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what’ DCU. tice.^dbaiThave reached a Mriod whra“tho nation- tions with all civiUzed nation* are of the moat satis- if there principles, range from one per cent, to more to bankruptcy, and the public credit rorioualy £
comet the duty of CongT®*l to . . « *•_ . _t _* rl £_ l «!>«** •«*•#> Imrutnu) nor ennt TImiv am itmkSkitArv miwmI )■<><•■ nut rtf tlutip tmulilitv <w tn>l!an—
nothing be doneito violate the stipulations of the con- nont, to which it U confidently affirmed,
vention of 1837, which is still in force. The faith I the United States is the best now in existence.—
of treaties, intheir letter and spirit, has ever been, j For the grounds on which that title rests, I refer
end, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously observed by I you to the correspondence of the late and present
the United States. Under that convention, a year’s Secetary of State with the British plenipotentiary
n^j fo u required to be given by either party to the I during the negotiation. The British proposition of
other, before the joint occupancy shall terminate, | compromise, Of detached territory to tlio United
and before either can rightfully assert or exercise
exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the terri
tory. Thu notice it would, in my judgement, be
proper to give; and I recommend that provision be
made by law forgiving it accordingly, and termina
ting, in this manner, the convention of the sixth of
August, 1837.
It will become proper for Congress to determine
what legislation they can, in the mean time, adopt
without violating this convention. Beyond all ques
tion, the protection of our laws and our jurisdiction,
civil and criminal,ought to be immediately extend
ed over our citizens in Oregon. They have had
just cause to complain of our long neglect in this
particular, and have, in consequence, been com
pelled, for their own sceusity and protection, to es
tablish a provisional government for themselves.—
Strong in their allogiaure and ardent in their at
tachment to tho United States, they have been thus
cast upon their own resources. They arc anxious
that oar laws should be extended over them, and I
recommend tliat this bo done by Congress with as
little delay as possible, in tho full extent to which
the British Parliament have proceeded in regard to
British subjects in that territory, by their act of July
the second, 1821, “for regulating tfio lur-trado, and
estahlishinga criminal and civil jurisdiction within
certain parts of North America.” By this act Great
Britain extended her laws and jurisdiction, civil ami
criminal, over liar subjects, engaged in the fur-trade
in that territory. By it, the courts of the province
of Upper Canada were empowered to take cogni
zance of causes civil and criminal. Juctiocs oftbe
peace and other jndicial officers were authorized to
be appointed in Oregon, with power fo execute all
process issuing from the courts of that province, and
to “sit and hold courts of record tor the trial of crim
inal offences and misdemeanors,” not made the sub
ject of capital punishment, and also of civil eases,
whero the cause of action did not “ exceed in value
the amount or sum cf two hundred pound-.”
Subsequent to the date of this act of Parliament, a
grant was made from the “Briti-h crown” to the
Hudson's Bay Company, of the exclusive trade with
the Indian tribes in the Oregon territory, subject to
ii reservation that it shall not operate to the exclusion
"of the subjects of any foreign States who, unJcr
or by force of any convention for tho time being, de-
tween us and such foreign States respectively, may
be entitled to, nnd shall be engaged in, tiie trade.”
It is much to ha regretted, that, while under this
act British subjects have enjoyed the protection of
British laws and British judicial tribunals through
out the whole of Oregon, American citizens, in the
same territory, liavc enjoyed no such protection from
their government. At the same time, the results
illustrates the character of our peopie and their in
stitutions. In spite of this neglect, they have made
no appeal to arms, hut have peacefully fortified
themselves in their new liames, by the adoption of
republican institutions for themselves; fumisiiing
another exinplc of tho truth that self-government is
inherent in tho American breast, and must prevail.
It is due to them that they should he embraced and
protected by onrlaws.
It is deemed important that onr laws regulating
trade nnd intercourse with the Indian tribes castol
the Rocky mouutainr, should bo extended to such
tribes as dwell beyond them.
The increasing emigration to Oregon, and the
care and protection whicli is duo from the govern
ment to its citizens in that distant region, make it
our duty, as it is onr interest, to cultivate amicable
relations with the ludian tribes of that territory—
For this purpose, I recommend that provision be
made for establishing an Indian agency, and snch
sub-agencies as may bo deemed necessary, beyond
the Rocky mountains.
For the protection of emigrants whilst on lliclr
way to Oregon, against tho attacks of the Indian
tribes occupying the country through which they
pass, I recommend that a suitable number of stock
ades and block-house forts lie erected along llie usu
al route between our frontier sctttlenicnts on the
Missouri and the Rocky mountains; and that an
adequate force of mounted riflemen bo raised to
gnard and protect them on their journey. The im
mediate adnptiop of these recommendations by
Congress will not violate tho provisions of tlio ex
isting treaty. It will be doing nothing more for
American citizens than British laws have long
since dona for British subjects in tlio same torrito-
for the same year were,
From Customs,
From Land Sales,
From Miscellaneous sources,
827,528,113
3,077,023,
163,998
It requires several months to perform the voyage
by sea from the Atlantic Slates to Oregon; and
although we have a large number of whalo ships in
tlio Pacific, but few' of them afford an opportunity of
interchanging intelligence, witliout great delay, be
tween our settlements in that distant region and
the United States. An overland mail is believed to
lie entirely practicable; and the importance of es
tablishing such a mail, at least once a month; is
submitted (o tho favorablo consideration of Con
gress.
It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to do-
terraine whether, at their present session, and
Suites, north of that river, and would loave on the
British side two-thirds of the whole Oregon territory
including the free navigation of tho Columbia and
all tho valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never
for a moment, be entertained by tho United States,
without an abandonment of their just and clear ter
ritorial rights, their own self-respect, and the na
tional honor. For the information of Congress, I
communicate herewith the correspondence which
took place between the two governments daring tho
late negotiation.
The rapid extension of our settlements over our
territories heretofore unoccupied. the addition of
new States to our confederacy; the expansion of
free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation,
are attracting the attention of the Powers of Europe;
and lately the doctrine has been broached in some
of them, of a “balance of power” on this continent,
to cheek, our advancement The United States,
sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good
understanding with all nation?, cannot in silence
permit any European interference on tho North
American continent; and should any such inter
ference be attempted, will ho ready to resist it at any
and all hazards.
It is well known to the American people and to
all nation?, tliat this government has never inter
fered with the relations subsisting between other
governments. We have never mado ourselves par
ties to their wars or their alliances; wo have not
sought their territories by conquest, wo have not
mingled with parties in their domestic struggles;
and believing our ow n form of government to lie the
best, »;e have never attempted to propagate it by
intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may
claim on this continent a like exemption from Euro
pean interference. The nations of America arc
equally sovereign and independent with those ol'
E urojia. They possess the same rights, independent
of all foreign interposition, to makoswar, to conclude
peace, and to legulato their internal affairs. The
people of the United States cannot, therefore, view
with indifference attempts of European powers to
interfere with the independent action of the nations
on this continent The American system of govern
ment is entirely different from that of Europe.—
Jealousy among tiie different sovereigns of Europe,
lest any one of them might become too powerful for
the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the
establishment of wiiat they term the “ balance of
pmver.” It cannot be permitted to liave any appli
cation on the North American continent and cs-
|ieeially to the United States. Wo must ever main
tain the principle, that tiie people of this continent
alone have tiie right to decide their own destiny,
Should any portion of them, constituting an indepen
dent state, propose to unite themselves with our
confederacy, this will be a question for them and us
to determine, witliout any foreign, interposition.—
Wc can never consent that European Powers shall
interfere to prevent sucii a union, because it might
disturb the “balance of Power” which they may
desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a
quarter of a centuary ago, the principle was dis
tinctly announced to tnc world in the annual mes-
;e of one of my predecessors, tliat “the Ameri
can continents, by the free and independent condi
tion which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to lie considered as subjects for fu
ture colonization by any European Power.” This
principle will apply with greatly increased force,
should any European power attempt to establish any
new coluny in North America. In tlio existing cir
cumstances of tho world, tlio present is deemed a
proper occasioifto reiterate and reaffirm tho princi
ple avowed by Mr. Monroe, to state my cordial con
currence in its wisdom and sound policy. The re-
assertion of this principle, especially in reference
to North America, is at this day bnt the promulga
tion of a policy which no European power should
cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of
every European nation sltould ho respected; but it
is due alike to onr safety and our interests, that the
efficient protection of our laws should bo extended
over our whole territorial limits, and that it should
bo distinctly announced to tlio world as our settled
policy, that no future European colony or dominion
shall, with our consent, bo planted or established on
any part of the North American continent.
Legislation is recommended for the following
purposes, connected with onr foreign relations
To give effect to the tenth article of tho subsist
ing treaty between the United States and Prussia,
exempts the rich from paying their jnst proportion! much greater, and might have resulted in extreme
of the taxation required tor tho support of govern- ! public calamity. Tim public money should Dole
ment. While it protects the capital of the wealthy mingled with the private funds of bants or imli
manufacturer, and increases his profits, it does not j viduals, or he used for private purposes. When it
benefit the operatives or laborers in bis employ- j is placed in banks Cor safe keeping, it is in effect
#29 769133 mont > who * e w “ 8 ** hav0 not ***“ i ? cre “ ed b 7 '*• *°« Ded to them without interest, and is loaned l v
La’ Articles of prime necessity or of coaree quality aiyl them upon interest to the borrowers from them—
The expenditures for the same period were, 8*9,- ; ow price, used by the masses of the people, are, in j The.public money is converted into banking capital
968,206, of which 88,588,157, were applied to tiie many instances, subjected by it to heavy taxei% and is used and loaned out for the private profit of
public debt. The balance in tie Treasury on the while articles of finer quality and higher price, or of; bank stockholders; and when called for, (as was
1st of July last, was *7,658,36«. ’ “ n be used * the opulent, are
_ ... , . .. lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust bur-
The amount of pubhedebt remaining unpaid, on the tanner, teT planter, the commercial
the 1st of October last, was $17,075,445. The and those of. all other pursuits except tho
hope is cherished that the country will soon recover capitalist who has made bis investments in manu-
from the blighting influence of a public debt. facturcs. All the great interests of the countiy are
“The attention of Congress is invited to tho impur- n0 *> nearly as may be practicable, equally pro-
tance of making suitable modifications and redue- by it. i
tions of the rates of duty imposed by our present Tlio government in theory knows no distinction
tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on iui- °* persons or classes, and should not bestow npon
ports siiould be to raise revenue to pay the nccessa- ®° ,ne '® Tors **" privileges which all others may
ry expenses of government. Congress may, un- not enjoy. It was tlio purpose of its illustrious
doubtcdly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, dis- founders to base the institutions which tliey^ reared
lev iuuuvj ivi auv oujiyw.. w. ~
It becomes important to uuderstuud distinctly lor themselves a defence in the hearts of tlio
what is meant by a revenue standard, the maximum peep' 0 * more powerful than standing armies, and ail
of which should not be exceeded in the rates of duty the means and appliances invented to sustain gov-
■ • ■ ■ ' ernments founded in injustice and oppression.
tlio case in 1837,) it may be in the' pockets of the
borrowers from tiie banks, instead ef being in the
public treasury contemplated by the constitution
The framers of the constitution could never have
intended that the money paid into the treasury shonU
be thus converted to private use, and placed beyond
the control of the government.
Banks which hold the public money are oflca
tempted, by a desire of gain, to extend their loam,
increase their circulation, and tiros stimulate, if not
produce a spirit of speculation and extravagance,
which sooner or later must result in rain to thou
sands. If tiie public money be not permitted to he
ate in arranging the rates of duly on Jiff-rent u l lon 11,0 g 1 ®* 1 “nd unchanging principles of justice ; thus used, but be kept in the treasury and paid out
s; hut tiie discriminatiqns should bo within -“a! equity, conscious that if administered in the rpir- to tho public creditors in gold and silver, the temp.
imposed. It is conceded, and experience proves,
that dutieh may be laid so high as to diminish, or
prohibit altogether, the importation of any givon
article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue
which, at lower rate;,' would he derived from its
importation. Snch duties exceed the revenue rates,
and are not impose;] to raise money for the support
of government, lLCongiess levy a duty, for reven
ue, of one per cent, on a given article, it will pro
duce a given amount of money to the treasury, and
will incidentally and necessarily afford protection,
or advantage, to the amount of one per cent, to tiie
home manufacturer of a similar or like article over
tiie importer. If the duty be raised to ten per cent,
it will producQ a greater amount of money, and af
ford greater protection. If it be still raised to twen
ty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent., and if, as it is
raised, the revenue derived from it is found to be
increased, the protection or advantage will also bo
increased; but if it be raised to thirty-one per cent.,
and it is found that the revenue produced at that
rate is less than at thirty per cent., it ceases to be a
revenue duty. The precise point in the ascending
scale of duties at which it is ascertained from ex
perience that the revenue' is greatest, is tiie maxi
mum rate of duty which can be laid for tho bona
fnlc purpose of collecting money for tho support of
government. To raise tiie duties higher than that
point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is
to lory them lor protection merely, and not for reven
ue. As long, then, as Congress may gradually in
crease tiie rate of duty on a given article, ami tiie
revenue is increased by sucii increase of duty, they
are within the revense standard. When they go
beyond that point, and, as they increase the duties,
tlio revenue is diminished or destroyed, tlio act
ceases to have for its (bject tiie raising of money to
support government, but is for protection merely.
It does not follow tlat Congress should levy the
highest duty on all arkelcs of import which they will
bear within the revenue standard; for such rates
would probably produce a much larger amount than
the economical administration of the government
would require. Nor Joes it follow that the duties
on ail articles should te at the same, or a horizontal
rate. Some articles will bear a much higher reven
ue duty than others. Below the maximum of tiie
revenue standard Congress may and ought to dis
criminate in the rates imposed, taking care so to ad
just them on different articles as to produce in the
aggregate the amount which, when added to the
proceeds of sales of public lands, may bo needed to
pay the economical expenses of tho government
In levying a tariff of duties, Congress exercise
tiie taxing power, and for purposes of revenue may
select tiie objects of taxation. They may exempt
certain articles altogether, and permit their importa
tion free of duty. On others they may impose low
duties. In these classes should be embraced such
articles of necessity as are in general use, and
pecially snch as are consumed by the laborer and
criminate i
articles; hut tiie discriminations should bo within “ u , a equity, conscious that if ailministered in the spir- to tho public creditors in gold and silver, the temp,
tho revenue standard, and be made with the view to I wb ' eb they were conceived, they would be felt ation afforded hy itsdeposite with banka to an Aldus
raise money for the support of government. I only by the benefits which they diffused, and would expansion of their business would bo r.by^i
e L * 1 ' ' 'while the" amount of the constitutional currency
left in circulation would be enlarged, by itsem.
ploy ment in the public collections and disbursement*,
and tiie banks tliemselves would, in consequence
be found in a safer and sounder condition.
At present, State banks are employed as deposi
tories, but witliout adequate regulation of laiv,
wereby tiie public money can be secured against
the casualties and excesses, revulsions, suspensions,
and defalcations, to which, from overissue, oveitrad-
ing an inordinate desire for gain, or other cause;,
they are constantly exposed. The Secretary of the
Treasury has in all cases, when it was practicable,
taken collateral security for tho amount which they
hold, by tho pledge of stocks of the United States,
or such of the States as were in good credit Some
of the deposite banks have given this (Inscription of
security, and others have declined to do so.
Entertaining the opinion that “the seperatiooof
the money of the government from banking institu
tions is indispensablo for the safety of the govern
ment and the rights of the people,” I recommend In
Congress that provision be made by law for such
[••operation, and that a constitutional treuurabo
created for tiie safe-keeping of the public money.—
The constitutional treasury recommended istlesign-
ed as a secure depository for the public money, with
out any power to make loans or discounts, or to u-
sue any paper whatever as acurrency or circulation.
I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contem
plated hy tho constitution, should be independent of
all banking corporations. Tho money of tho peo-
plo should bo kept in tho treasury of tho people cre
ated by law, and be in the custody of agents of tho
people chosen by themselves, according to the forms
of the constitution; agents who are directly respon
sible to the government, who are under adequate
bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe pun
ishment for any embezzlement, private use, or mis
application of the public funds, and for any failure in
other respects to perform their duties. To say that
the people or their government are incompetent,or not
to be trusted with the custody oftheir own money, in
their own treasury, provided by themselves, bnt
must rely on the presidents, cashiers, and stockhol
ders of hulking corporations, not appointed by them
nor responsidie to them, would be to concede that
they are incompetent for self-government.
In recommending the establishment of a consti
tutional treasury, in which the public money shall
be kept, I desire that adequate provision be nude
by law for its safety, and that all executive discre
tion or control over it shall be removed, except such
as may be necessary in directing its disbursement
in perauunco of appropriations made by law."
Two hundred and sixty-eight millions acres of
land which have been in the market from five to
twenty years, remain unsold. It is recommended
that tho price be graduated, and the policy of grant
ing pre-emption rights to settlers, continued.
It is recommended that thq present system of
managing tho mineral lands of the United State;
be changed so as to bring them into market at sorb
price, aa Congress may fix, reserving a certain per
centage upon the gross mineral product.
The officers who were intrusted with the concen
tration of our forces m the Gulf of Mexico and on
tho frontier of Texas, to prevent the threatened ag
gression of Mexico, are spoken of in terms of com-
During the last summer, the 1st regiment of dra
goons made extensive excursions through the In
dian country on our border, with a view of restrain
ing them from hostilities among themselves, tnd
maintaining friendly relation* with the U. States-
Capt Fremont is now on his third exploring ex
pedition, west of the Mississippi and beyond the
Rocky Mountains.
Our relations with the Indian tribes are of t
favorable character.
The well kO'iivu met li-at tee tarut act of 1842
was | a-.-od by a majority of one vote in the Senate
and two in the House of Representatives, and tliat
some of those who felt tliemselves constrained, under
the peculiar circumstances existing at the time, to
vote in its tavor, proclaimed its defects, and xepress-
ed their determination to aid in its modification on
tie first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive
evidence that it was not intended to be permanent,
and of the expediency and necessity of its thorough
revision.-
In recommending to Congress a reduction of tiie
present rates of duty and a revision and modification
of the act of 1.842,1 am far from entertaining opin
ions unfriendly to the manulactnrcrs. On tiie con
trary, I desire to see them prosperous, as far as they
an bo so, without imposing unequal burdens on oth
er interests. The advantage under any system of
indirect taxati n,eren within the revenue standard,
must be in favor of the manufacturing interest; and
of this no other interest will complain.
I rccommoud to Congress the abolition of the min
imum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and false val-
t-s, and ofspecific duties, and tire substitution in their
, lace of ad valorem duties, us the fairest and most
equitable indirect tux which can be imposed. By the
ad valorem principle, all articles are taxed according
to their cost or value, and those which are of inferi
or quality, or of small cost, bear only the just propor-
' ion o; the tax with those which are cf superior qual
ity or greater cost. Tiie articles consumed by al.
are taxed at the same rate. A system of cd valorem
revenue duties, with proper discriminations and pro
per guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not
<!o dited, will aff.rj ample incidental advantages to
the manufacturers, and enable them to derive aa r r.r.t
p.-uills as can he derived from any other regular bu
siness. It is believed that such a system, strict-
ly within the revenue standard, will place the
mai.u a luring interests on a stable footing, and in-
ire to their permanent advantage; while it will, as
nearly as may be practicable, extend to all tiie great
interests of tho country the incidental protection
which can be afforded by o»r revenue laws. Such
a system, when once firmly established, would be
permanent, and not be subject to the constant com
plaint*, agitations, and changes which must ever oc
cur, when duties arc not laid fir revenue, but for the
“protection merely” of a favored interest.
In tiie deliberations of Congress on this subject, it
is hoped that a spirit of mutual concession and com
promise between conflicting interests may prevail,
and that tiie result of their labors may be crowned
with the happiest consequences.
By the constitution of the United States it is
provided, that “no money shall be drawn from the
treasury but in consequence of apropriations made
the poor, as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care
should be taken that all the great interests of the by law.” A public treasury wss undoubtedly con-
country, including manufactures, agriculture, com- tcmplated and intended to be created, in which the
merce, navigation, and the mechanic arts, should, as public money should be kept from the period of col-
far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages lection until needed for public uses. In the collec-
from the incidental ;irotection which a jnst system tion and disbursement of the public money no agen-
of revenue duties may afford. Taxation, direct or cies have ever been employed by law, except such
indirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed ns as were appointed by tho government directly re-
which provides tliat the Consuls of the two coun- to operate as equally as may be, on all classes, in sponsible to it, and under its control. The safo
tries have the right to sit aa Judges and arbitrators the proportion of their ability to bear it To moke keeping of the public money should be confided toa
in certain cares. the taxing power an actual benefit to one class, public treasury created fay law, and under like re-
To carry out more fully the arrangement —i„ I necessarily increases the burden of tho other* be- sponaibility and control. It is not to be imagined
. . .. o . . n . ... . ... yond their proportion, and would he manifestly on- that the framers of tho constitution could have in-
between tire Spanish Government and that of the | jMt Tbe ££ * protection to domestic industry,” tended that a treraury should be created as a place
United Slates, in December, 1831, by reducing the |are of popular import; but they shoaldapply under of deposite and safekeeping of the public money
rate of tonage duties on Spanish vessels^ in certain j a just system to all the various branches of industry which was irresponsible to the government- The
cases. in our countiy. The farmer or planter who toils first Congress under the coiqtitutioa, by the act of
To abolish tho discriminating doty against Java 1 y»riy in his fields, is engaged in “ domestic indua- tho second September, 1789, “to establish tbe Treas-
coffee, imported from tho Netherlands, and place it tIy ” “ moch entiUed to tave h “ Ubor “ P™- Department,” provided for the appointment of
— r — . , . ....... , j. , tected,” as the manufacturer, the man of commerce, a treasurer, and made it his duty “to receive and
until after the expiration of the year’s notice, any u P° n tlie rMae l0 °ting w 't“* that imported directly the navigator, or the mechanic,, who are engaged keep tbe money* of the United States,” and “stall
other measures may bo adopted, consistently with j from Brazil. j also in “ domestic industry” in their different pur- times to submit to the Secretary of the Treasury and
i . - ...... , . , .. „ ... ,— It is recommended that Congress adoAsuch
tho convention of 1827, for the security of our rights To correct inequalities in tbe duties charged upon suits. The joint labors of all these classes consti- the Comptroller, or either of them, tbe inspection of
and this government and protection of our citizens' wine imported from Portugal and France. j*■*» t* 6 of the “domestic industry” of the moneys in his hands.”
inOregoo. That it will ultimately be wise and m .. . - .
proper to make liberal grants of land to tho patriotic
claim to be the exclusive recipients of “ protection,” spoken of in toe constitution, u keepers of the pub-
which can only be afforded by increasing hardens lie moaey, is manifest from tbe fact, that at that
on the “domestic industry” of the others. time there was no national bank, and bnt three or
If these views he correct, it remains to.inquire four State banks of limited capital existed in the
how &r the tariff act of 1843 is consistent with country. Their employment as depositories was st
them. That many of the provisions of that act are first resorted to, to a limited extent, but with no
in violation oftbe cardinal principles here laid down, avowed intention of continuing them peimanently
. i. K v . - all must concede. The rates of duty imposed by it in place of the treasury of the constitution, Whm
justice of Coogn w; but, pending the year** South American Sutra is alluded to, and though on ®°me articles are prohibitory, and on others ao they were afterwards from time to time employed
Wnpathbiag with them,our routed policy U de- **»+*?*»* uupporod convenience.
To provide for tiie payment of the previously ad- ^ “‘T’“ equally entitied to the That banlu, national or state, could not have been
r -i d , _ J . • J . ,, . . . .. nation’* “protection.” Nooooof them can jurtly intended to be used aa a substitute for the treasury
pioneers, who amidst privations and dangers, lead justed claims of the lexian Government against the P | a ; m h, s. tKn ...i.w. n r u nmiivii** ” —* * -- -- —- -• • - - c ,
the way through ravage bribes inhabiting the vast; United States.
wilderness intervening between our frontier settle-1 Commodore Biddle, commanding tho East India
incuts arid Oregon, and, who cultivate, andare ever Squad too, has been charged with exchanging the
as the convention between tbe United State* and Emperor of China.
Great Britain shall have ceased to exist, would be to Tbe differences' which exist among some of this
uNtlon to Uiiseffbctmaybe made, consistently with wahOMkeootIovewk! . dace a less amount of revenue than would be de. Our experience has ahown, that when banking
the spirit of that convention. ,cs * i rived from lower rules. They operate as • protec- corporations have been the kccDcrs of the nublic
• The recommendations which I have made, as to whether external orinternsl. | tion merely,” to one branch of.«domestic industry," money, and been thereby made in effect the treasu
the bert manner of seeming onr rights iti Oregon, “ I have thus adverted to all the subjects connect- by taxing other branches. ty, tho government can have no guaranty that it ■ “*•— “* u.c -umcipai manume rowew oi to —-
•1# submitted to Congress with great deference.— { ed with our foreign relations, to which I deem it. By tbe introduction of minimum*, or assumed, can command the u»e of ils own money for public j A due regard to our own safctyand to an^riat
measures us will enable the Executire to put in
end to the dissensions which exist among the
Cherokee*.
Tho honor of our flag has been mentioned at all
our foreign station*. The expenditure* for ti*
naval service have boon made trithin tire nasal ap
propriations for the service of the year.
An increase of thq.Nqvy is recommended at
fording prelection to oar growing commercial sad
navigating interests in time of peace, an& as a *0*
efficient defence in the event of a war.
“The successful, nap of steam navigation on tbs
ocean hap been fpllowed by the introduction of war-
.. . , steamer* in great and increasing numbers, into tb«
ry, the government can have no guaranty that it: wrist of the nrincipal maritime Powew oftbe