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MlLLEDGEVILLEv WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20, 1810.
No. 34
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mon cause with Great Britain. We
hope the time is near ait hand when
the influence of European polities
will cease to he felt in these United
States. There are certain land marks,
which we trust will"be coeval with
time—a democratic system of repre
sentative government, and this op
posed to aristocracy, no matter by
POLITIC A I,
zur'c cf American property in tli.N
port amounts to upwards of two
nulions of dollars, and, without a
shadow of pretence, the property i-
conveyed by land from the i >rt of
one nation to that of another, and
there it is ordered to be sold, and
the money paid into the public trea
sury. In alF this conduct there is
be the only test of party in republi
can America.
(~From tlx Democratic Press. J
THINGS AS THEY ARE.
These United States of America our mercantile interest should seri-
nre at the present moment placed in
a peculiarly delicate position as it re
gards our European relations.
Afew days ago we took occasion
to animadvert on tl what has been
done.” The recent advices from
France and England compel us un
willingly to resume the subject. We
say unwillingly, because the inves
tigation will afford very little to com
fort, when compared with how much
of which we have to complain.
Some time ago the purport of a
private, and as we believe a confi-
ilental letter from Mr. Pinkney to
Mr. Smith, was in some way or n-
ther made public. Its contents, as
stated, ied us to believe that Great
Britain was about to send out ano
ther minister to replace Mr. Jackson.
Whether she sent one or not, nevei
has been with us a matter of much mo
ment; but the expectation once formed,
attaches to it a variety of reflections.
It has been considered as a stron
proof of her ardent desire to preserve
peace between the two countries, and
an unequivocal evidence of ner dis
approbation of Mr. Jackson’s con
duct. In proportion, therefore, as
«,ve have anticipated this manifesta
tion of good, so much the stronger
must our resentments be on experi
encing a disappointment.
Mr. Pickering, when passing
through this city a few days ago, said
to an influential democrat, “ Well,
air we have now a freetrade.”—
It’was asked, in reply, “where
tir” for assuredly never was our
commerce, apart from municipal re
straint, more limited or more shack
led. The settle of things which now
governs Europe has but little inte
rest, and proportionally less influ
ence with us : indeed, of what mo
ment is it to us whether Bonaparte
elevates one of his new Austrian
connections to the ancient kingdom
of Poland, taking from Austria, Rutl
and Prussia the territory they
ously consider where we arc. It is
now too late to ask where toe iccrc,
when the tenth congress let go our
last hold. A few revolving months
will destroy the vestige of anjui.udt, system—precious apology! yet there
as it regards the policy and justice is a newspaper editor amongst us
what specious name called, ought to p littleness which disgraces the act;
say that its value is fifteen millions of
traftes, is it a sum of so much'magni-
Reverting to our more immediate|tude as to induce France to place
subject, wc think it is high time that herself upon a footing with the Bar
bary slates l We may confidently
ask what has been our conduct to
deserve such unprincipled conduct?
The due de Cadore’s letter may
considered as an apology for this
robbed from those brave and unoffen-
mg people ?
What interest have we in the sin
gularly portendous drama, the scenes
of which will soon unfold in the o-
verthrow of the Ottoman empire ?
True it is the consequences will
doubtless affect us; but in our actual
position we can only contemplate a
generous and an independent nation
anxious to preserve inviolate a con
scientious neutrality, rewarded hv
one of the belligerents with open
fraud, and by the other with the ba
sest perfidy. . , . , f
It is here we wish, for the sake oi
discussion, to ask a question, how
it has arisen that in our formation
of parties in these United St".‘es, we
have mixed so much of European
politics ? In the settlement of ge
neral and slate consitutions, Euro
pean governments have neither rela
tion nor sympathy. It is a melan
choly fact that, with the exception
of the United States, there is not a
Feoresenutive government on the
face of the earth. True it is at the
dawn of the French revolution, we
had a deep interest in the national
prosperity of France : she had
strengthened our hands, and suppo. t
I tl our cause against the merciless >
rant of the seas. But /ill any man pre
tending to common s.nse, connect
the Bonaparte dynasty with that
glorious epoch, or say that becaus
we wished a free and independent re
publican government, we are o
course bound to support her in al
the atrocities that mark the conouc
of her rulers under every modifica
tion of tvranny ?—-We hope not: as
well might wc fall into the opposite
error, and sav that, because France
ated, confiscated, and o-
ol the embargo. All the invective
used against that salutary measure
loses its force when wc look to the
conduct of both belligerents, and we
ask any reasonable man to say whe
ther it would not lie far better that
the millions now afloat where at home
rather than jeopardised between the
orders of council ol England and the
retaliatory decrees oi Fr .nee.
The time is fast appro filing whe;.
we shall have to look our situation
in the face, and it is a question we
propose to every class of citizens,
where are toe now ?
Wc lay it down ns an incontrover
tible principle that ever since tin.
ear 1801, the conduct of the United
States towards the European powers
has been bottomed on an undeviating
system of dignified impartiality—
She has conscientiously and judici
ously avoided all interference in the
tremendous conflict which has nearly
overwhelmed one of the fairest por
tions of God’s creation. We invite
our citizens to examine what has
been the reward of our inviolable
neutrality •?
England has impressed our sea
men, violated the sanctity of our un
disputed jurisdiction by the foul
commission ot murder in our own
waters. She has trampled upon our
national flag ; she has excited our
citizens to violate the laws of the u-
nion ; she has employed emissaries
to stir up discord ; she ha3 sent min
ister after minister to insult the ex
cutive—and she has aggravated iur
profligate conduct by continued pio-
mises of justice, and invariably, when
put to the test has lepurtod from the
me of rectitude. iLr proinisses
arc always fair : a generous, but mis
taken confidence has always made us
secure, whilst the denoument is al
ways some new and atroci us insult.
It would be easy to exhibit the con
duct of Great Britain in terms of
much stronger reprehension without
my departure from the most scru
pulous veracity.
France has confined her injustice
to a single point—the plunder of our
merchants’ property, both by sea and
on land. The sequestrations at Ant
werp and other ports, anterior to
tlie embargo, mark an unprincipled
system of corruption and robbery.
She has made the injustice of her ene-
ny a pica for attacking her lriend.
Her recent conduct at St. Sebasti
ans * is without a parallel. T he sci-
who has been base enough, or mean
enough, to call this infamous produc
tion “ an elorpient and important state
paper r To remind a generous na-
t.ou ol us obligations, if any such ex
ist, is at best but to cancel their me-
i it, but to recal the memory of our
former dependance on a foreign na
tion is as dastardly as it was unne
cessary. Wc believe in this suc-
. inct view of the conduct of Great
Bntain and France, we have done
them no more than justice.
Let us now look at the recent ad
vices from France and England, as
they’affect our future relations with
those Countries.
The arrival at New-York from St
Sebastians announces the nomination
of a new minister from France to
this country—he is to accompany the
Russian ambassador. The object of
this mission is at present entirely
conjectural, but we shall lie sure of
not materially erring if we take it for
granted that one important part of
his communications will relate to the
freedom of the seas 1 There was
time when we were almost induced
to believe, that Bonaparte was sincere
in his intensions not to stop short of
obtaining from his enemy, the re
may he urged, tp shew that the dis
contents in Canada, arose from sour
cos widely different from French In
fluence, but there can he nojust cause
shewn why France should depart
from her invariable policy, which al
wavs has been to improve every dis
aster that has befallen Great Britain jl©
promote & extend her own influence
it may therefore be fairly presumed
that, as in our own case, without
having been even remotely concerned
in the cause, she will on the first fa
vorable occasion, iinjwove the event
to her own aggrandizement. 1
Presuming on a French influence
in Canada, we are led as it were, im
perceptibly to view our position in
Louisiana—and the eventual cession
of the Floridas ; the easy access ofivision
is sufficient to bring the inainuatioi
into disrepute
There* are a&Any arguments which magnified by’ t\ie satellites of that old
good will only expressed—any thing
favorable from that quarter has been
ind inveterate enemy of our.coun
try. The Jdhn Adams is at Cowes
—the John Adams waits the treaty
—Msr. Pinkney’s name is first in the
list of embassadors—Mr. Pinkney
is well received at court, Mr. Elliot
departs from London with the treaty
—and a thousand talcs were rapidly
circulated in the London news-pa
pers, well knowing that there are pa
pers enough here paid for retailing
these swindling relations—we have
no doubt that Congress prolonged
their session for .weeks, ^t no incon
siderable expcnce, in the expected
arrival of the John Adams. They
adjourned; the duplicate despatch
es arrived, and lo 1 our golden
dreams “ like the baseless fabric of a
have vanished.
the first with the two latter, by means
of the Ohio, and the Mississippi ne
cessarily present reflections, which
cannot fail deeply to interest every
friend of his country. We present
to their immediate consideration
some weighty queries.-—Fist, Is the
cession of Louisiana to these United
States by France, so guaranteed, as
that Bonaparte can find no pretence
to call the validity of our title into
question ?—Second—Has not Spain,
Mr. Pinkney’s letter to the Mar
quis of Wellesky is marked with',
the unassumed candor of his govern
ment. lie has taken too much
pains to persuade, hut he has not
been wanting in spirit to evidence
the candor and justice of his country’a
cause—We could' have wished he
had been moore plain and much less
elaborate. A government like Great
Britain, familiar with all the finesse
of Deplomacv, treating with a Mi
ni nt of the Bourbon Dynasty, ceded
die Floridas, to France ?—And will
•lot France on taking possession, fc
view the ancient disputes relative to
he navigation of the Mississippi ?
Connecting these circumstances
and surmises with the known policy
of Napoleon, we seriously ask, whe
ther there is not sufficient reason to
induce a most cautious policy in all
our negot iations with that wily mon
ireh. What renders this subject
more important at this moment is,
the expected arrival of a French
Minister.
The subtile policy of Bonaparte
>y some act previous to the dethrohe- bister, conscious of the rectitude of
his cause, may possibly have surpri
sed him, they may have for a mo
ment lulled him into an indiscreet se
em ity; the consequences, are no
ways important, their views are the
more clearly seen through, and their
wretched policy despised. .
We ask our citizens, was it digni
fied on the part of Great Britain, to
keep the John Adams from the 2d
January to the 14th March, for such
an answer to such a letter ? Perhaps
there is not any ground more cen
surable than the over-anxious desire
manifested by Mr. Pinkney* to pre
serve the relations of amity and good
cognition of this unalienable right of Ch eat Britain is worthy of remark ;
all mankind, but the violation on his " c 1 ’ *"
lart of rights the most sacred, and
so intimately connected with that
principle, give us ample reason to
fear that there is but little confidence
to be placed in Lis professions. The
man who plunders by land would
ihew as little mercy by sea, if he had
the power, yet we have ho doubt but
e will renew the application to this
ouniry to join “ the Northern Con
federacy”—and what course we are
to pursue is a subject of the most se
rious magnitude. There are circum
stances which regard our local relati
ons with France, sufficient to justify
the utmost jealousy and precaution.
The commotions in Canada have
not passed unnoticed, it will be well
correctly to ascertain how far France
is active in producing the germ of a
revolution in that colony ? The;
charge of French influence in the
Parliament of Lower Canada is no
proof of the fact, on the contrary—
the charge unsupported by evidence,
when compared with the folly of will between the two countries.' We
are not disposed to pass over all the
Oral assurances given by lord Wei
lesley to Mr. Pinkney.
do
do
do
do
do
do
Salem
do
do
bass qaestri
therwise rohbeu our merchants we
are, therefore, bound to ma*e com-
# A list of American vessels in France
and Spain under sequestration
Ships Sally, Scott, New-York
Commodore Rogers, Shuter, do
Brigs Camilla, Shuter,
Marv Ann, Lawson,
Schrs. St. Tammany, Henry,
Tantivy, Perlcv,
Prosperity, Selby,
Young Connecticut, Robbs,
Ship Wells, Sampson,
Brig Enterprizc, Brown
Schrs. Hetty, Woodbury,
Betsv, Holmes. do
Salem, Cheevers, do
Ship Eagle, Ashton, Philadelphi
AT TOUT PASSAGE.
Brig Fox, Collins,
Roebuck, Sloan,
Andrew, Caggins,
Schr. Spencer, Moffit,
Exchange, live,
Eieanor, Gover,
Po,t Boy, Adams,
Trim, Bumbury,
Post Boy, Spurrier,
regardless of his attrocitics, he sends
a minister, there is always something
to be gained by a Negotiation.
Great Britain promises to send one,
she amuses our Minister with the
expectation of an efficient change of
system, and then terminates the ne
gotiation with a sang froid that can
>e only accounted for on the suppo
sition that negotiation was useless.
In all this we contrast the wisdom
of statesmen with the quibbling chi
canery of pettifoggers.
Much wiii d'-pend on the proposi
tions which Bonaparte may submit
to cur Admintration, we are bound to
nect the propositions of France with
frankness yet with the most scrupu
lous watchfulness ; her recent con
duct has not inspired us with any
confidence in the justice of her sys
u-m or the goodness of her disposi
tion, very far from it, yet it is our
policy, and that policy is founded
on justice that we should do all that
wc honorably can to resuscitate
ourccs of amity and friend-
hq
Schr. Independcnca, Dashicll, Bal- s i,jp.
[tunore. \v e are about to hazard a conjcc-
Ship Ann, Pendergrass, New-iors ture the issues of which of arc cvciy
Brig , Keener, ^ do way important.—Suppose that France
Schr. Abigail, VV’oudbridgc, Marble- s | lou ld propose the cession of the
[diead Fl or idas, and that the terms should
Spring Bird, Tucker, do include an indemnity for the seques-
Josepii, D. Stacv, do (rations and confiscations under the
Two Brothers, Dixcy, Boston ( ] ccr(i cs of Berlin and Milan—and
Brig Eliza, Macy, do fi^at she exhibits an undisputed title
Cupid, lit uston, Philadelphia that neck of our Continent, the
In all nego-
ciations where a generous confidence
is the basis, much more is said than
written, but the impression made up*
on a virtuous mind is equally strong
and even sometimes deeper, the a-
nimation of tone, the lively jesture
of a man inspires a reciprocit of
sentiment and leads to an almost im
plicit confidence.
We are told that our government
anticipated a favorable issue to the
negociations of St. James. We are
told to look for the failure of our ne-
gociation with England to the aban
doned conduct of those who not only
palliate, but openly defend Mr. Jack
son’s conduct. If Great Britain has
for a moment rested her expectations
on the return of nnglo-fcderalism to
the administration of the United
States, she must he without excepti
on the most deceived and the weak
est government on earth. If she ex
pected the resolutions of the Legis
lature of Massachusetts in 1809, to
pave the way for the assendency *of
her Politics in this country, her mi
nisters and other correspondents
were more fit for Bedlam than St.
Stephen’s Chapel. After all the
proofs Great Britain has had, that
these United States were unaltera
bly determined never, no never, to
make common cause with her, is it
possible she can have cherished a
Swallow, Barry, do
AT DERMIO.
Brig Hawk, BonJ, New-York
Schr. Freemason, Murray, do
Hawk, Coff, Baltimore
Two Sons,——, ■ *
M cZ ick, , Marblehead
Cargoes—168 casks and 1450
bags coffee ; 371 bales and 13G1
ilbags cocoa ; 4510 bales cotton; 11
'ca.^ks, 35 seroons and 65 cases Indi-
36 bales and 1556 bags pepper;
Philadelphia^ hh( j 3 to j, aC co ; 1192 bbls. pot
ash ; 82 tierces roco ; 19 bales and
25 seroons bark ; 125 bbls. rice
2978 quintals Campeachy logwood ;
230 do. Fustic ; 44 boxes sugar
bales nankeens ; 1 do. peltry; 170
tintala beeswax ; 130 do. cod-
do
do
do
Baltimore
do
do
do
Phi lade l phi
q»
fish.
possession of which is so extremely
important to our future peace and
happiness ? Such a proposition would
give birth to a variety of considerati
ons :—The validity of her title—and
the sincerity of her disposition faith
fully to transfer. These are reflections
which cannot fail to excite the liviliest
emotions—Should any terms be pro
posed consi ,ient with national digni
ty we are sure they will be met with
a sincere disposition to restore a
spirit of reciprocal good will, but we
hope that every guarantee which cau
tious prudence can dictate will bt>
imperiously insisted on.
The recent communications from
Great Britain are far from realizing
he golden dreams which our anglo-
lederalists have so constantly anti-
fuint hope that we should so wan
tonly risk our dearest interests to
ost Boy, apurric . ‘ q^c cargoes of several vessels are ipated—the treaty—the skeleton oi
at it. jfas ue t ‘ - treaty—the mere outlines—tilt
Shir Mary Eliza,Smith, Baltimore r.c. u.r.. t
serve her sordid views? She'well
knew what we wanted—a solid sys-
tan alike acknoiulsdgcd, and protect
ing cur lawful intercourse with the
surrounding nations. After an anx
ious period in which our hopes have
been constantly flattered—we re
ceive a cold disgusting communica
tion ! It is said lord Wellesley’*
letter is written in a gentlemanly
style, he it so, and what does it a-
mount to ? In the first place a need
less waste of time has taken place.
The British minister on the 3d
of January could have given that
answer :—It did not require ten mi
nutes to frame such a reply. But af
ter such a profligate lavish of preci
ous time where are we ? We are
told, that if Mr. Jackson had beha
ved amis* our ccmplair.ta ouglvt to