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Macon telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1826-1832, November 14, 1826, Image 1

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yuksaxt Tuesday, JVov. 14, 1826. BY MYRON BARTLET. PROSPECTUS * or THIS MACOW TELEGRAPH, A WSCKLT NEWSPAPIK, PRINTED AT MAO ON, GA. THE local advantages of the town of Ma- •on, as a» emporium for Literature as well as Commerce,—situated as it is, almost in the verv centre of the State; at the head of Na vigation on a beautiful river; in the heart of a new, fertile and healthy country,—were a- mong the inducements that led to the propos al] undertaking. The rapid strides this infant settlement has made, in the short space of four years; the importance, in a commercial point of view, it has already acquired; the attention, the in terest, it every where excites; the tide of business, of capital, of talent, so rapidly flow ing there; already direct the public mind to the high destiny which awaits it. Though there is already one neatly printed paper in Macon, yet the peculiar situation of the times—the increasing business of the place __the intelligence, the public spirit of the com- 2,, l)n i;y_.the’ increasing population, wealth and importance of this section of the State,—call loudly for the assistance of another Press; which shall not only disseminate useful infor mation, but advocate fearlessly, tue rights OP THE PEOPLE! \V,ih regard to the Political course intend ed to be pursued by the Editor, he presumes a few remarks will suffice:—lie pledges him self to no faction or cabal. Warmly devoted to ihe cause of the people, his constant en deavor will be to promote their interests—his h ehest ambition to merit their confidence.— Though he docs not deny a preference to the principles of one of the contending parties that agitate this State,—yet such measures, and such men, only, as to htm may seem best calculated to promote tho public good, w.ll receive his support, without respect to the pir'v which claims them. The Editor secs with pain, the dilemma in which Georgia is placed, in regard' to her rela tions with the General Government, and the awful crisis to which she is hastening. With out stopping to inquire, whether, in the origin of this dispu'e, she had justice on her side, he pledges himself, to use h's unwearied exertions to preserve the rights and dignity of the State, and to avert tho evils that threaten to over whelm her. In supporting the rights of Geor gia, he shall not feel himself bound to assail, with unmerited abuse, the Government of the States; or to ascribe to others, the c- vils which may have arisen from our own im prudence. Wherever, in his opinion, censure m iv Iia i1i‘<u»rvnd .it shall nnt lio withheld.—* a Georgian, in feelings and h. , will contend, strenuously, for every iota of her rights! As a descendant of the Martyrs of the Revolution, every attempt to weaken the Gov ernment of his Country, or sever the Union of these States, w II meet with his utter abhor rence, and determined opposition. TF.RMS.—Three Dollars per annum, if paid in advance, nr Four Dollars at the end of the year. Distant subscribers must in all cases pay in advanre. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. M. BARTLET. SELECTIONS. THE SILK WORM. Samuel Wood, D. D.ofBosc.uwen, inn let ter addressed to John Faimer, Esq. of Con cord, N, il, and published in the New-Harap- shire Journal, writes us follows: BOSCAWEN, Sept. 26, 1826. Dear Sin—In answer to your request re specting the Silk Wo. in, and the raising of Silk, I can give but little information, except what I hue ublamed by experience. Aboat thirty years since, I brought a young shoot of tho white mulberry from the State of Connecticut. It grew rapidly, and in a few years began to shade my garden, so that I cut down about half of what, had grown from that one roo . About twenty yearssincc, I brought from the state of Connecticut some eggs of the •dk worm; and liom that timo to the present I have raised silk from that ono tree. 1 have* raised a rich supply for the use of ray family and some years more than wo found use for.— Tho quantity has increased as the tree has r own larger, and we made use of tho leaves. judged that tho last year we had about a pound of silk, after fitted for uso ; this present yew I judge that we have about two pounds of raw iilk, although we did uot use all tlie leavos wiich tho tree produced. I should suppose we fed between three and four thousand worms. I shall now make a few observations from nty own experience and conjecture on this sub ject, J 1. According to my observation on the growth of this tree, I bet eve that such soil os is suitable for the apple tree will produce tho mul uerry tree. . *• 1 think that the best method of propaga- tin S the mulberry tree, is by the seed, which it produces iu great plenty; the berries should bo gathered when ripe, and kept till tho next »P r mg, then planted.. 3. I find that the tree is so constituted, that the loaves may all be gathered iu June and Ju ly, and not essentially injure its growth. For about twenty years I h.ivo gathered the most v i u . ** U5 ,rec yo ttly; after which, it would flourish with a new set of leaves; and tor about thirty years, it has not been injured }’ 'he winter, except some twigs of the later Ciowth. I th nk, however, that tho climate e will noinilnrt tho gathering of the loaves ‘ !0con ^ luu 0* Yet, if the business wero to bo Volume \ JVo. 8. carried on largely, the eggs might be hatched some earlier and some later. 4. It appears to me, from what I have ob served respecting the properties of the tree, and the labor in gathering of the leaves, that, if I were to lay out for the making of silk, I should set the trees very thick, leaving only room to pass between them; then I would gather the young shoots, to prevent their growing high.— In this way, females and children might gather the leaves. 5. The silk worms, for the twenty years that I have cultivated them, have not degenerated. I have taken care to select tho best balls for preserving seed. I think that the balls are larger and the silk better, than when I first had them. When tho millers have hatched, or come out of tho balls, thoy soon deposit their eggs on paper. I then roll the paper up, to keep the eggs from tho air, and lay the paper in a safe place till spring. When the weather growS warm, I carry them into the cellar, where it is cool, lest they should hatch before tho leaves open. 6. As to tno method of treating the silkworm, I hatch the egg by exposing them to the air in a warm room. Eight days are required to hatch them. My object is to hatch them as the leaves unfold—some years sooner than others. As soon as they begin to hatch, I ap ply to them the mulberry leaves; and when they have eaten and extracted tho moisture of those leaves, t add fresh leaves, without remov ing the former; and so continue to do, till the old leaves become so thick as to cause a heat. Then I take oflf the top laying with the worms and remove the others. This will be needful to he done five or six times within the three first weeks. Then it will become needful to spread them on shelves. Within six weeks they will begin to wind their balls. To pro vide for them, I before hand six or eight days, cut off some leafy boughs or twigs of the beach or chesnut, that they may have time to dry, otherwise they will cause heat, so injure the worms in winding. Tlieso hushes I spread over a part of the worms at first, about two in ches from the shelf; leaving the other part till they shall chiefly have done eating—then spread over the whole. I then let them rest, about four days, after tho noise of their winding has generally, ceased I then take the balls from the bushes—strip off the loose tow-and within nine days the balls must be reeled, or the mil lers will hatch, and spoil the silk. 7. I reel the silk by putting the balls into hot water. I let the water just begin to boil: th n gather the ends, ns many aa t want to tn .Uo n thread—then reel it. 8. The worms, from the time of hatching till they have finished their work, must he care fully kept from vermin ; and especially from ly while young; and taking pains to have them in a room that is warm, when the air abroad is chilly and raw, they grow much larger, and make betier silk. For while they are sm ill and benumbed with cold, they will oat but lit tle, and grow but little, yet the time of age is running on. I make a point to forward their growth as fast as I can. It will be profitable to give them as much as they will cat without wasting; and they will waste but little, if pro perly fed after they are three weeks old. The last week they will eat very greedily, and they should have as much ns they will eat. The worms shed their skin, or part of it three times tho course of their growth. Previous to this, for one day they will appear to sleep.— When they awake from that state, they seem to grow one half in length; eat ravenously; and grow as fast. Dear Sir, I have given you a brief account of my experience and views of the silk worm; you will mako such use of it as occasion may require. I am yours, with respect, SAMUEL WOOD. Nnctpnptrt—Ranh.—There it not a dally newspapei f iublishedln Orcai Britain, out of London—nor iu Ire and, out of Dublin, but one—in Cork. Thus it would seem that London, Dublin and Cork, are the only el ties in the empire that possess any local source of poll tical or mercaatile intelligence. But that Cork should take the lead of Edinburgh, with its ten periodicals, and Its fifteen banking-houses, Is not a little singular.— Tho following statement will show in what ratio news paper Intelligence is afloat in the different principal cities in the empire: London Dally Morning 8 Daily Dvenlng G—Total 14 Dublin Daily 4 Cork Dally 1 Total numbr;- of papers published in the princtpel ci ties and towns:— London 60 Exeter 5 York Dublin 20 Glasgow (a) ft Canterbury 3 Edinburgh 10 Bath 4 Chelmsford Liverpool 6 Belfast , 4 Galway Manchester 6 Bristol ' 4 Hull' Cork 5 Leeds 4 Sheffield After London, there ore only eleven towns in Eng land that publish more than one or two papers. After Dublin there are only three in Ireland—namely, Cork, Belfast and Galway—that publish more than one or two; and setting aside Edinburgh and Glasgow, there is not a single town in Scotland that does.— England and Wales, 74 cities aud towns, publish 188 papers. Ireland 23 69 Scotland 13 33 In 1824, the three Islands had employed $84 banking ...hum. There are ten newspapers published In Ed- inburgh, while it has employment for fifteen banking houses. Edinburgh newspapers 10 Banking-houses 15 Glasgow, 6 10 Dublin 20 Fashionable watering places also abound with banks. Bristol claims ten, Bath has five, and Brighton (b) a* many more; the city of Oxford, has also five one of which is claimed solely by the University, to deposit its learned treasures. The Dublin University, allowed to be the wealthiest in Europe, has no such establish ment under its wing. (n) There are six papers published in Glasgow, fit Note—In the yoar 1824, thirty-five mail and stage coaches started almost daily from London to Brighton, being atmut-lhe tame number that were em ployed for the entire service of Ireland, Millf.dqeville, November,. Tho Governor, at 12 o’clock today t ins- mitted to both branchos of the Legislature the following MESSAGE. Executive Department, MilltdgeytlD, 7th Ntv. lt Fellow Citizens—Tho political 3 terminated, has boon distinguished by so much as tho decease of Thomas Jtfferson and John Adams, who, after laying th found ation of American Independence, an filling the highest offices of State, through a ong se ries of time, survived to the fiftieth Ar liversa- ry of the Independence they had dedasd, and on that day, almost at the same hour, ied full of years and full of honor, deplored by the whole nation, whose grief was testified by a u- niversal mourning, accompanied wit| every demonstration of love, respect and venbration. Among the many tokens of the tender mercies of Divine Providence toward our country, Bone has been more signal than those which accom panied this memorable dispensation—so touch so that our sorrows have found solacd and comfort in tho admiration and gratitude die to Almighty God for the special interposition which, by its circumstances, m.ule their deaths not less glorious than their lives had been ex emplary and illustrious. It was known to the last Legislature, that for certain reasons expressed by the President of the United States, he would cal) the atten tion of Congress, at their first mooting, to the validity of tho Treaty negociated at the Indian Springs in 1825 5 and in his message tp- the Congress at the opening of the session, after announcing that “the Treaty had been rati fied under the unsuspecting impression that it had been negociated in good faith,” he pro mised to lay before that body 'ho subsequent transactions in relation to it. The President filled to do so—Toward the close of the sossion of Congress he did submit to the Sen ate a new Treaty in abrogation of the, with n RCTTtnil tloeliration ftf.tKo-faltolran^ nilfl deception practised by the Commissioners, in their c.Ticia] communications with the govern ment, of tho numerical inferiority of the party which signed it, and of their consequent inabil ity to carry it into effect, but unaccompanied by The Senate, as you know, ranneatno Trctn^, and tho. one of the Indian Springs of prior date, of prior ratification, and passing vested rights to Georgia, was declared null and void. The objections to this proceeding, considered altogether novel and unprecedented, were ob vious—Georgia, for whose benefit alone ‘ the Treaty was negociated, was deprived, without her consent, of interests already vcsied—The party with whom the old Treaty had been ne gotiated was not recognized as a party at all in the conclusion of the new, and in the execution of the now Treaty without their consent, and even against the*r consent, they have not mere ly been, dopriveil of every right wh : ch they could claim under the old or new, but have been to all inten's and purposes dm nonaUzed, and forced either to submit unconditionally to the power of their onem'es or to ahandoh 'heir country. It was with a knowledge of what was in prospect, from tho first annunciation of the President to Congress, that the Legisla ture qf Georgia, at the close of its sossion, ft- gain reviewed and again confirmed the validi ty of the Treaty of the Indian Springs. This confirmation was tho more imposin'’, because •ho Legislature which first acknowledged tho authority of that Treaty hail returned to the people, its conduct had been passed in review, and of course a favorable verdict pronounced upon it. Tho act of the Legislature, founded on the provisions of the old Treaty, having been, ns it were, re-enacted by a succeeding Legislature, was to be regarded as mandatory and imperative, to bo carried into effect by the Executive under his oath of office, according to its requisitions, unless forbidden by para mount considerations—there could be none paramount, but what would be found in the Constitution of tho United States, and none such were found. The Constitution itself, in denouncing an act impairing the obligation of contracts, recognized- the xucredness of tho Treaty of the Indinn Springs. Tho Execu tive of Georgia, thcreibre, had no ultetnative but to carry that Treaty into effect, in confor mity with the repeatedly expressed will oftho Legislature—H s intentions were early com municated in the most frank and ingenuous manner to the Executive Governmental Wash ington, and from that time to tho present mo ment ho has never ceased to remonstrate and protest, on every occasion requiring it, against any act injuriously affecting tho interests of Georgia derived trader It—But there were o- ther reasons for-maintaining tho inviolability of the Treaty of tho Indian Springs—By that treaty Georgia had acquired all her territory within tho Creek limits—by '.ho new sho was to acquire loss—and the difference between them was by tho stipulations of tho new guar anteed to the Indians forever. Tho Govern or could in no manner recognize the power of the President and Senate, by the abrogation of the old Treaty, to violate the Constitution of Georgia. Tho Constitution of Georgia, as well as the articles of agreement, entered into in conformity with it, bod scttlod her per- manont boundaries irrevocably. Tho new treaty prescribed new boundaries for Georgia, and by its perpetual guarantee made them permanent—Lands, tho rightful property of Georgia, wero taken from her and ceded to the Indians forever; and the jurisdiction over tho river Chattahoochie, which had been secured exclusively to her by the original chartor, by her Constitution, and by tho articles of agree- ment and cevs on, was divided by the now Treaty between Alabama and Georgia—As no power is given by the Constitution of the Unit ed States to the Government of the United States, to alter or revoke tho Constitution of a State, it would have been not merely nn un pardonable indifference to her rights and honor to have submitted in silenco to theso palpable infractions of them, but the Chief Magistrate would liavo believed himself guilty of a crimin al desertion of the interests of tho State, if his sanction or countenance had been given to such an instrument. If the difference between the provisions of the old and new Treaties, had been a nominal, not a real difference, the United States and Georgia could have pro ceeded in good faith, and without collision of interest, to execute either, as ono or the other was believed to be the Constitutional law; but as those provisions were variant in several par ticulars involving essential rights, and as one of thcnwcspocially whether so designed or not, would have effectually postponed the settle ment of the country fur an entire year, it could not be expected that Georgia would surrender rghts, interests and principle too, because the President of the United States considered the now Treaty tho Constitution::! law. Tho Government of either State is to bo considered as an independent moral agent, having a con science of its own, the arbiter within itself of right and wrong, to be influenced or controlled only by Divine authority; and tho conscience of this Government has already passed defini tively on the validity of the Treaty of the In dian Springs. And here permit me to remark that with regard to the rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction generally, which Georgia claims under her charter, to the territory with in her limits in the occupancy of the Indians, there is such a radical difference of opinion be tween the authorities of Georgia and those of the United States, that the harmony and tran quility of the two governments, so much to be cherished by all good men, can never be main tained uninterruptedly until those Indians shall have been removod. In illustration of thig» it i$ sufficient to.inform you tint on a recent oc casion tho right of Georgia to make even a re- connoisance within that territory, with a view to eventual internal improvement, was denied, and that denial accompanied by a formal pro test of the President of the United States a- gainst it: and moreover, that when about the same time there were indications of an hostile feeting'f" ino p«rt or the Indians, Wfiicti .1—J interruption to our Commissioners engaged in running, with tho consent and ap>, probation of ihe United States, the dividing line between Alabama and this State, and precautionary measures were taken for their safety, Georgia was given to understand that sho had no right to extond her protection to her own officers engaged on her own soil in carrying into effect an act of her own Legisla ture against such hostility. It is vain to look into tho Constitution of the United States- to find what rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction acquired under the charter over tho territory within her limits, Georgia has surrendered to tho Federal Government—No such surrender has been made, and yet Georgia, in her late intercourse with the United States has been treated in this respect as if sho liafl no rights of sovereignty or jurisdiction at all, and this too whilst the laws of the United States, as well as the articles of agreement and cession distinctly recognize and proclaim them, and of course to the very same extent as thoy are as serted by tho Treaty of Ilopowell and others. The forlorn and helpless condition to which the M'Intosh, or friendly party of the Creeks, have been reduced by the continued persecu tions to which they havo been exposed, is sub mitted to you as claiming yoar humane and be nevolent consideration. This portion of tho Creek tribe having fought the battles of the U- nited States and vanquished tho hostile part of it, who were at once their enemies and tho en emies of the United States, it was hoped that they would havo been regarded with some de gree of favor by that government and people, in whoso defence they had expended their blood and put to hazard every thing dear to them. For a time this hope was not disap pointed—General Jackson, by his treaty of 1814, had recognized their services and their claims—Thoir Cliieftian was distinguished by the favor of the Government, aud he and his followers wero regarded not only as the faithful and devoted friends of the whites, but as the conquerors of the Red Sticks, then numbering two-thirds of the whole nation, whose rights of torritorv, by the laws of war, passed to tho victors. It wnsthe conviction of the justice of thoir cause and of the rights acquired by it, which dictated tho letter of tho Secretary of War of tho 17th day of March, 18t7, recog nizing in full tho power of M'Intosh and his followers to sell tho country. When, in obedi ence to the expressed wishes of the United States, M’Intosh wtih others, proceeded at the Treaty oftho Indian Springs, to exercise this acknowledged power, the power was denied, and the murder of himself and tho Chiefs which followed, looked upon without emotion, whilst the murderers were cherished, caressed and honored by the Government of tho United States—-his followers left without home, without protection, without broad, and finally denationalized and put under the ban—so that at Inst they wore considered as no part of the nation, having no claim of territory, and of courso no rightful participation in tho conside ration for which the territory sold—and what is worse than all, tho money which should have been given to them under the Treaty, not on ly given to their eoemies, but marie tho instru ment of seducing from their allegiance tho frionds of M'Intosh, who had no alternative hut to take the bribe or share tho calamities of the party. To complote their degradation as an unworthy and ignoble race, the President, in his official message to the Senate, has deign ed to stigmatize them as “an hnpotent and helpless minority,” “unable to execute their engagements”—“as fugitives instigated by a vindictive fury,” “miking extravagant and un warrantable demands, whilst they were eating - the bread and begging the protection of the U* Uited States.” And again, as “a party making unwarrantable pretensions and extravagant de mands, and having no claims on tho United States, oilier iUa« »e „„i justice.” ‘ Is it loflfe wondered’ that under such treatment the friendly party should be reduced to a mere remnant, an impotent and helpless minority, or is it not a subject of wonder, that instead of the one thousand which remain, there should bo ono left bearing the name or rallying under the standard of M'Intosh.— We cannot permit ourselves to believe that die Congress of the United States, will not itself regard with tenderness nnd compassion a por tion of the human family, reduced by reverses to piteous distress, deserted by the inconstancy of friendship, and abandoned to the sports of fortune. Whether in reference to that part of tho ter- • ritory of Georgia, yet in tho occupancy of tho Cherokees, you will think proper, in conform ity with tho recommondatiou to tbnt effect con tained in a late messago, to extend the laws over it as a right resulting from your genoral sovereignty and jurisdiction, or whether you will abide the .result of future negociations by the United States, to extinguish their claims in vir tue of tho compact Of 1802, will he for you, as thp only competent authority to decide. A state of things so unnatural and so fruitful of evil ns an independent government of a semi- bnrharous poople co-existing within tho same Brails, cannot long continue, and wiso counsels must direct, that relations which cannot be main tained in peace, should be dissolved before nny occasion can occur to break that peace. How ungenerously tantalizing to this unhappy tribe would bo a policy ihviting thorn to a local hab itation nnd repose, when the fates had already decreed their destiny to bo fixed and irreversi ble upon another soil. To perpetuate the rem nant of a noble race, wo ask of the United States to givo them a resting place within boundaries of thoir own, fruitful, nranle and sa lubrious, such as they command, and such as in humanity they should bestow, where the arts of civilization and the lights of Christianity can reach them unmixed with tho corrupting nnd comageous vices of ttio "Whites, nna wnore tnoir perpetuity and independence can be assured. If 'ho United States hesitate now, a few years will bring them to just reflections, but too Into to save from irredeemable wusto and decay the numerical strength and moral energies of a peo ple, so far preserved by tho encouragement and patronage of the United States, with the toler ance of Georgia. Messrs. Crawford, Blount nnd Ilam'lton, were appointed Commissioners, James Caraak mathematician, assisted by the Chief Civil En gineer, and Edward L. 't’homxs, survoyor, in pursuance of a resolution of tho Legislature, to run tho dividing line between this State and Alabama. These gentlemen have, in the exe cution of their sovcral trusts, discharged the du ties confided to them to my entire satisfaction. Those assigned to the Commissioners wore del icate and arduous, and whilst they respected as thoy ought tho rights of others, they have not been unmindful of what was due to the State they represented, its honor, interest aud dignity. The Chief Civil Engineer having received the appointment front the Executive, was to bo considered os under his exclusive direction and control, until the mooting of tho Legislature.— llis power over this officer was, however, from a consideration of fitness and propriety, volun tarily aud cheerfully, but informally, surrender ed to Ihe Board of Public Works, with a set tled purpose not to interfere with tho exercise of that power, unless claims to his services of liighor interest to tho public, should, at any time be intorposed. An occasion offered, and he was ordered, without hesitation, from tho less, to the more important service. It is to bo re gretted that tno Commissioners of Alabama could not feel themselves authorised to concur with those of Georgia. Tho correspondence between, tho two commissions will exhibit the views of each, and it is not presuming too much to say, that those of Georgia arc not the less satisfactory, because they havo not received tho concurrence or approbation of the Commission ers of Alabama If the first bend above.the U- chee and Coweta and 1 Cussotah Towns, from which a lino to Nickajack did not strike tho riv er, would not satisfy the requisitions of the ar ticles of agreemout and cession, it was not to bo expected that any other bond abovo it, and fiirthcr removed from Uchoe and tho Towns, would. It was tho loss to be expected that tho Commissioners of Georgia would consent to pass that bend, for no other reason than that Alabama would take more and Georgia less territory by it—And when tho Commissioners, without the concurrence of those of Alabama, finally adopted thopointof Miller’s bend, it was the point which was about mid-way betwee n that assumed as tho true one by the Governing of Alabama, and tho ono ultimately proposed bjr her Commissioners to ours—As the Commis sioners of Alabama would not agree to run from the first bend immediately above Uchoe, and as a line running from that.bend intersecting the river, would have made tho boundary not a straight ono as cxintemplatod by the articles, but a devious one, straight upon the land and mean-