Newspaper Page Text
Voi.. I.
THE GEORGIA JOURNAL.
MILLEDGEVILLE, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 8, 1810.
No 41
PUBLISHED by seaton grantland, lution not to remove the Embargo.
except by substituting war measures
against both belligerents, unless ei
ther or both should relax their res
trictions upon neutral commerce.
Upon this subject some important
communications have been made to
me by Mr. Madison, and several of
the members of this goverement,
which I will accordingly lay before
you, as I confidently believe they
were delivered from an unfeigned de
sire that they might produce the ef
fect of leading if possible to some ad-
(pRINTER TO THE STATE,) ON JEF-
, PERSON STREET, OPPOSITE THE
NORTH END OF THE STATE-HOUSE.
TERMS THREE DOLLARS PER AN
NUM, ONE HALF TO BE PAID IN AD
VANCE.
ADVERTISEMENTS WILL BE THANK
FULLY RECEIVED, AND PUBLISHED
AT THE CUSTOMARY PRICES.
(£7° Maj. Benj. Taliaferro,
will be a candidate at the ensu
ing election, to represent the citi
-ens of Baldwin, in the Senate
this State.
August 1. 40 ■ ■ tf.
Wanted,
A so^er. indudrious Weaver. One who
underftinds his bulinefa may receive
the higheft wages in cadi, and his hoard ;
for particulars, enquire at this Office.
April 10 24—</*
j-justment of their differences with G. actual state of the affairs of this coun-
Britain, so as to enable the govern-jtry, the particular situation of the
mentand the nation to extricate them-government and ruling party, and
selves from the present very distres-jlrom certain private but important
sing dilemma in which they arc invol
ved.
Mr. Madison expressed his firm
Holt’s Ferry.
All persons travelling on horse-back,
may cross at my Ferry for half price.
Thaddeus Holt.
March 13 20—tf
Take Notice ! f
T forwarn all perfona from harboring or
trading with my wife Eliza, the having left
my bed and board without any provocati
on. AH thofe afting in contravention of
this notice, will be profecuted to the ut
nioft rigor of the law.
James Cupp.
July 85. 39 26t.
Great Britain and the United States,
and that he thought that the obvious
advantages which would thereby re
sult to both countries were a suffici
ent pledge of the sincerity of his sen
timents.
The reasons which induce me to
believe that the views and determi
nations of this government, as des
cribed to me by Mr. Madison, are
their real sentiments, and that they
will pursue that course of conduct
which they have marked out, arise
from a mature consideration of the
conviction that when the documents
referred to in the President’s Message
should be seen bv his majesty’s go
vernment, and the correspondences
between their minister in France with
the French minister respecting the de
crees of Berlin and Milan,should be
deliberately considered ; particularly
communications which have been
made to me by some of the members
of the administration, who are sin-
cen.lv desirous of a concilation with
G. Britain.
It is evident from every thing which
has lately taken place in this country,
that the people at large arc desirous
of h living the Embargo removed ;
but it is also to be collected from the
result of the elections throughout th
hem that their sentiments coincidt
with those of Mr. Madison, whicl
I have detailed at some ier.gth in tip
preceding number of inv dispatches
respecting the proper course of con
duct which ought to be pursued b\
the United States, in their present
situation although they had differed
as to the propriety of laying on the
Embargo, as a measure of defence,
and had thought that it would have
been better to have resorted to mea
sures of a more decided nature at
first, but that now they had no other
means left, but to continue it for a
short time longer, and then in the
event of no change taking place in the
conduct of the belligerents towards
the United States, to endeavor to
assert their rights against both pow
ers ; but that if either should relax in
their aggressions, they said they
would vote for taking part with that
one against the other which should
continue its aggressions
President to place the conduct of G
Britain and France towards the U-
tiled States in a fair light before the
.jublic. He seemed to check him-
;elf at the moment he was speaking
ipon that subject, and I could not
get him to express himself more dis
tinctly, hut I could clearly collect
from his manners, and from some
slight insinuations, that he thought
the President had acted with par
tiality towards France.—For he
turned the conversation immediate
lv upon the character of Mr. Ma
dison, and said that he could not
be accused of having such a bias
towards France : and remarked that
Mr. Madison was known to be an
admirer of the British constitution,
to be generally well disposed towards
the nation, & to be entirely free from
any enmity to its general prosperity.
He, appealed to me, whether I had
not observed that he frequently spoke
with approbation of its institutions, its
by the committee of Foreign Relati
ons in their report to the House of
the strong remonstrance of Mr. Arm- United States, that the present ruling Representatives, and which had al
The Subscriber
Will either sell or lease for a term of
years, his Property in this place
Possession will be given the 1st
of January next.
A. M‘Millan
August 1. 40 2t.
Valuable Land For Sale.
T IE Subscriber offers for sale his frac
tion, No. 222, on the Garrison Toad
about 12 miles from MilledeeviHe Thr
strong to the French government of
the 12th Nov. 180T, that it would be
acknowledged that the United States
had exerted all the efforts which re
monstrances could have been sup
posed to be capable of producing,
and that in failure of any effect from
them, in pursuading the French go
vernment to withdraw their unjust
restrictions upon neutral commerce,
recourse might have been had by the
United States to measures of more
activity and decision against France ;
but that in the mean time Great Bri
tain had issued her Orders in Coun
cil, before it was known whether the
United States would acquiesce in the
aggressions of France, and thereby
rendered it impossible to distinguish
between the conduct of the two bel
ligerents, who had equally commit
party have a decided majority of theb'eady passed in the committee of
people with them, and as they have '
pledged themselves not to repeal it,
while the restrictions upon their neu
tral rights continue in force by both
belligerents, without substituting war
measures, and as they themselves
acknowledge “ that the ultimate and
only effectual mode of resisting such
warfare, if persisted in, is war,” and
that a permanent suspension of
commerce would not properly be re
sistance, but submission I cannot
therefore conceive that it would be
ic whole House, and would perhaps
soon pass into a law, seemed to him
to remove two very important
grounds of difference with Great Bri
tain, viz. the non-importation act,
as applicable to her alone, and the
Pi •esident’s proclamation, whereby
die ships of Great Britain were ex
cluded from the ports of the United
States, while those of France were per
mitted to enter, but now, by the non-
intercourse law both powers were
placed on the same footing; he did not
possible for them to retract their de-jpretend to say that this measure had
durations, and indeed, they wouldibecn taken from any motive of con-
not have the power of continuing the cession to Great Britain ; but as in
Embargo more than six months, and tact those consequences followed, he
tract contains no 1-2 acres, the quality ofj b - . ,, . ,
the land is good—about 60 ac res enclosed W aggressions against the Lmted
It is an excellent ftand for a Tavern and States.
Store.
My 8.
Charles Gildon.
28—14t.
D'OaiESTI
The correspondence between Mr.
Canning and Mr. Erskine laid before
the House of lords of Great Britain,
and printed by their order, contains
four letters from Mr. Erskine which
do not appear to have been published
in any English or American newspa
per. They are now published from
a printed copy lately put into our
hands, all the other papers contain
ed in that collection having already
appeared in the papers.—A at. Int.
(No. 8)
He went also into all the argu
ments upon that subject which are
detailed in his correspondences with
the American ministers in London
and Paris, as published in the docu
ments referred to in the President’s
Message, but which I do not now re
peat, as my object is merely to inform
you of the result of his observations
which was, that as the world must
be convinced that America had in
vain taken all the means in her pow
er to obtain from G. Britain and
France a just attention to her rights
as a neutral power, by representati
ons and remonstrances, that she
would be fully justified in having re
course to hostilities with either belli
gerent, and that she only hesitated to
from the difficulty of contend-
Dispitch from the Honorable David d° so ? . . , , , , .
' J - - - „ . mg with both ; but that she must be
of course, therefore, they must sub
stitute war measures when it should
be withdrawn, unless they were to a-
bandon all the principles they have
laid down, and to change all the re
solutions which they have so une
quivocally expressed.
It is true that they might possibly
do so, if they found themselves pres
sed by the number and strength of
their opponents, or by a change in the
opinions of their majority amongst
the people ; but it is plain from the
decision in the House of Representa
tive in Congress, upon the resolutions
proposed by the committee appoint
ed to consider the subject of their
Foreign Relations, which were car
ried by a majority of eighty-four to
twenty-one, that they have not lost
any ground in the present Congress,
and the result of the elections for
members of Congress, proves, that ul-
tho’ they have lost some votes in the
Eastern states, that they will have
Erskine to Mr. Secretary Canning,
dated IVashin^ton, 3d December,
1808.
Sir,
The government and Congress
have been quite at a loss how to act
in the present extraordinary and em
barrassing situation of their public
affairs, and they have not yet deter
mined upon the measures which
they mean to pursue ; but I think that
I may venture to assure you that the
Course of conduct recommended by
the committee of the House of Re
presentatives, to which was referred
’ the Documents mentioned in the Pre
sident’s Message to Congress, will
Mr. Gallatin remarked to tfle, thati ener gy Rid spirit, and that he was
the resolutions which were proposed thoroughly well versed in its histo
ry, literature and arts.
These observations he made at that
time for the purpose of contrasting
the sentiments of Mr. Madison with
those of the President, as he knew
that I must have observed that Mr.
Jefferson never spoke with approba
tion of any thing that was British and
always took up French topics in his
conversation, and always praised the
people and country of France, and
never lost an opportunity of shewing
his dislike to G. Britain.
At the close of my interview with
Mr. Gallatin, he said in a familiar
way, “ You see, sir, wc could settle
a treaty in my private room in two
haurs, which might perhaps be found
to be as lasting as if it was bound up
in all the formalities of a regular sys
tem ; and might he found as reci
procally useful as to a treaty consist
ing of twenty-four articles, in which
the intricate points of intercourse
might he in vain attempted to be re
conciled to the opposite, and perhaps,
jealous views of self-interest of ttye
respective countries.”
I have taken the liberty of detail
ing to you the substance of this unof
ficial conversation with Mr. Galla-
an, in order to explain to you the
grounds upon which I have formed
my opinion that the members of the
present government who it is expect
ed will belong also to the next, would
be desirous of settling the differences
of the United States with Great Bri
tain to enable them to extricate the
country and themselves from the dif
ficulties in which they are involved ;
for it is now, I believe, determthed
that Mr. Gallatin will accept his pre
conceived they might be considered
as removing the two great obstacles
to a conciliation. This he wished
might be the case, as he intimated to
me that such steps were about to
be taken by Congress upon another
very important subject of the differ
ences between the two countries, as
might have a further effect in leading
to a favorable adjustment of them
He informed me, that a law was a-
bout to be proposed to Congress, and
which he believed would pass, to in
terdict all American vessels fron
receiving on board any foreign sea
men, under heavy penalties or for
feitures, and that already the ships
of war of the United States had been
ordered not to receive any, and to
discharge such as were at that time
driven even to endeavour to maintain
her rights against the two greatest
powers in the World, unless either
of them should relax their restricti
ons upon neutral commerce, in which
case the United States would at once
side with that power against the o-
ther which might continue its aggres
sions.
Mr. Madison observed to me that
it must be evident that the United
States would enter upon measures of
hostility with great reluctance, as he
acknowledged that they are not at all
prepared for war, much less with a
mower so irresistibly strong as Great
on board. This subject is alsoallu
ded to by Mr. Giles, the Senator, in. -
bis speech, who is high in the con- sent ofiice under Mr. Madison,
fidence of the government, and, it is which was at one time doubted.
said, is to be Mr. Madison’s Secre The character of Mr. Gallatin mus.
great majority out of the whole num-jtary of State, Mr. Gallatin also said, P e well known to you, to be he m
her of the nc -.t Congress. that he knew that it was intended by the greatest respect in this country
For these reasons I conclude that'the United States to abandon the at- for his unrivalled talents as a fman-
tempt to carry on a trade with the cier am * as a statesman
the government party could carry
along with them the support of the
people in the measures which they
might I resolve to take, and have al
ready explained why I believe they
will adopt the course of conduct which
I have described in the foregoing
part of this dispatch, arising out of the
state of the country and their own
particular situation, and I will there
fore proceed to explain mv private
in substance, at least, be adopted for
power so irresistibly strong
Britain, and that nothing would be
thought to be too great a sacrifice to
tbe present, with certain amendments
so as to give some time previous to
its going into operation.
It is not, however, denied by those
even who have introduced this mea
s, Are that it is only of a temporary
nature, and that the United States
may he driven to adopt a more deci-ng
ded course of conduct against the ligerents, and therelore the alte
belligerents before the present Con- tives were Embargo or War. lie con
gress closes, or at anv rate soon after fessed that the people of this countrj
the meeting of the new legislature, in were beginning to think the tormerl
There can-
colonies of belligerents in time of war
which was not allowed in time of
peace, and to trust to the being per
mitted by the French to carry on
such trade in peace so as to entitle
them to a continuance of it in time
of tv ai
In this manner he observed all the
points of differences between Great
Britain and the United States might
reasons for feeling confirmed in their.be smoothed away (was his expres-
opinions, and will have the honour sion) and that the United States
of laying before you some important would be willing to put the inter
communications which were made'eourse with Great Baitain upon a
to me by some of the members of perfect footing of reciprocity, and
government, unofficially,butwitliDvould either consent to the arrange
the preservation of peace, excep mr 1 llm thev m ; g h t produce a'ment that the ships of both nations
Independence and their honor. ^ TTavorable effect towards a concilia-.should pay the same duties rccipro-
tion with G. Britain. I beg leave tally, or place each other simply up
to refer you to my next number in on the footing of the most favored
which they are detailed.
said that he did not believe that any
Americans would be found willing to
submit to (what he termed) the en
croachments upon the liberty oi the
hts of the United States by the bel-
rna-
I have the honor to he, with
the highest respect, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
I). M. ERSKINE.
consequence of the feelings and sen
timents of the Eastern division ot the
United States, which has almost uni
versal! v expressed a disapprobation of
the continuance of the Embargo, and
has begun to shew symptoms ot a dr
termination not to endure it much
longer.
The government and party in pow
er unequivocally express their reso-
alternative too passive,
perhaps soon prefer the latter as even
less injurious the interests and
more congenial with the spirit ot a
free people.
He declared to me that every o-
oinion which he entertained respect
ing the best interests ol his count! \
.cd him to wish that a good under-
-tar.ding sh> ulil take place be tv een
(No. 9.)
Dispatch from the honorable David
Erskine to Mr. Secretary Canning,
dated Washington, 4.-th Dec. 1803
Sir,
In the course of several private
interviews which I had with Mr.
nation.
I have no doubt that these commu
nications were made with a sincere
desire that they might produce the
effect of conciliation, because it is
well known that Mr. Gallatin has
long thought that the restrictive and
jealous system of non-importation
laws, extra duties, and other modes
of checking a free trade with Great
Britain have been erroneous and
highly injurious to the interests of
America ; he informed me,distinct-
Gallatin the Secretary of the Treasu-j'y, that he had always entertained
r V and with Mr. Smith, Secretary I hat opinion, and that he had um-
,'fYhe Navy, I have collected from['ormly endeavoured to pursuade the
not I think be any reasonable doubt
entertained that he is heartily oppo
sed to French agrandizement, and
to the usurpations of Bonaparte.
He was an enthuseist in favor of the
French revolution, in the early peri
od of it, but has long since abandon
ed the favorable opinions he had en
tertained respecting it, and has view
ed the progress of France towards
universal dominion with jealousy
and regret.
How far the good will of this go
vernment and country towards Great
Britain may be worth, in the estima
tion of his Majesty’s government,
the sacrifice of the orders in council
and of the impression which they
might he expected to makeon France,
it would be presumptuous in me to
ventuic to calculate, but I am tho
roughly persuaded that at that
price it might be obtained.
I have endeavored, by the most
strict and diligent enquiries into the
s and strength of the federal
party to ascertain to what extent the r
would be willing and able to resist
die measures of the party in power,
and how far they could carry the o-
pinions of this country along with
them in their attempts to remove the
.•mbargo, withput recurring to hosti
lities both against Great Britain and
France.
Upon a nurture consideration cf