Newspaper Page Text
yuksaxt
Tuesday, JVov. 14, 1826.
BY MYRON BARTLET.
PROSPECTUS *
or THIS
MACOW TELEGRAPH,
A WSCKLT NEWSPAPIK,
PRINTED AT MAO ON, GA.
THE local advantages of the town of Ma-
•on, as a» emporium for Literature as well as
Commerce,—situated as it is, almost in the
verv centre of the State; at the head of Na
vigation on a beautiful river; in the heart of a
new, fertile and healthy country,—were a-
mong the inducements that led to the propos
al] undertaking.
The rapid strides this infant settlement has
made, in the short space of four years; the
importance, in a commercial point of view, it
has already acquired; the attention, the in
terest, it every where excites; the tide of
business, of capital, of talent, so rapidly flow
ing there; already direct the public mind to
the high destiny which awaits it.
Though there is already one neatly printed
paper in Macon, yet the peculiar situation of
the times—the increasing business of the place
__the intelligence, the public spirit of the com-
2,, l)n i;y_.the’ increasing population, wealth and
importance of this section of the State,—call
loudly for the assistance of another Press;
which shall not only disseminate useful infor
mation, but advocate fearlessly, tue rights
OP THE PEOPLE!
\V,ih regard to the Political course intend
ed to be pursued by the Editor, he presumes
a few remarks will suffice:—lie pledges him
self to no faction or cabal. Warmly devoted
to ihe cause of the people, his constant en
deavor will be to promote their interests—his
h ehest ambition to merit their confidence.—
Though he docs not deny a preference to the
principles of one of the contending parties
that agitate this State,—yet such measures,
and such men, only, as to htm may seem
best calculated to promote tho public good,
w.ll receive his support, without respect to the
pir'v which claims them.
The Editor secs with pain, the dilemma in
which Georgia is placed, in regard' to her rela
tions with the General Government, and the
awful crisis to which she is hastening. With
out stopping to inquire, whether, in the origin
of this dispu'e, she had justice on her side, he
pledges himself, to use h's unwearied exertions
to preserve the rights and dignity of the State,
and to avert tho evils that threaten to over
whelm her. In supporting the rights of Geor
gia, he shall not feel himself bound to assail,
with unmerited abuse, the Government of the
Un.tci) States; or to ascribe to others, the c-
vils which may have arisen from our own im
prudence. Wherever, in his opinion, censure
m iv Iia i1i‘<u»rvnd .it shall nnt lio withheld.—*
a Georgian, in feelings and h. ,
will contend, strenuously, for every iota of her
rights! As a descendant of the Martyrs of the
Revolution, every attempt to weaken the Gov
ernment of his Country, or sever the Union
of these States, w II meet with his utter abhor
rence, and determined opposition.
TF.RMS.—Three Dollars per annum, if
paid in advance, nr Four Dollars at the end
of the year. Distant subscribers must in all
cases pay in advanre.
Advertisements inserted at the usual rates.
M. BARTLET.
SELECTIONS.
THE SILK WORM.
Samuel Wood, D. D.ofBosc.uwen, inn let
ter addressed to John Faimer, Esq. of Con
cord, N, il, and published in the New-Harap-
shire Journal, writes us follows:
BOSCAWEN, Sept. 26, 1826.
Dear Sin—In answer to your request re
specting the Silk Wo. in, and the raising of Silk,
I can give but little information, except what I
hue ublamed by experience.
Aboat thirty years since, I brought a young
shoot of tho white mulberry from the State of
Connecticut. It grew rapidly, and in a few
years began to shade my garden, so that I cut
down about half of what, had grown from that
one roo . About twenty yearssincc, I brought
from the state of Connecticut some eggs of the
•dk worm; and liom that timo to the present I
have raised silk from that ono tree. 1 have*
raised a rich supply for the use of ray family
and some years more than wo found use for.—
Tho quantity has increased as the tree has
r own larger, and we made use of tho leaves.
judged that tho last year we had about a
pound of silk, after fitted for uso ; this present
yew I judge that we have about two pounds of
raw iilk, although we did uot use all tlie leavos
wiich tho tree produced. I should suppose
we fed between three and four thousand worms.
I shall now make a few observations from
nty own experience and conjecture on this sub
ject, J
1. According to my observation on the
growth of this tree, I bet eve that such soil os is
suitable for the apple tree will produce tho mul
uerry tree.
. *• 1 think that the best method of propaga-
tin S the mulberry tree, is by the seed, which it
produces iu great plenty; the berries should
bo gathered when ripe, and kept till tho next
»P r mg, then planted..
3. I find that the tree is so constituted, that
the loaves may all be gathered iu June and Ju
ly, and not essentially injure its growth. For
about twenty years I h.ivo gathered the most
v i u . ** U5 ,rec yo ttly; after which,
it would flourish with a new set of leaves; and
tor about thirty years, it has not been injured
}’ 'he winter, except some twigs of the later
Ciowth. I th nk, however, that tho climate
e will noinilnrt tho gathering of the loaves
‘ !0con ^ luu 0* Yet, if the business wero to bo
Volume \ JVo. 8.
carried on largely, the eggs might be hatched
some earlier and some later.
4. It appears to me, from what I have ob
served respecting the properties of the tree,
and the labor in gathering of the leaves, that, if
I were to lay out for the making of silk, I should
set the trees very thick, leaving only room to
pass between them; then I would gather the
young shoots, to prevent their growing high.—
In this way, females and children might gather
the leaves.
5. The silk worms, for the twenty years that
I have cultivated them, have not degenerated.
I have taken care to select tho best balls for
preserving seed. I think that the balls are
larger and the silk better, than when I first had
them. When tho millers have hatched, or
come out of tho balls, thoy soon deposit their
eggs on paper. I then roll the paper up, to
keep the eggs from tho air, and lay the paper
in a safe place till spring. When the weather
growS warm, I carry them into the cellar,
where it is cool, lest they should hatch before
tho leaves open.
6. As to tno method of treating the silkworm,
I hatch the egg by exposing them to the air in
a warm room. Eight days are required to
hatch them. My object is to hatch them as
the leaves unfold—some years sooner than
others. As soon as they begin to hatch, I ap
ply to them the mulberry leaves; and when
they have eaten and extracted tho moisture of
those leaves, t add fresh leaves, without remov
ing the former; and so continue to do, till the
old leaves become so thick as to cause a heat.
Then I take oflf the top laying with the worms
and remove the others. This will be needful
to he done five or six times within the three
first weeks. Then it will become needful to
spread them on shelves. Within six weeks
they will begin to wind their balls. To pro
vide for them, I before hand six or eight days,
cut off some leafy boughs or twigs of the beach
or chesnut, that they may have time to dry,
otherwise they will cause heat, so injure the
worms in winding. Tlieso hushes I spread
over a part of the worms at first, about two in
ches from the shelf; leaving the other part till
they shall chiefly have done eating—then spread
over the whole. I then let them rest, about
four days, after tho noise of their winding has
generally, ceased I then take the balls from the
bushes—strip off the loose tow-and within
nine days the balls must be reeled, or the mil
lers will hatch, and spoil the silk.
7. I reel the silk by putting the balls into hot
water. I let the water just begin to boil: th n
gather the ends, ns many aa t want to tn .Uo n
thread—then reel it.
8. The worms, from the time of hatching
till they have finished their work, must he care
fully kept from vermin ; and especially from
ly while young; and taking pains to have them
in a room that is warm, when the air abroad is
chilly and raw, they grow much larger, and
make betier silk. For while they are sm ill
and benumbed with cold, they will oat but lit
tle, and grow but little, yet the time of age is
running on. I make a point to forward their
growth as fast as I can. It will be profitable
to give them as much as they will cat without
wasting; and they will waste but little, if pro
perly fed after they are three weeks old. The
last week they will eat very greedily, and they
should have as much ns they will eat. The
worms shed their skin, or part of it three times
tho course of their growth. Previous to
this, for one day they will appear to sleep.—
When they awake from that state, they seem
to grow one half in length; eat ravenously;
and grow as fast.
Dear Sir, I have given you a brief account
of my experience and views of the silk worm;
you will mako such use of it as occasion may
require.
I am yours, with respect,
SAMUEL WOOD.
Nnctpnptrt—Ranh.—There it not a dally newspapei
f iublishedln Orcai Britain, out of London—nor iu Ire
and, out of Dublin, but one—in Cork. Thus it would
seem that London, Dublin and Cork, are the only el
ties in the empire that possess any local source of poll
tical or mercaatile intelligence. But that Cork should
take the lead of Edinburgh, with its ten periodicals,
and Its fifteen banking-houses, Is not a little singular.—
Tho following statement will show in what ratio news
paper Intelligence is afloat in the different principal
cities in the empire:
London Dally Morning 8
Daily Dvenlng G—Total 14
Dublin Daily 4
Cork Dally 1
Total numbr;- of papers published in the princtpel ci
ties and towns:—
London 60 Exeter 5 York
Dublin 20 Glasgow (a) ft Canterbury 3
Edinburgh 10 Bath 4 Chelmsford
Liverpool 6 Belfast , 4 Galway
Manchester 6 Bristol ' 4 Hull'
Cork 5 Leeds 4 Sheffield
After London, there ore only eleven towns in Eng
land that publish more than one or two papers. After
Dublin there are only three in Ireland—namely, Cork,
Belfast and Galway—that publish more than one or
two; and setting aside Edinburgh and Glasgow,
there is not a single town in Scotland that does.—
England and Wales, 74 cities aud towns, publish
188 papers.
Ireland 23 69
Scotland 13 33
In 1824, the three Islands had employed $84 banking
...hum. There are ten newspapers published In Ed-
inburgh, while it has employment for fifteen banking
houses.
Edinburgh newspapers 10 Banking-houses 15
Glasgow, 6 10
Dublin 20
Fashionable watering places also abound with banks.
Bristol claims ten, Bath has five, and Brighton (b) a*
many more; the city of Oxford, has also five one of
which is claimed solely by the University, to deposit
its learned treasures. The Dublin University, allowed
to be the wealthiest in Europe, has no such establish
ment under its wing.
(n) There are six papers published in Glasgow,
fit Note—In the yoar 1824, thirty-five mail and
stage coaches started almost daily from London to
Brighton, being atmut-lhe tame number that were em
ployed for the entire service of Ireland,
Millf.dqeville, November,.
Tho Governor, at 12 o’clock today t ins-
mitted to both branchos of the Legislature the
following
MESSAGE.
Executive Department,
MilltdgeytlD, 7th Ntv. lt
Fellow Citizens—Tho political 3
terminated, has boon distinguished by
so much as tho decease of Thomas Jtfferson
and John Adams, who, after laying th found
ation of American Independence, an filling
the highest offices of State, through a ong se
ries of time, survived to the fiftieth Ar liversa-
ry of the Independence they had dedasd, and
on that day, almost at the same hour, ied full
of years and full of honor, deplored by the
whole nation, whose grief was testified by a u-
niversal mourning, accompanied wit| every
demonstration of love, respect and venbration.
Among the many tokens of the tender mercies
of Divine Providence toward our country, Bone
has been more signal than those which accom
panied this memorable dispensation—so touch
so that our sorrows have found solacd and
comfort in tho admiration and gratitude die to
Almighty God for the special interposition
which, by its circumstances, m.ule their deaths
not less glorious than their lives had been ex
emplary and illustrious.
It was known to the last Legislature, that
for certain reasons expressed by the President
of the United States, he would cal) the atten
tion of Congress, at their first mooting, to the
validity of tho Treaty negociated at the Indian
Springs in 1825 5 and in his message tp- the
Congress at the opening of the session, after
announcing that “the Treaty had been rati
fied under the unsuspecting impression that it
had been negociated in good faith,” he pro
mised to lay before that body 'ho subsequent
transactions in relation to it. The President
filled to do so—Toward the close of the
sossion of Congress he did submit to the Sen
ate a new Treaty in abrogation of the old.one,
with n RCTTtnil tloeliration ftf.tKo-faltolran^ nilfl
deception practised by the Commissioners, in
their c.Ticia] communications with the govern
ment, of tho numerical inferiority of the party
which signed it, and of their consequent inabil
ity to carry it into effect, but unaccompanied by
The Senate, as you know, ranneatno Trctn^,
and tho. one of the Indian Springs of prior
date, of prior ratification, and passing vested
rights to Georgia, was declared null and void.
The objections to this proceeding, considered
altogether novel and unprecedented, were ob
vious—Georgia, for whose benefit alone ‘ the
Treaty was negociated, was deprived, without
her consent, of interests already vcsied—The
party with whom the old Treaty had been ne
gotiated was not recognized as a party at all in
the conclusion of the new, and in the execution
of the now Treaty without their consent, and
even against the*r consent, they have not mere
ly been, dopriveil of every right wh : ch they
could claim under the old or new, but have
been to all inten's and purposes dm nonaUzed,
and forced either to submit unconditionally to
the power of their onem'es or to ahandoh 'heir
country. It was with a knowledge of what
was in prospect, from tho first annunciation of
the President to Congress, that the Legisla
ture qf Georgia, at the close of its sossion, ft-
gain reviewed and again confirmed the validi
ty of the Treaty of the Indian Springs. This
confirmation was tho more imposin'’, because
•ho Legislature which first acknowledged tho
authority of that Treaty hail returned to the
people, its conduct had been passed in review,
and of course a favorable verdict pronounced
upon it. Tho act of the Legislature, founded
on the provisions of the old Treaty, having
been, ns it were, re-enacted by a succeeding
Legislature, was to be regarded as mandatory
and imperative, to bo carried into effect by the
Executive under his oath of office, according
to its requisitions, unless forbidden by para
mount considerations—there could be none
paramount, but what would be found in the
Constitution of tho United States, and none
such were found. The Constitution itself, in
denouncing an act impairing the obligation of
contracts, recognized- the xucredness of tho
Treaty of the Indinn Springs. Tho Execu
tive of Georgia, thcreibre, had no ultetnative
but to carry that Treaty into effect, in confor
mity with the repeatedly expressed will oftho
Legislature—H s intentions were early com
municated in the most frank and ingenuous
manner to the Executive Governmental Wash
ington, and from that time to tho present mo
ment ho has never ceased to remonstrate and
protest, on every occasion requiring it, against
any act injuriously affecting tho interests of
Georgia derived trader It—But there were o-
ther reasons for-maintaining tho inviolability of
the Treaty of tho Indian Springs—By that
treaty Georgia had acquired all her territory
within tho Creek limits—by '.ho new sho was
to acquire loss—and the difference between
them was by tho stipulations of tho new guar
anteed to the Indians forever. Tho Govern
or could in no manner recognize the power of
the President and Senate, by the abrogation
of the old Treaty, to violate the Constitution
of Georgia. Tho Constitution of Georgia,
as well as the articles of agreement, entered
into in conformity with it, bod scttlod her per-
manont boundaries irrevocably. Tho new
treaty prescribed new boundaries for Georgia,
and by its perpetual guarantee made them
permanent—Lands, tho rightful property of
Georgia, wero taken from her and ceded to the
Indians forever; and the jurisdiction over tho
river Chattahoochie, which had been secured
exclusively to her by the original chartor, by
her Constitution, and by tho articles of agree-
ment and cevs on, was divided by the now
Treaty between Alabama and Georgia—As no
power is given by the Constitution of the Unit
ed States to the Government of the United
States, to alter or revoke tho Constitution of
a State, it would have been not merely nn un
pardonable indifference to her rights and honor
to have submitted in silenco to theso palpable
infractions of them, but the Chief Magistrate
would liavo believed himself guilty of a crimin
al desertion of the interests of tho State, if
his sanction or countenance had been given to
such an instrument. If the difference between
the provisions of the old and new Treaties,
had been a nominal, not a real difference, the
United States and Georgia could have pro
ceeded in good faith, and without collision of
interest, to execute either, as ono or the other
was believed to be the Constitutional law; but
as those provisions were variant in several par
ticulars involving essential rights, and as one of
thcnwcspocially whether so designed or not,
would have effectually postponed the settle
ment of the country fur an entire year, it could
not be expected that Georgia would surrender
rghts, interests and principle too, because the
President of the United States considered the
now Treaty tho Constitution::! law. Tho
Government of either State is to bo considered
as an independent moral agent, having a con
science of its own, the arbiter within itself of
right and wrong, to be influenced or controlled
only by Divine authority; and tho conscience
of this Government has already passed defini
tively on the validity of the Treaty of the In
dian Springs. And here permit me to remark
that with regard to the rights of sovereignty
and jurisdiction generally, which Georgia
claims under her charter, to the territory with
in her limits in the occupancy of the Indians,
there is such a radical difference of opinion be
tween the authorities of Georgia and those of
the United States, that the harmony and tran
quility of the two governments, so much to be
cherished by all good men, can never be main
tained uninterruptedly until those Indians shall
have been removod. In illustration of thig» it
i$ sufficient to.inform you tint on a recent oc
casion tho right of Georgia to make even a re-
connoisance within that territory, with a view
to eventual internal improvement, was denied,
and that denial accompanied by a formal pro
test of the President of the United States a-
gainst it: and moreover, that when about the
same time there were indications of an hostile
feeting'f" ino p«rt or the Indians, Wfiicti
.1—J interruption to our Commissioners
engaged in running, with tho consent and ap>,
probation of ihe United States, the dividing
line between Alabama and this State, and
precautionary measures were taken for their
safety, Georgia was given to understand that
sho had no right to extond her protection to
her own officers engaged on her own soil in
carrying into effect an act of her own Legisla
ture against such hostility. It is vain to look
into tho Constitution of the United States- to
find what rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction
acquired under the charter over tho territory
within her limits, Georgia has surrendered to
tho Federal Government—No such surrender
has been made, and yet Georgia, in her late
intercourse with the United States has been
treated in this respect as if sho liafl no rights
of sovereignty or jurisdiction at all, and this
too whilst the laws of the United States, as
well as the articles of agreement and cession
distinctly recognize and proclaim them, and of
course to the very same extent as thoy are as
serted by tho Treaty of Ilopowell and others.
The forlorn and helpless condition to which
the M'Intosh, or friendly party of the Creeks,
have been reduced by the continued persecu
tions to which they havo been exposed, is sub
mitted to you as claiming yoar humane and be
nevolent consideration. This portion of tho
Creek tribe having fought the battles of the U-
nited States and vanquished tho hostile part of
it, who were at once their enemies and tho en
emies of the United States, it was hoped that
they would havo been regarded with some de
gree of favor by that government and people,
in whoso defence they had expended their
blood and put to hazard every thing dear to
them. For a time this hope was not disap
pointed—General Jackson, by his treaty of
1814, had recognized their services and their
claims—Thoir Cliieftian was distinguished by
the favor of the Government, aud he and his
followers wero regarded not only as the faithful
and devoted friends of the whites, but as the
conquerors of the Red Sticks, then numbering
two-thirds of the whole nation, whose rights of
torritorv, by the laws of war, passed to tho
victors. It wnsthe conviction of the justice of
thoir cause and of the rights acquired by it,
which dictated tho letter of tho Secretary of
War of tho 17th day of March, 18t7, recog
nizing in full tho power of M'Intosh and his
followers to sell tho country. When, in obedi
ence to the expressed wishes of the United
States, M’Intosh wtih others, proceeded at the
Treaty oftho Indian Springs, to exercise this
acknowledged power, the power was denied,
and the murder of himself and tho Chiefs which
followed, looked upon without emotion, whilst
the murderers were cherished, caressed and
honored by the Government of tho United
States—-his followers left without home,
without protection, without broad, and finally
denationalized and put under the ban—so that
at Inst they wore considered as no part of the
nation, having no claim of territory, and of
courso no rightful participation in tho conside
ration for which the territory sold—and what
is worse than all, tho money which should have
been given to them under the Treaty, not on
ly given to their eoemies, but marie tho instru
ment of seducing from their allegiance tho
frionds of M'Intosh, who had no alternative
hut to take the bribe or share tho calamities of
the party. To complote their degradation as
an unworthy and ignoble race, the President,
in his official message to the Senate, has deign
ed to stigmatize them as “an hnpotent and
helpless minority,” “unable to execute their
engagements”—“as fugitives instigated by a
vindictive fury,” “miking extravagant and un
warrantable demands, whilst they were eating -
the bread and begging the protection of the U*
Uited States.” And again, as “a party making
unwarrantable pretensions and extravagant de
mands, and having no claims on tho United
States, oilier iUa« »e „„i
justice.” ‘ Is it loflfe wondered’ that under such
treatment the friendly party should be reduced
to a mere remnant, an impotent and helpless
minority, or is it not a subject of wonder, that
instead of the one thousand which remain,
there should bo ono left bearing the name or
rallying under the standard of M'Intosh.—
We cannot permit ourselves to believe that die
Congress of the United States, will not itself
regard with tenderness nnd compassion a por
tion of the human family, reduced by reverses
to piteous distress, deserted by the inconstancy
of friendship, and abandoned to the sports of
fortune.
Whether in reference to that part of tho ter- •
ritory of Georgia, yet in tho occupancy of tho
Cherokees, you will think proper, in conform
ity with tho recommondatiou to tbnt effect con
tained in a late messago, to extend the laws
over it as a right resulting from your genoral
sovereignty and jurisdiction, or whether you will
abide the .result of future negociations by the
United States, to extinguish their claims in vir
tue of tho compact Of 1802, will he for you, as
thp only competent authority to decide. A
state of things so unnatural and so fruitful of
evil ns an independent government of a semi-
bnrharous poople co-existing within tho same
Brails, cannot long continue, and wiso counsels
must direct, that relations which cannot be main
tained in peace, should be dissolved before nny
occasion can occur to break that peace. How
ungenerously tantalizing to this unhappy tribe
would bo a policy ihviting thorn to a local hab
itation nnd repose, when the fates had already
decreed their destiny to bo fixed and irreversi
ble upon another soil. To perpetuate the rem
nant of a noble race, wo ask of the United
States to givo them a resting place within
boundaries of thoir own, fruitful, nranle and sa
lubrious, such as they command, and such as in
humanity they should bestow, where the arts of
civilization and the lights of Christianity can
reach them unmixed with tho corrupting nnd
comageous vices of ttio "Whites, nna wnore tnoir
perpetuity and independence can be assured.
If 'ho United States hesitate now, a few years
will bring them to just reflections, but too Into
to save from irredeemable wusto and decay the
numerical strength and moral energies of a peo
ple, so far preserved by tho encouragement and
patronage of the United States, with the toler
ance of Georgia.
Messrs. Crawford, Blount nnd Ilam'lton,
were appointed Commissioners, James Caraak
mathematician, assisted by the Chief Civil En
gineer, and Edward L. 't’homxs, survoyor, in
pursuance of a resolution of tho Legislature, to
run tho dividing line between this State and
Alabama. These gentlemen have, in the exe
cution of their sovcral trusts, discharged the du
ties confided to them to my entire satisfaction.
Those assigned to the Commissioners wore del
icate and arduous, and whilst they respected as
thoy ought tho rights of others, they have not
been unmindful of what was due to the State
they represented, its honor, interest aud dignity.
The Chief Civil Engineer having received the
appointment front the Executive, was to bo
considered os under his exclusive direction and
control, until the mooting of tho Legislature.—
llis power over this officer was, however, from
a consideration of fitness and propriety, volun
tarily aud cheerfully, but informally, surrender
ed to Ihe Board of Public Works, with a set
tled purpose not to interfere with tho exercise
of that power, unless claims to his services of
liighor interest to tho public, should, at any time
be intorposed. An occasion offered, and he
was ordered, without hesitation, from tho less,
to the more important service. It is to bo re
gretted that tno Commissioners of Alabama
could not feel themselves authorised to concur
with those of Georgia. Tho correspondence
between, tho two commissions will exhibit the
views of each, and it is not presuming too much
to say, that those of Georgia arc not the less
satisfactory, because they havo not received tho
concurrence or approbation of the Commission
ers of Alabama If the first bend above.the U-
chee and Coweta and 1 Cussotah Towns, from
which a lino to Nickajack did not strike tho riv
er, would not satisfy the requisitions of the ar
ticles of agreemout and cession, it was not to bo
expected that any other bond abovo it, and
fiirthcr removed from Uchoe and tho Towns,
would. It was tho loss to be expected that tho
Commissioners of Georgia would consent to
pass that bend, for no other reason than that
Alabama would take more and Georgia less
territory by it—And when tho Commissioners,
without the concurrence of those of Alabama,
finally adopted thopointof Miller’s bend, it was
the point which was about mid-way betwee n
that assumed as tho true one by the Governing
of Alabama, and tho ono ultimately proposed bjr
her Commissioners to ours—As the Commis
sioners of Alabama would not agree to run from
the first bend immediately above Uchoe, and as
a line running from that.bend intersecting the
river, would have made tho boundary not a
straight ono as cxintemplatod by the articles, but
a devious one, straight upon the land and mean-