Newspaper Page Text
I
■' 1-IRBK !* I'BH ANWIII, IN ADVANCB,
itVSROOttAM AT T1IHJKND Of TUN VC All.
& ...wrlsd«" wil11,3 ruunivod for l»n (ban » jrenr, nor
R 1 ’ |,r ,|i»contitiii«<l netU all arrearages are paid.
will m.l )|» ■*•!>« lo »nv iMranii out of tl,n Slats,
T.I »»!»«« H l»" 0,1 " ,on ’>*• I"' 1 " in *'**•'»• Of onliatkoiorjr
, **’ov C ntlHSK'l8^T'3 urn In'ortoH at 75 cnnla per nt)iiarn
* I aril Insertion, ami 50 itt-nt* |>or squaro for cnclt
«* rn-aftor. A ennaro in ih« Journal in n npaon of ion
iiMcrn” » - roul'iiuinz hii it <lm<«,one iiumirmi wordn
I jinen in • S | |,. H „f |, \ ,\ l>H, l»v Ailiniiiiaintturn, Kxocuium,
, nM r « quirril |»y Inw, to l»o hold on tlio fuel
^(Jnnrii • , n f»n«h, liotwfon tho lionrn of ton in tlio foro-
hr.- in llt« afiomqoh, nt llie ('oiirt-lioiino, in llir
H9on ,- jj j| l(! In ltd In nimntod. [NntifM of thono onion
j (l n public. giut i to SIXTY MAYS prttviouH to
th* ‘l*. If Ni'niiinK^ m'i-*t l»o nt n pnhlin auction,on the firm
**•'?* ,| imintlt, hntwoon tlio iinniil hours of nnlo, nt tho
h|| v * union in tho countv ivliora tho Idiom tontumcn-
P*’' r|, °4-1.1 niiiiintrntion or O'.nrdinnnhip.innv hnvo boon err.nt-
If t ti^SlXI'Y IMY.« Miitioo tho roof, in one of the
kf^jnnotion ol thin Stntt». nnd nt tho dour of tho Court*
Xre -'loser., lo be hold,
tioup* • t |„. ml,« ol Poraonnl Pfopcrtv, in
.FtHITY '
mfinrc&L
VOL. XXXVI-
AIILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 25, 1S45.
NO 22-
,0 tS ! ".L..r..rthon-iloof rnrsonni rroporty, ni'im hn given in
. K«HITY dn\ n iirefiotm lothnduv nfnnlo.
1**2 ',ho |) >Ltnis ninl Creditor* olnn llstnto in list lie
«&KOBTy-. V
|s..e to sell l-'«».
«2 N , , '?f!,'rlr n vMo .ell N!
nilTlt 'l ,,s rllS ' lu ' rur<, lu,v <ml
V .. 1»V the Court.
^ivriTtnNnf 'r letters of Adminisi
will ho mndo to the Court ofOrdinn*
must ho published for FOUIl
before us, a proper plait? That is the question.
That parly will, which ! nui m that Mtalo has nl
ways been in favor of annexation as soon ua it cnnlil
bu honorably, pouccubly, properly ami practicably
done but no sooner.
Anil it is true, llml ilia party with which my col
league act* during tlio lute canvass, went lor ‘im
mediate annexation' as ho slu'.cd—some ol tlicin
upon one plan, and some upon number, and same
upon no plan in particular, except lo j(ni tho territo
ry in uny way possible, nnd then to “lottery it off”
nmuugsl the people. And calculations, 1 believe,
were made in some purls, allowing bow many acres
and wish to be understood. [ want lo see no Gre
cian arts practised upon the South, or upon this
country; nnd 1 want lo see no huge ‘wooden horse’
brought within the walls of this Confederacy, un
der the feigned nuspicosof any false divinity.
And now 1 must ask to ho indulged in saying
something upon tlio otiicinl correspondence connec.
ted with this subject, wliicli though it does not rc-
lalo directly lo tlio merits of the question, yet nev.
erllteless iscliisuly connected therewith 1 Against
tlmt correspondence, its spirit, its principles nnd
doctrines, I protest. It hits placed tlio annexation
f Texas upon tho grounds of its being necessary
to .nil Nl’.llltOEiA, ma.t bo pal.li.Itctl lor
y order absolute slmllti,. nnule
— . T,ox. i-r .1 be ptibliehed
I- ., loss—lor (li.oiistion from iulmhii.trillion, monthly six
0 ,r ,fji.oii.slnn fmm niisr(liaii«hi|i,,/sr/ydrt|i«.
mm 'nsitre of .Mortienro must bo piilili.heil
Jar tin:
b„. f..r llie Inr.iu'.isare ul Morljpnrn ii.usi
,,%'iy for r-’f -u..«r/i* —f.Jr <s"IJ' 1 ’.'Jr.‘
—for compelling titlcn from Kx
trrUorn, when* « Bond has boon given hv the
fablioaiione will nlniivs b< i
... trial reqitlninents. uiilos. oil
• ,H i,u«ine.« oflhle kind emitimios
■ .i lw Office nfilie (iF.OItUIA.
TTA.Nl'I'.'l IIVMIIU
months.
od according to these,
?efaTrtdairemeats, uiilos. ailierw i.e ordered.
1 —e.i.:. Uaiwi iwtiitiiinnj to receive prompt ntten-
JOUKNAI..
iMn.enlie'. Tnaleflsr to lll«|lltlllialie . .
c , ,i, u . r iiiiiun of a third iinr.oa, oml iVnok die letter i
br K-lf."KntdntUP.M.a
SPEKCII OI’ MR. St'EPIIEIVS, OP GEORGIA
The joint resolution for the annexation of Texas be.
ing under consideration in the. Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union.
lloDSK OF RliPBESF.XTATIVFS, J.ll). 25, 1S45.
Mr. Stbi'iieps said—
Mit. CtiAittMAN It is more from a sense of
duty to myself, thut iny position ut.d views may he
correctly undet.liiod in tlio vote I may give on the
reveinl proposition* now upon tlio table, as they
may he severally presented wit uti the hour of tak
ing the vote arrives, than from any expectation of
savin" any tiling interesting lo tlio lic.use, thut
I now venture to invite tile attention of mem
bers to what I am ub.ml to oiler for their consider
ation. The subject belore us is of no ordinary im.
parlance. Its magnitude seems lo he duly lell by
everyone. And seldom, perhaps, if ever lias it
been surpassed in interest by tiny that Imvo ever
been discussed within these walls, h is u intiller
of great concern,.os well lo lire people of Texas ns
to tiie people oi lire IIcited States. Both countries,
therefore,are anxiously watching its progress; fur ii
involves to some extent, the harmony, well being.and
destinies of both. 1 have considered it a grave and
momoulous question, from tiie time oi its first ttgita
tion. And the same views must have struck not
only ‘lie politician and statesman, hot lho most
careless observer of public nffnirs and passing c-
veals. It is also a question which lo me loses
none of its interest us its decision approaches. Its
vast ness nnd magnitude, like great objects in na
ture, swell out nnd enlarge as we c nnc neater lo it.
Tiie mountain in tiie disluticu, clothed in its 'azure
hue,’looks ull smooth ami even; but experience
&s well as poetry tellsus.it is tho distance thut
gives “enchantment lo the view.” Surveyed at its
base, in tlte gloomy shade oi its august Iruwn, it no
longer presents tile delusive prospect oi nit eusy
and enticing ascent. Tlte abrupt front and nigged
surface too plainly show tiie dangers and dillicul*
ties that beset and environ its lew and narrow pass-
each voter would get in this vvnv ; nil these ‘‘hum- lo strengthen the institution of slavery in the Stutes;
hug.” had their day nnd champions, and perhaps and for this object, and with this view, this Govern-
nnsvvered their purpose. Hut amongst till tiie meal is called upon lo act and legislate in the case,
schemes advocated there, it was generally very My objection is, that the General Government
i curefully omitted to say much in defence of that, has no power to legislate for any such purpose. If
treaty* Nor do 1 believe that tlte people of Gcor* I understand the nature of this Government, and
gia of eilhor purty, desirous as I know them in the Lite ground alvvuys heretofore occupied by tlte
niuiu, of hotli purlies, lo ho for annexation upon South upon this subject, it is, thut slavcty is necu-
‘ proper terms, would ho willing losce it accomplish, liurly a domes'ic institution. It is a inattei that
I ed according to the provisions of that measuro. I concerns tho Shun s in which it exists, soverelly .
The same I will venture to ttihrm of tlio people separately and exclusively, and with which this Go -
1 of tiio Smill generally,of all parties. vernmeiit has no right to interfere or to legislate,
Sir, tho distinguished gentleman from South Car- further than to secure tlio enforcement of right
I oliini, (Mr. Holmes) die oilier day said, vv hut I con. under existing guaranties of the Constitution, and
i sider. in filed, as declaring that tlio Suuthcrn man no suppress insubordinations and insurrections,it
| who would vote for tlio terms of tlmt treaty vvus oi- they arise. Beyond this, there is no power in llo
| titer ‘‘u fool or a knave.” General Government to act upon the subject. wi'K
(Mr. Holmes rose und said, that vv lint he had a view either to strengthen or weaken tiie institt.
slated was, that nnv Southern man who would con- lion. For. if the power to do one he conceded,
sont to divide the Texan territory between the Itovv can that to do tho oilier he denied? 1 donut
slaveholding and iion.slnveholding interests would profess to belong to tlmt school of politi
ho either “a fool or a knave,” mid such was still cinns who claim ono construction of tlio Constitu
his opinion.) lion one day, when it favors my interests, nnd c.p
Mr. Stephens continued. Exnclly so, sir; and pose the same, or a similar one, the next day, when
so I understood him. And itovv did that treaty, or it happens to he ugainst me. Truth is fixed,influx
itovv does tiie plan now upon your table, dispose ot ible, immutable, und eternal, unbending to time,,
nnd adjust those interests ? Where is the guuran* circumstances, nr.d interests ; und so should he tlte
ly it contains lor tiie security of any portion, much roles nnd principles by which tho Consiitution is
less one.half of tlio country or territory for tiie construed and interpreted. And what Ims been
slaveholding interests ? Upon this subject, which the position of the South for years upon this sub-
thut gentleman thinks so vitul and important, that ject ? Wlint Ims been tlio course of Iter members
treaty nnd the plan now before us ere us silent as upon this floor, in relation to tlio reception of abo-
tlie grave! And would tlio Southern man who I lition petitions 7 Has it not been, tiiat slavery is a
should vote to have tiie country equally divided ho- question upon which Cungress cannot act, except
tween llieslaveholding and non sluveholding inter- in tin; cases 1 Imvo staled—whore it is expressly
e.sis he any more ”u fool or a knuvo” limn tlio man provided by tiie OonslHilion iliiit Congress bus no
who would vote for tiie acquisition of that exten- jurisdiction, if you please, ovor tho subject and that
sive territory, larger titan several of tiie largest therefore it is improper und useless, if not uncon
States of this Union together, or the Kingdom of stitutionul, lo receive petitions asking vvlmt Con
France, as some gentlemen have said, bordering up. gress cannot cnustitu'ionally grant ? This lias
on throe of the slavo Stales oflhe Union, without any been the ground assumed by tlio South, nnd upon
settlement of tlmt question, or adjustment of these which these petitions Imvo been rejected fur years
interests? Leaving it fora future House ol Repre- in this llousa, until the rule was rescinded at tlio
seulnliviis, where tlio majoiity it is known will he I beginning of litis session. And however much
decidedly opposed to the sluveholding interests, to gentlemen from ditlereul parts oi tiie Union have
make the division ? 1 should not cull any man who d,fluted in opinion upon the extent of the ahstr
may or might so voto eititer “a knave or a foul.” right ol petition, and tlio propriety and expediency of
I use no such language towards any member on receiving all kinds of petitions, whether for constitu-
this floor. 1 supposo every one will vole accord- tonal objects or not,yet 1 believe they have always
ing to tiie dictates of his judgement, and what lie been neat ly all agreed in this, that Congress Ims no
conceives to Lie for the best interests of tlio coon
her whole debt, let llioumount he as large us it muy7
/Vnd sro gentlemen prepared thus to incur an un
known liability ?
[Here Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, chairman of tiie Com
inittcc! mi Foreign Relations, interrupted In explain
und stated tlmt tiie ministers of Tcxus hud estima
ted tlio debt at between seven and oiglit millions;
but tiie comrnitieo hnd put tlio utnounl ut ten mill
ions, so ns to cover every tiling.]
Mr. Stephens continued. Yes, air, I know all
tlint; hot will the honorable ch.irmnn of tlio Com
mittee on Foreign Adairs undertake to say lo the
House tlmt ten millions will cover Hie present debt
of Texas 7
[Mr. Ingersoll. replied tlmt lie made tile state
ment on tiie authority of tlio Texan ministers.]
Mr. Stephens proceeded. Yus, sir; hut up to
what time did tlint estimate refer ? As far hack
as 1 b41 ; throe—four years ago. It may Imvo
been going on and increasing ever since. I want
to know what it is at this time, if 1 Imvo been
correctly informed, tiie authorities of Texas Imvo
not even kept un account of their debt since 1841,
and do not themselves know iiu extent. If they
did. why did not their ministers tell what it was in
ceil; they should ho guarded, watched, and defended
with prudence, wisdom, firmness, and patriotism;
and i( error ever should he committed in regard lo
these, it seems to ho tiie safer course to let tlio er
ror lie in a leaning lo tlio side of honor and good
faith. Hut, apart from litis, it was a gruvo qoes.
lion, how Inr it was discreet and proper for this
country to involve herself in a war, even ii, in the
eyes ol nil tlte world, ii should linve been viewed
right and justifiable, when not in defence of her own
citizens, War at till times is u great evil; it is the
ultima ratio regain—tlio last resort of nations for
tlte redress nl' grievances, when argument and rea
son have lailed; and white it should never he shun*
ned or avoided when tlio case mises, it should novel
becourted in anticipation. Ail these views wore pre
sented by tiie circomstunces when litis agitation
commenced; hut since then we have seen that Mex
ico has failed lo act in accordance with her prnclu.
umlion; she ims fulled to renew tiie war. Her Con
gress, it is reported, lias fuiled and refused lo vote
•he necessary supplies—justifying lliu inference
tlmt site lias abandoned tlio intention of making uny
further attempt to re establish her power and on.
thority in Texas, and leaving tiie present Govern.
i terriUrf, itWtn», bM itCmtU;
l 9 • species of Cowfcdmcy | deafer.
joint government of Um CooMpration
1844 ? Either because they did not know, or lie- j monl in the possession of the undisputed sovereignty
cause tlio umuunt was loo frightful lo dis-! of that mu,.try, and fully nuilmriaod to ho ir.,,.,.,1
close. Many men of fortune owed hut little in | ns other independent and sovereign Powers. Nuy,
1841, who have long sinco been bankrupt. And | more : we see Mexico herself now convulsed with
people in debt are generally in tlte habit of eslima• . internal revolutions; intestine war now rages thro.
ting their liabilities far short of their real amount. . ughoul her limils ; and she seems no longer able to
It is sufficient fur me tlmt wo have no authentic in- maintain her own institutions. Tlio Government
formation upon tiie extent of tlmt debt nt this time ;
und tlio absence of information is orninus of itself.
1 linve heard it estimated by some nt twenty mill-
ions, others forty, and some as high ns sixty. For
my part, l should about ns soon attempt to count
tiie stars in tlio heaven-, or estimate tiie '•number
inexistence there so late as last year has recently
been overthrown. Divided and torn to pieces by
feuds and factions, site appears lo day much less
stable if not less copnbic of maintnioining tier
independence, than Texas. Anarchy reigns
throughout lier bordersand it would bu difficult to
of tku dead,” us to come to any accurate und satis- . »ny if she bus any Government at tiiis time either
factory opinion upon the real amount of tiiat debt, , de facto or de jure.
or tiie extent of the liubilily which tiiis Government j Her claims, therefore, I am not disposed any lonj
would incur by a reckless assumption of it, wholly J gor to regard. She is clearly hors dc combat, so
in tlio dark, and without information. This leap 1 Inr as this question is concerned ; for if Mexico Ims
am not prepared lo make. , abandoned the war, or forfeited Iter right by uiirca-
For these reasons, I cannot vote for tlio propo. i suitable delay, or bus proved unuble to carry it on,
sitiun of tlte Committee on Foreign Adairs ; and us . 1 exas lias certainly established lier independence,
my tinio is passing so rapidly tliut I shall not he a- and is entitled to ho considered and ncied towards
bio to notice the various oilier plans, tiie one. oiler. , as oilier independent nations. And if this he so, of
ed by llie gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas.) . course our so considering und treating lier cannot
and the one by tlte gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. | interfere ut all with llie obligations of our treaty of
Weller.) and the one by the gentleman from Ken- j boundary and amity with Mexico. The only in.
lucky, (Mr. Tibatts.) nnd tlio ono bv tlio gentleman , qniry, therefore, upon tlio foregoing aspect of the
irons Alabama, (Mr. Bolsor,) and the one by the j question is, whether Texas is now entitled to ho
gentleman from New York, (Mr. Robinson.) and i considered ono of tlte independent nations of the
various others—sixteen in all, I believe—i will i earth? and for niy own part, 1 soe no reason why she
briefly say, tlmt eacli nnd uvery ono ol them is lia- 1 should not he. As lor England or France, or oilier
countries, and their feelings and wishes, 1 have
or tiie other of the objections 1 have
righlur power to interfere with the institutions of the
try. This is tiie rule I claim for myself, nnd I am Stales. This, sir, is our safeguard, and in it is
disposed to concede it to others. But tilts 1 will not | our only security ; it is tlio outpost and hiilwurk of
hesitate lo say : tlmt no Southern man could pur- our defence. Yield this, and you yield everything.
ted, or other considerations growing out of tlio sub.
jecisto which I Imvo alluded. I cannot, tlierolore,
notice tliem s ugly and seperateiy.
All of them lull within tiie scope of my objec
tions ; nnd i pass on to wlmt I proposed to do in tiie
second place; which was, to slate wlint kind of a
proposition flu annexation i would support, and up
on wlmt terms and principles 1 would consent to a
union of Texas with this country. Those, sir. ure
nothing to say. They linve nothing more to do
with the question than any other common inter-
meddlers in communities Imvo to do with their
neighbors negotiations. It is no business of theirs.
They have no right to say any tiling; nnd if thpy
do, they thereby become national intermeddlers, and
should bo treated accordingly.
But there is another class of objections, com
prising those tlmt grow out of the nature of our
o imbodied and set forth in tiie plan submitted iiy tiie j own government; they are of a domestic ciiurac-
sue, in my opinion, a more unwise course than to Grant the power lo net or move open the subject, ^ gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Milton Brown.) j ter, and concern ourselves. I hese are of a con-
vote for any measure upon this subject without a I yield the jurisdiction, call upon Congress to legts- I und as tlmt plan has been printed und laid before i sltlutioiml origin, and deserve mature deliberation.
So, sir, with this subject, as wc appproach near
er to it, its surface is far from appearing even and
smooth. Already we see its projecting rocks—the
higli impending cliffs—tiie deep ravines—the (right,
fui chasms—and sometimes, l must confess, 1 fan
cy 1 hour the portentous rumbling of its slumbering
volcanic fires—May God giant tlmt my apprehen
sions may prove lo he founded only in alarm, or
that their destructive energies may never be fully
awakened und actively aroused.
Before attempting, however, to encounter its dif
ficulties or to surmount its heights, 1 will premise
by slating, tlmt, upon the abstract question oi the
annexation of Texas, or tlio union of tlio Govern
ment of tlmt country with this, upon just and pro
per principles, 1 urn favorably inclined, and have
I been from the beginning. But I am far from say
ing tliiu 1 am in favor of uny kind ot a union, or
thut I am prepared to vole, as some gentlemen have
suid for themselves, for either or any of the plans
fur annexation which have been referred to this
committee. With me, much depends upon tiie
form, tlio nuture and the terms of the proposition ;
for while 1 might yield a willing and cordial support
lo one, I should not hesitato lo give a similar oppo
sition to another. I am fur from declaring mysell
for Texas any how and in any way. Tiie benefits
lo be derived from all human institutions, and the
practical usefuloess ol ull measures, even the
wisest, depend eminently on ddail—and upon my
opinion of the propriety of the details of the sever,
at plans now before tho committee will depend my
vote when the question comes to ho taken upo
litem, respectively. As much as I desire this addi
tion to our Republic upon what I conceive to be
correct and proper principles, yet upon others, and
upon some of thoso now before us, l should not hes.
itute to reject it, as ono of tho greatest possible
evils with which we could bu cursed.
In what I have to say, therefore, for greater per
spicuity, and for the purpose of being belter under
stood in relation to tlio various plans, 1 will, if tlio
committee will beur with me proceed tostute—
In the first plac, wlmt kind of a proposition I will
not support; secondly, what kind of a one I will
support; thirdly, notice some of the objections 1
have. Itchrd in opposition; and, lastly, if my
time permits, offer some of the reusons which infiu.
ence me in supporting such a measuro as I shall
state.
In the first place, then, I wisli it distinctly under
stood, tiiat 1 am opposed to the plua reported by tlio
chairman (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll) of llie Committee
on Foreign Afluirs. That is the plan which is now
immediately before us. It is an exact copy of tiie
treaty rejected by the Senate last spring, and which
1 Imvo never failed, upon nil proper occasions, to
, condemn|ever since its provisions were made known.
My objections to it arc two-fold. It leaves tlte sin
very question, upon which so much bus been said
in this ddhate, unsettled ; and it also provides for
tho assumption by this Government of tho dohts of
I Texas.
My friend and collengue (Mr. Huralson) yestor-
day,and another friend und colleague (Mr. Cobh)
| whom I now tee in his seat, the duy before, stated
| that in Georgia men of all parties woro in favor of
| annexation; hut neither of thoso gon'.lemen, I pre-
jsumo, would venture to assert that any party in that
I8iate are favorable lo unnexution upon tlio terms
jof that treaty.
t [Mr; Haralson interrupted, and was understood
jto say that wlial he had stated, and now repented,
jwns,that tiie people of Georgia were in favor of
limmediate annexation, and he was prepared to enr-
|ry out their wishes in any way tho object could he
accomplished.]
Mr. Stephens. Then I suppose the gentleman is
prepared to vole for tho torms of that treaty 7
Mr. Haralson again replied by saying, ns he
i understood, that he did not intend io be driven
by a quibble of that sort; bo was ready to vote
rany proper plan.)
Mi. Stephens continued. No quibble, Mr. Chair,
»n. I# ton, am prepared to vote for any proper plan
settlement und establishment of tiie line dividing late with llie view presented in that correspondence j members, nnd gentlemen cun read its terms at their
those interests. If slavery is to exist in any purl and instead of strengthening, they might deem it j leisure, if they are not already familiar with them,
of tlio territory, let it iiu so stated. Let it be ‘‘no. proper to weaken those institutions ; and where, j I will not iluiain tlte committee by a recapitulation,
minuted in tlio bond.” Let it ho inserted ia llie then, is your remedy ? I nsk Southern gentlemen, | It proposes to admit Texas ns a S'.nto ut once, and
compact of union, of whatever character it may be, where, then, is their remedy? We were remind- ' 1 1 1 11 1 1 — -
whether in the form of a treaty or a hill or joint ed the other duy by a gentleman from South Cnro-
resolulion for Iter admission as u State, or in any lina, (Mr. Holmes.) that wo werein a minority on
oilier way. Nor can I say upon this point, with this floor. Ii is true, wo are in n minority; and ts
tlio honorable chairman of tiie Committee of For- it w ise in a minority to yield their strong position,
eign Affairs, (Mr. C. J. Ingersoll,) who reported I their sure and sulo fortress, to the majority, for
litis plan, which is so mum upon litis most important them to seize and occupy to their destruction ? No,
mutter connected with it, that it is unnecessary to s.r, never. Upon tins subject, I lell gentlemen
adjust that question now ; tiiat “sufficient unto the from the South, and the people of llie South, to
day is tiie evil thereof.” The authority of Scrip- stand upon tiie Constitution as it is, and that cou
ture, I admit, is good, when properly used; hut, strucliun w liich has been uniformly given to it up.
unfortunately, it is not always so applied. And on this point, from the beginning of the Govern-
wltoever has read tho history of tlio temptation in ment. This is our shield, wrought in the furnace
the wilderness, will doubtless ngree with me that of the Revolution. It is broad, ample, firm, and
this is not tlio first instance of its misapplication, strong ; und wo want no further protection or so.
i should rather say, let us not put off tiie evil hour ourity than it provides. But this is not all. '1 hat
—let the members from different parts of tlio coun- correspondence not only makes slavery a national
try understand themselves upon this question at the question, and calls upon Congress to trout it as
threshold. Distinct understandings often avoid un. such, and legislate in reference lo it ns such, but it
pleasant differences and difficulties, as well lie- bus even thrust the whole subject into our foreign
tween States as individuals, if Texas is to he diplomacy ; and those Sluta institutions which
brought into tlio Union, upon what terms is it to ho heretofore were never held to he proper topics for
dono ! Is it lo be a free or a sluvo Territory, or discussion and ngiiation, even upon this floor,
is it lo he subject to tiie operation of the Missouri
compromise witliyi similar limits? The honorable
chairman to whom 1 have just alluded, in u pape
now deemed proper subjects of legitimate corres
pondence between this Government, ia national
character, and tiie most influential and powerful
put forth Iiy him last summer, said in his classic Courts of Europe. Where it will end, I know
liioguago, that annexation would he tiie euthanasia not. But tiie whole proceedings I consider as un-
of slavery, the easy death of that institution ! timely, uncalled for, und exceedingly improper;
Is that the object, then, of those who advocate a " d u « uinsl as Southern man, a Georgian, and
his plan ? Do they intend, after carrying the mea. as ,7‘ A,n 1 ullca ": 1 P roloti i* , . , .
sure for annexation, without any thing being said 7“ n ,l,e '"stunnon of slavery, s.r, do not ...
upon Slavery, to oppose the admission of any slave | i®‘‘ d t °„!. |,aU ; k „ 1 ‘ e . rU ' 1 0Uha 7 o . f ,ts orl 8', n !. lusto ; ?_ P re .1
Slate into tlte Union, formed out of that territory?
sent condition and necessity, or of its evils nnd
Is this the object and design ? It so, why not avow I ‘."T 03 ' ll !» no r t 1 " ,e P ro P ei ' ,P lace ‘ J l,a '[ 0 beu, ‘
it ? And, if not, whv not sav at once what part led 0 sn >’ whal 1 , hav0 ‘ " , 1 8ta, ‘ ,1 g '"f firat objeot.on
shall be admitted as Slates with slavery, if the ico- t0 , l, ““ P ro P nsBl ' P lan fur uonexauon of 1 exas ;
pie so choose t Why leave it an open question ? wl ." clu3 ’ ,hal 11 , luavua ,lm an °P an f° r
My reason for wishing it settled in the beginning, I , “ evoua nnd dnr, « erous d “ CU88,on llcreaf,er .‘
and for opposing any and all measures and plans I . other objection to tlmt plan is, that provides
which leave it unsettled, I do not hesitate lo make for lle a8,um P‘ ,on u( ,ho dtbl 1 l ua8 '-
known. 1 fear the excitement growing out of Hie 1 10 ll ' e . ex,0nl uf lon mdd °," 8 °(, doll , ars ,', Nor do 1
.l« I consider tins mailer ol debt ‘‘all smoke, ns another
agitation of the question hereafter may endanger ■ . 4 .
the harmony and even existence of our present if ,lla '” aa < ro "> Sou ‘• Lurolma LMr. Rhett) saui
Union. Snnnnsn tl.is n,o„«n„-„ llle ollll!l ' dn . v - ol '> " l loas '. where there is so much
Union. Supposo this measure should pass—I mean
the plan proposed by tho Committee on Foreign
affairs—and Texas shortly hereafter should apply
for admission as a Sluto into tiie Union, and the re
strictious proposed for Missouri should he imposed
upon her—can any one be so blind as not to know
what would bo tiie result, or so infatuated as not to
regard tlte consequences? If so, I confess it is
nut tlte case witlt myself. I have an ardent altucii
smoke, 1 fear there is “some fire”—quite enough
‘blister our fingers.” if wo handle it much.
There are other obligations, at any rate, which 1
think wc would he doing much better lo be looking
alter first. Wo ought to be just heforo wo under,
tako to ho generous. Georgia lias not yet been
reimbursed for expenditures made in behalf of tlio
common defence during tiie late Indian difficulties ;
leaves her debts and her lauds for her own manage
ment. just as Georgia nnd ot her States, with he r
debts and rioli domain, came into tlio Union nt til©
formation of' tlio Government- Nut only this, it
settles tlm slavery question. It leaves no door
open for future mischief, discord, and strife, from
that quarter. It leaves no prospect for another
Missouri agitation, which mien canto well neigh
destroying the Government; hut it quiets and puts
lo rest forever nil disturbance on that question,
and tliut, loo, upon tlte terms of llie compromise
agreed upon on tiie admission of Missouri- Witit
that the country is familiar, and tlte people in all
parts seem to lie satisfied.
And, witlt this exposition, I shall say nothing
further upon that point, but will proceed to notice
some of tin: ribj-r.uons urged against tlte proposed
action, which apply to this plan as weii as others.
These objections are of two classes : first, those
which look to tlte foreign, und, secondly, those
which relate to liio domestic aspect of tlte question.
1 shall speak of each in tlieir order.
First, of tho foreign. And upon this view I wish
to lie understood ns paying no regard to tlte various
treaties which gentlemen Imve said so much uhnut.
I have nothing to say of tlio treaty of 1803, with
France, by which Louisiana was acquired, or wheth
er we did, by tlmt treaty, actually got a good title
to any portion oflhe country west of tho .Sabine or
not. Nor shall I say any tiring of tiie treaty of
1810 with Spain, by which we got llie Floridas,
nod ttgreed upon tlte Sabine as llie boundary he.
tween us and lira neighboring Spanish provinces in
tlmt quarter ; or tlio treaty (of 1832) of amity with
Mexico, alter tlte establishment of her indepen
dence. All those, 1 consider,have very little to do
with the real merits of tlte question. If we did get ~ J'
i . , , 1 p i less in contempt lor its most sacred provisions,
a good title to Texas by tlio treuly ol 1803, "•» I 1 1
It is said that tiie proceedings now before us nr
unauthorized by tlio fundumentul law of the Union,
and that we Imvo no power lo act upon the subject
us proposed. Tlte gentleman from Now York
(Mr. Barnard) directed his wlioio speech veslerday
to this point, und presented an urgument which was
highly complimented by the gentleman from Mas.
sachusetls for its force und ability. That gentle,
man (Mr. B.) said tlmt tlte House was proceeding
••in contempt of tlte Constitution,” and tiiat tlio pro.
posed object was a “fraud” upon llie Constitution.
These strong expressions were repeated, and fell
with emphasis from tiie gentleman; and 1 listened
attentively to his argument, to hoar what reasons
lie would offer lo sustain his assertion ; for I held
myself open to conviction. And if 1 could see tiiat
tlio course 1 intend to tako was in contempt of tlte
Constitution, or that 1 was about to commit a fraud
—a “gross fraud” were his words—upon its pro
visions, I should most certainly abandon (lie project.
When 1 oust my eyes, Mr. Chairman, ovor tlte
surface of tiie world,and survey the notions oflhe
earth, and see that tiie people of tlte United Suites
alone, of all tlio millions of tlio liumnn family who
live upon tiie habitable globe, are really freo, and
fully enjoy tlte natural l ights of mun; tlmt all oilier
parts nro dreary wild and waste ; and tiiat this is
tlio only green spot, tlio only oasis in tlio universal
desert—and then consider tlmt all litis difference
is owing lo our Constitution; that all our rights
ui.d privileges, und interests are dorived from and
secured by it, I am disposed to regard it will) no
trifling feelings of unconcern and indifference. It is
indeed, llie richest inheritance en r bequeathed by
patriot sires (o ungrateful sons. 1 confess, I view
it with reverence ; and, if idolatry could ever lie
excused, it seems to me it would be io allowing an
American citizen n holy devotion to tho Constitu.
tion of his country. Such are nt) feelings; and
far b" it from me to entertain soiiliments in uny
way kin lied to a disregard for its principles, mttcli
ment for this Union. Upon its existence and con- ,u,d . ll,e faill,ful s ( old ! er ‘ in !" an ? •'.eluncea. has not
tinuancc, our prosperity, happiness, and safety, dc
pend. And patriotism—truo patriotism which,
as 1 understand tliulterin, mentis Invo of. ,, , ,
one’s own country ..hove all othors-compels 7 ler ll !7’ we huva . oll,<ir , debt8 ’ 8 i! 1 macl '.T r ,° r
to declare that, ns much as 1 fool for llo ''; u ’ ,f wc afe d "*P™ ed be liberal with llie
yet been successful in getting his liouesl dues for
services und loss of property io those campaigns.
Wu ought certainly In pay our own debts first; and
tho interests and welfare of the people of Texas, l ,ublic "“"“T- So 1 veral 1 lbe Slates of the Union
libel much more for the interests and wc |. unlorlunaloly, are largely in debt. Andl have not
been a little surprised nl tlte course of certain gen
tlemen upon this question, who were not long sinco
faro of llie people of this country ; nnd as much as
[ admire tiie lustre of llie “lone star,” its some gen
llemcn huve been pleased lo designate our neighbor
exceedingly clamorous against tlte monstrous and
ing Republic, I feel much greater admiration for “"constitutional assumption of tho debts of the
tlte bright galaxy of tlte twonty.six brilliant stars &lale8 ‘ ' vl “ c ", •»•»'vtihom foundation, anti altogeti).
of our own glorious constellation ; and rather than or , IF'ilu.tojsly, charged upon their opponents, out
soe her shouting irregularly from her place, pro- wbo seu "o objection at ull. no constitutional
during disorder and confusion in our well-balanced ""1‘Cdiment, to the assumption of the debts of a to.
system, I should greatly prefer to let her ‘beam on’ country. 1. is destruction to the Constitution
with increasing splendor, as a fixed star in the |)0 . according to their logic, to pay the debts of tho
litical firmament. Though she might never reaclt s,la ' e l a 5 bul ,lie '° l , 3 »» obstacle, nothing more for.
thefirstmugnilt.de, yet her position w. old over ,,Mdab ‘“ tha.famnko’ whtch soon disappear, and
tender her conspicuous amongst the nations of the *«"‘she8, to d >c way of paying tlte debt of Texas.
1 tiers is one part of scripture l would commend
Bnl if gentlemen from the North are sincere in 10 <•»«•><'••" of »»ch gentlemen, and it is that
their professions—if they consider the annexation wblc 1 de8C , r , , bc« U«e inconsistency of a class of
of Texas a great national question—if our own l’“»P leo old, who “strained at gnats, and swallow-
greatness and glory are toho increased thereby, ed camels.
und our own union and harmony are not lo be dis- Bul who knows the amount of our liability to be
turbed—if they are disposed to abide by the com-1 incurred by tiie assumption of that debt? It is
promise established at tho admission of Missouri, true the committee only proposes to pay ten rnill-
by which alone that harmony can be preserved, let ion* ; but who does not know, that if we take Tex-
them say so now, and leave no door opun for future j as, with Iter sovereignty, lands, and all her proper-
is that treaty, the proposition in substance no* disputation, dissension, and strifo. I speak plainly, j ty* ns that plan proposes, we will become liable for
certainly parted witlt it by solemn engagement, h)
llie treaty of 1819. Nor nin I dispose" to find fault
with llteireuty of 1819. By it we got, in consid.
oration of fivu millions ofdultars,nnd tlio relinquish-
mem of a disputed claim for all west of tiie Subiuc,
a settlement for nil cast, and tlte Floridas besides ;
which was a great acquisition at tliut day. it was
so considered by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Culhnun, Mr.
Wirt, nnd our own distinguished und highly gifted
Crawford—ull Southern men, statesmen, and pat
riots. These all gave it their approval und sane,
lion at tho lime, and I lake it for granted tiiat the
treaty, under llie circumstances, wns not only u
good one, hut highly advantageous lo llie country.
It wus ull important for us to have Florida ; and 1
do not see how we could well do without it. But
oven if that trenty were not a good one, we could
not in good faith, ut litis time, go beyond it. Wo
would he estopped by our own deed and compact.
Tlmt, therefore, I think is out of tlte question. Nor
do I conceive that tiie treaty of 1832, between this
country und Mexico, has much more to do witlt the
case, [las Texas acquired Iter independence and
is site entitled to ho considered as one of the nations
„f tlte earth? This is the only point, upon this
view of tlm subject entitled tu consideration. And
I confess this aspect of tiie case, in my opinion, has
materially changed sinco this qiiesliun wus first
started. Tlton it is true, after protracted and in.
effectual elf iris on the part of Mexico to re-ostuh-
fish her authority, there was no actunl war going on
in Texas; no fagrans helium taging at the lime.
But the armistice which had for some time been a-
greed upon, und by which hostilities had been sus
pended, had just terminated, and a proclamation had
been made by Mexico fora renewal of hostilities.
There was every reason to expect that another ef
fort would he made; and how far, under suclt cir
cumstances, it was just and proper for this country
to niuko herself a parly lo such war, as she would
imve done by taking Texas lo herself and how far
our national honor and national good laith might
have been involved in such course, was u grave and
important question,land well deserving the calm
and serious considerbtinn of our Government. A
nation’s honor and gJLd faith are .of great value—
1 above all price—and fcauld mi»-bb rashly sacrifi
But how is it? Let us examine tlte matter.—
The gentleman objects to tlio acquisition of territo
ry, ns lie calls it, by joint action of Congress in its
Legislative capacity.
His arguments rested upon the assumption, that
Congress, in its Legislative character, could not
exercise any power which was not expressly gran
ted, or suclt as might ho necessary lo carry out
those which were expressly grunted ; and tlint
there wus no original substantive power granted in
the Constitution for the acquisition of territory.—
This was not one of tlte original designs in tiie
formation of tho Government, and wus not ono of
the objects to he attained, ns specified in tiie Con
stitution. lie admitted that territory might ho nc
quired, if it became a necessary incident to tlte
proper exercise of other powers, such as tiie treaty.
making power, &c., but denied tliut tlte present
proceedings proposed lo exercise it in tlint way,
and therefore was unconstitutional.
Now, suppose I grant his position and his prcmi-
ses entirely, does his conclusion, in reference to the
proposition I advocate, necessurily follow ? Do tho
resolutions uf tits gentleman from Tennessee (Mr,
Brown) propose lo acquire territory 1 Wo ure of
ten misled hv the use of words. Words, some wri
ter has said, are tilings ; and much misapprehen
sion, 1 think, has been produced by the terms used
in this debule. We have had “annexation” und
--re.annexation,” and “acquisition of territory
until there is a confusion of ideas between the <>b.
ject desired and tho manner of obtaining it. To
acquire, conveys the iden of property, possession,
und tiie right of disposition. And to acquire tern•
lory, conveys the idea of getting tiie rightful pos
session of vacant and unoccupied lands. If this ho
the sense in whirl- the gentloman uses it, I ask,
does the plan of the gentleman from Tennessee
propose to do any such thing ? It is true, it propo
ses to enlarge and extend the limits and boundaries
of our republic. But how ? By permitting anolh.
or State to come into the Uuion, with all her lands
and territory belonging to herself. Titie Govern-
ment will acquire nothing thereby, except llie ad
vantages to be derived from the Union. And if I
understand llie original substantial design nf the
Constitution, tbo main object of its creation, it was
not to swqmr* t
nion of Stales, I
ring upon thejoint goverbiMntofll .
or Union, the exercise of sock sovereign power* a*
were necessary for all foreign national purpose*
and retaining all others in the States, nr the people,
of the States, respectively. This was the design,
this was the object of tbo Constitution Itself, which
is but tho enumeration of tho term* upon which the
people ol the several Slates agreed lo join In the
Union, for the purposes therein specified; and in
this way all the nates came into it,Georgin amongst
tiie rest, with tier rich western domain extending
to the Mississippi, out of which two States have
since grown up, and have been likewise admitted.
When tlte Government wae formed, North Car
olina and Rhode Island refused to come in for
some time. It was not until after it wae organized,
and commenced operations by eleven of the States,
tiiat these two consented to become members of
the Uuion. Could the U. States, those eleven which
first storied this Getierul Government, be laid lo
Imve acquired territory when North Carolina was
admitted ? or tiie twelve, which composed the U.
nitod States, when Rhode Island came in ? There
was in cucli of those cases an addition of e .Stole,
and enlargement of the confederated Republic, just
us lliorc will be if Texus be admitted, as proposed
Iiy the gentleman from Tennesseo, but no acquisi
tion of territory, in the common acceptation of the
term.
How, far, and in how many ways, this Govern-
ornment can constitutionally acquire territory va
lidly. us I Ituve explained, Mr. Chairman, I do not
think a pertinent inquiry at this time ; but I have
no hesitation in saying, tiiat I think it can be done
in various ways, and without resorting to the exer
cise of incidental powers. And upon this point the
nt of tbo gentleman from New York wa*
ly inconsistent with itself; for he admitted
tlmt tve could conetiiut.'onally ao^ui.. ...a t.wij ter
ritory by tlio right of discovery, and yet where docs
lie find this power amongst those specified and ex
pressly granted in tlio Constitution? I might ask.
as did tlio gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
tVintlirop,) ii it was one of the original designs and
objects in forming our Government “to go in quest
of foreign lands ?” There is no such object slated
nnd no suclt power expressly given. And in the
ense tlte gentleman admitted, it strikes me that it
would he hard to point out the one to whiclt it is
e\en incident.
But, sir, l do not grnnt the position assumed by
the gentleman from Now York, Mr. Barnard. I
Imvo only been showing that if I were lo grant it, it
would not affect my case. And I now state, that I
ht'licve nothing is clearer than that this Govern,
ment cun in various ways acquire territory, and
tlmt this call he effected if desired by Congress in
its legislative capacity,and under one of the express
provisions of the Constitution. This I do not nd.
duco in support of the proceedings 1 advocate, or to
show tlmt they are constitutional, but barely to ex.
pose the fallacy of tlio argument of the gentleman
from New York.
i read in tiie second clause, latter part, of the
first article of the Constitution, the following words;
“ No State shall, without the consent of Congress,
lay uny duty on tonnage, keep troops or ship of
war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or
compact with another Slate, or with a foreign pow
er," &c.
Now, suppose Congress should, in its legislative
capacity, lor it could do so in no other way, grant
its consent tu Louisiana or Arkansas to enter into
un “agreement or compact” with Texas, or Mexi
co, if you please, for the cession of certain territory
bordering upon those States, upon the conditions
tliut one half of tlio unoccupied lands so ceded
should belong to the State making the negotiation,
and tlte other half to bo ceded to tiie United Stntes
und tu ho held subject to the laws regulating her oth
er public domuin, with the furthor condition, that, so
soon as tiie territoryso ceded should become suffi
ciently populated, it should be admitted as ono of
the States into this Union: can any gentleman say
tliut Cungress lias not got the power to give such
consent ? And, if such consent should he given,
und such agreement and compact be entered into,
tliut Congress would not Imve, in tiiat wny, most
clearly, acquired territory in its legislative capaci
ty, and tlmt under an express provision of the
Constitution ?
But, as I said, I do no rely upon that view ; I
do not and urn not advocating tliut mode of proceed
ing. I was only tracing the argument of the gen.
tinman from New York, who broadly denied any
such power to Congress- 1 do not propose, it will
be recollected, to acquire territory, as I understand
it, at all, hut simply to admit a new State into (lie
present union of States. And the authority upon
which I rely is no forced construction, but tho plain
simple hingunge of tiie Constitution, which declares,
in llie first clause, 3d sectio , 4th article, that—
“New Slates may he admitted by Congress into
“tins Union ; hut no new State shall be formed or
“erected within the jurisdiction of any other State,
“nor any Slate be formed by the junction of two or
“more States or parts uf States, without the consent
•oflhe Legislatures of the States concerned, as
"well us of Congress."
Tlte torms here used are broad, unqualified, and
unrestricted, “New Slates may be admitted by
Congress into this Union.” But it is said that it
was only meant by these words to give tiie power
to admit States formed out of the territory of (lie
United States, and within their jurisdiction, and
not to include a foreign State. To this I might
reply, that it is the pclitioprincipii—a begging of
llie question. Whether that was the meaning and
intention is the main inquiry ; and from the words
used, no such inference can bo drawn. But the
gentleman from New York says he believes tiiat
was tho meaning and intention ; and, further, that
he nelieves that, if any other opinion had been en.
tertuined the Constitution would never have been
ratified. Well, sir, his belief is not argument. I
suppose tlint every true Mahometan verily believe*
that Christ was un impostor. And I will do the
gentleman from New York the justice to admit that
his fuitlt is quite ns strong ; hut we are taught that
we should not only believe, but be able to give a
enson for the (tiilli that is in us,” And here,
'uin, I listened for the reasons of the gentleman’s
faith, but heard nothing better than a repetition of
his belief.
Let us, then, examine the matter. If there is
uny difficulty, we must look to the words, theob.
jects, and contemporaneous history. As to the
words, they are quite unambiguous. The term
State” is a technical word, well understood ut
tiiat time. It means a body politic—a community
clothed with all the powers and attributes of gov.
eminent. And any State, even one ofthose grow
ing up in the bosom of our own territory, upon ad
mission, may be considered to some extent foreign.
For if it be a State, it muit have a separate Govern,
ment ; it must be a politicol community of itself;
it must huve aGovernment separate from, and to
some extent independent of, the Union. For if it
be in the Union then it could not be admitted ; that
can not he admitted in which already in. And
if it is a Slate, and out of the Union, seeking admis
sion, it must be considered quoad hoc to be foreign.
Now, as to contemporaneous and subsequent histo-
. - - ^ o -- -
“this Constitution between the Stales so ratifying.'
Tni
u«»v uqin iU(W|u w ii r n»U| vwu-
i tbs not foreign wbanever the Gov.
into oporetion without hot ratifies.
What relation did North Carolina hold to the
Union when it was firat formed ? She refused to
ratify the Constitution, and waa moil clearly out
of it. Tlte last article of the Constitution declared—
“The ratification of the conventions of nine
“States shall be sufficient for the establishment of
But inure than nine ratified; eleven did; leaving
North Carolina and Rhode Inland out, as before
stated. The Union waa formed, and the Constitu.
lion established, for those that bad ratified, and the
Government proceeded to organisation. North
Carolina was then certainly out of tho Union. Sho
had the right and power lo remain out. If she had,
would she not have boon foreign to it t And, eon-
seqwtntlyi wait* ' ‘ ~
eminent went