oods which they inukc
second periodsour population lias been more
thnn trebled and onr capital more than dou
bled, and yet there has been an actual de
cline in the annual value of our exports.—
Wc arc uware that in the wars of 1805, 6
& 7, the wars in Europe gave an unusual
value to some of our products, and supplied
our ships with u profitable carrying trade ;
making full allowances for these, it may
yet be saf-ly affirmed, that with the same
extent of Free Trade enjoyed under Mr.
Jefferson, the extension of our Commerce,
ling a written,! nnd the value of our ex|>orts, would have
and consequently, n'seitlcd and established j been greatly above what they now ore, in-
representalive of the People’s will ? and in I stead of being actually less than they were
38 to 44 years ago.
“ If we now exported 244 millions worth
of produce, instead of 140 millions ns in
I8U5, 6 & 7, (and this would certainly not
be a wild calculation under a system of
wltnl wav arc the rights and liberties of
that People secured 1”
His argument on the dangerous conse
quences of this uncertainty in our const it u-
n e fnrniim t>c a wiki calculation itnocr a system 01
tional formation, in the mind of foreign Tradc) con onc ghMt , 0
pow'ers, is equally strong. . (he great prosperity which we should enjoy,
“The restrictions which we impose on especially when contrasted with our pres-
» v . our commerce with other countries, is hos- cnl condition? It would in effect amount
“ Whilst cotton has been cxcrcts ng such ; (i , e to lheir> a8 we j| „„ to OU r prosperity— 1 ,his. The Planters and Farmers Would
"n immense power for good ^ and we thereby lay ourselves open to lhcir rcccivc , wicc ,h c amount for the produce
[on* 1. has raised up the United Mates to h<yM - lle d re ,a| m tory measures It w 0 f,hc soil which they now obtain; and
be class of a first rale power in the “ re *; hifghlv probable that the hostility which glIch prices would not be equal to what in
half century of its culture among us—when , bc British Government has manifested to past dines they have been in the habit of
great mission, so to speak, has but com- g j averv in ,h e United St ties, may be traced d cceivin _ und ' r less oppressive tariffs, than
menccd. Cotton is as fruitful a souree of , (he"restrictions which our own Govern- fhe p^nr..
wealth and prosperity to the United States
and to the civilized world, ns are the min
eral treasures of Great Britain to her.—
"bat would hethc station and position of
the United Slates in I be Courts of Europe,
without the coidmand of her great staple
menl has imposed on her commerce with
• We are happy to except Mr. Brownson, the for
mer Editor of the North. American, from tbia aweep.
ing denunciation. HU Review U now the standard
“ We say planters and fanners, because
it is well known that the price of cotton
regulates tbc price of corn* wheat, live
stock, Ac. Whenever the c>tton planter
is poor, all the farming interest who deal
in the home market at the expense of tlic
homo consumer (by a Tariff' of from 34 to
164 percent.] ami gives (hem—by way of
out-lit—a protection in the markets of the
world of 24 to 3U per cent, at tlic expense
of the cotton planters.”
“ And yet wc are in the habit” adds he
in conclusion,
“ Of calling ourselves the most iree and
enlightened People on earth—and, yet, wc
have permitted to be painted upon us, by
Northern rapacity ana manufacturing cu
pidity, a system of fraud and injustice, un
known to the Savage and Barbarian na
tions of the world. One of three princi
ples, independently, or more or less, in
combination, governs every people—Force,
Fraud or Republican intelligence. The
morning of the world ushered in the first—
the second sprung up in the midst of a
crowded, sensual, ana, to some extent, re
fined people—the hist came an emblem
and nn emanation of our Holy Religion,
“ with healing on its wings,” to wine out
the injustice nnd oppressions which 1 the
great masses had so long suffered, hope
lessly, under the two first. It raised its
banner on a new Continent, unpolluted bv
the corruptions and crimes of tne old. It
selected a new people who, nurtured in ad
versity, the parent of virtue, and inured to
labor, were content with the adequate re
ward of their simple toil. They, had prov-
and, yet mere, to those who arc to follow
us, to maintain in its purity, that peerless
system of scll-govcrnmenl, which has been
entrusted to us. We shall fail in this, on-
S , when wc have failed in our nearest and
wrest duties to ouiselvcs—such failure,
will piTclattn, nt the same time, our dc-
f eneracy, and the permanent triumph of
'mud over Republican intelligence.
From Force we have nothing to fear, for
that conies in all its array of power, herald
ing its mission. From Fraud we have
every thing to apprehend. That bos nl-
rendy seized upon our Government. Willi
profuse professions of Patrktism on its lips,
11 prutes of Justice, whilst it robs nnd plua>-
ders the great masses, whilst descantingon
the public good. Ii preaches the abolition
of slavery, to divert the attention of tli«
planter from the loss of his profits, on slave,
labor, to the loss of the slave. Proclaim
ing its own honesty from the bouse tops, it
organizes associations, ami supplies funds
to steal our property. -Founding Bibln
Societies, and sending missionaries to
preach the Gospel in the most distant re
gions, it refuses fellowship with us, be
cause of that slavery, which tbc Bible jus
tifies and the Gospel fully sanctions.
ribould it be said llntl wc have used
strong language, wTS reply that the occa
sion has appeared to us to demand it. Our .
opponents have mystified the subject, which
we have endeavored to discuss, nnd have
misled many honest and unsuspecting inch
—and we have exposed tlicir fallacies as
l est wc cotfld. We would uphold our in
stitutions by indicating tlicir violation, and
cot reeling those abuses which endanger
their existence. Iftbesolcmntruthswliicl.
wc .have tittered be offensive, the fault is
not ours. If error may be left to the cor
rections of reason, w ljo will dare infringe,
cn the free expression of trull), however
un pain table, to those who would veil jt in
falsehood? We ntn not. lhn..«e!iUh advo
cates of one system of monopoly a gams f.
another—each claiming the exclusive frui
tion of the hard earnings of (he grcnt'mas-
scs. Wc seek not, by perverting our glori
ous system of Government, to strengthen
tlic strong and render more feeble the weak.
We willnot impair the force of the Union,
by heaping up the benefits on one portion
of it, and the burthens on another. But
we do ehtiin to be restored to our with
drawn and violated rights. Wc do claim
a community of jirivilcgc and nn equality
of condition." Wc do claim the Constitu
tion a. living instrument, as our fathers
made it, and as W’ashington nnd Jefferson
administered it—for the common use. of
nil—for Southern and Northern, for East
ern and Western interests—for Democrats
nnd Whigs—in short, for all Americans,
whether horn on our soil, or naltlraliscd
under our Laws.”
We Imvc ended our task, nnd yet we.
have done nothing if wc have not succeed
ed in inducing the general perusal of this
|>amphlci. It should be published entire,
we repeat, in the columns of all of our
newspapers.
But there arc those who, from an aver
sion to contention, or from a spirit of u laisse:
fairs,” as the French term it, cry out, “ It
is impossible for Force or Fraud to make,
head against Republican Intelligence—all
will be right—let us be patient.” To these,
wc answer, change belongs to every thing,
and particularly to the vurious formations
of society. ' Monarchy will break into aris
tocratic masses—these again into freer in
stitutions ; and 1K0 last will in turn form
themselves bock into masses,and in lime, in
to tlicir original monarchical wholes. Now*
it is the duty of each sovereign, for the time
being to maintain its rights, and particular
ly the sovereign people of America, now-
that they have the reigns so firmly in their
hands. “Fraud entrap Republican intelli
gence?” Why, to shew this is the very
object of the paruphlct before us. It as
sumes that as freemen, we have the right
to sell our productions to the best advan
tage, and to purchase tbo superfluities of
others on tbc same terms, and that any ob
stacle to such interchange ie restrictive of
these rights, and subversive of our personal
equality. Viewed in its simple character,
and visiting each individual of a communi
ty directly, its enormity would be instantly
discovered, and its inconveniences as soon
disposed of; but when the evil takes tho
shape of national claims, and purports to
be for notional purposes, the honest citizen
credulously believes, and as cheerfully sub.
nuts consoling himself with patriotism and
ed themselves, in all that constitutes great. rirt . nAlrnm
ness, superior to the finest models of the fh® P”®' republican pre-emnenco.
ancient Republics—for Christianity, in its; Our author asserts that Could this t
