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Mmnii.j 1 -I-!■—awsBJj*
loteadcd ro be sonified, rut only the other de
pendencies of Great Britain, but tlio 'Mother
Country itself,’
The undersigned, nt the sumo time, begs
that it may not be supposed that tliu British
Government withheld from the Government
of the United Slates coininiitiication of the act
of Parliament of 1823, from any notion of reta
liation for the omission of the Government of
the United Stales to fomminiicute to that of
li.s Majesty the net of Congress of 1828.
lie refers to that instance of ommission on
the part of thu American Government only in
proof:
First, That the ordinary and natural course
between States, is not to make diplomatic com
munications of the acts of the respective leg's*
la'll res; and secondly, that no inference could
be drawn from sucli an omission on the one side,
any morn than- on the other, of (what the un
dersigned disclaims for his Government) an in
tention d want of courtesy or respect.
But site act of 1825 did not relate specially
to the United States. It held eut to all na
tions of tho world certain benefits, (or what
were believed lay the British Government to
be so,) on certain conditions
If a communication of tho act had been
made to one nation, it must have been made a-
l.ke to till. Such communication would have
been liable to different misrepresentations
Soma Governments might have considered it as
a soli :itat:oii to which they wera.btmnT in
courtesy io give soma answer, explaining their
reasons for deciding (if they did decline,) .to
avail themselves tif the provisions of >ha act:
Olliers might perhaps have taken umbrage at it,
as r-n authoritative pretension to impose the 1«-
gixlaiou of this country upon o her nations.
Tho siinplesi course was to allow tho provi
sions'of the act to find their way to general
knowledge through thu usual channels of cum-
luurcial information
The undersigned has no reason to apprehend
that this course Ins proved less effectual on the
present than on dormer occasions.
Tho condition* of tho act of 1825 have been
accepted .ind c.trne l into effect bv some Gov
ernments: lint* of tho United Sires has not
thought it expedient to take advantage of them
Bui the undersigned cannot but he still of opi«
n on, that tho resolution proposed in tho House
,t»f Representatives, at Washington, at 'lie be
• pinning of the las’ session of Congress, for the
• express purpose of urging iho Executive Gov
ernment of the Unite,! S'atos to come into tho
term i of the act of 1825, the debates which
took place upon that proposition, and the fin d
rejection of it by a majority of only two votes,
snow that it was not for want of a sufficient un
dcrstnndiog of the intent of the act of Parlia
ment, that the conditions of it were not accept'
cd by the Un tod States.
To one piece of evidence, which proves tho
perfect understanding in America, not only of
the purport and provisions of the act of Parlia-
' meat of 1825, hut of tho conditions which it
would bo rcqtvsiio for the American Legisla
ture to perform in order to entitle tho United
States to iho benefit of that Act, tho undersign
ed migh' have scrupled to refer, (as not being
of the. nature of a diplomatic document,) if Mr.
Gallatin had not encouraged. him to bring for
ward any document tending to tltrottlight on
the matter in dispmo, liy citing, in support of
his own view of that matter, a private letter
from Mr. Clayton Member of Congress.
Early in the session of C Digress of 1825-26,
n petition from B dtimorc wis presented to both
Houses of the American Legislature, in which
petition it was distinctly pointed out that flic
British act of Parliament of July, 1825, had not
only manifested iho readiness of this country
to. remove .ill discrimmating dunes, hut also to
per rift American ships to clear out from Bri'
tisli Colonies, not, as theretofore, to the ports
of the United States only, but to all parts of
the world, (tho United Kingdom and its de
pendencies alone excepted.)
Tho petition, with equal distinctness, ir.vit
ed the attention of the American Legislature
to the conditions’on which these advantages
might bo secured to tho United States,, and
prayed lb* the removal of the several restric
tions imposed by tho American act of 1823,
sot of the discrimmating duties only, hut of
the prohibition of what is called by Mr. Galla
tin ‘die circuitous intercourse n British ships:’
the petitioners expressly submitting to Con
gress the propriety t>f admitting Brifsb ves
sels, from whattver ports, on the same terms
as tho vessels of the must favored Nations.
It appears from iho reports of the proceed^
ings of Congress, that it was against tho pray
er of this petition (but without impeachment of
any "f its allegations) that the decision of the
American Legislature, at-the closo of tho ses
sion, w is tnken; it cannot be doubted, there'
fore, that the Amcr can Legislature had the
whole purport and buaring of the. act of 1825
full before their eyes.
The fact that some of the British authorities
abroad, took upon thcinsclvos' to suspend the
execution of the act of 1825, towards tho Unit
ed States, is undented.
But the ouly effect of this suspension was—
tho continuance of tho benefits of the then ex
isting state of things to the United States, for
neatly n twelvemonth longer than they would
otherwise have enjoyed it.
That continuance was permitted by the Bri
tisli Government, rnainlv in consideration of
tho then pendency, in tho Legislature of the
United Slates, of the Resolution herein before
mentioned, for conforming to tho conditions of
• tho act of 1825.
Immediately upon tho receipt of authentic
intelligence of theso proceedings at Washing
ton, an instruction was soul out to Mr. Vtiugh*
on, grounded on the belief of the British Gov
ernment, that Congress would not separate
without adopting the Resolution then under
their.consideration.—-In that case, and upon
rcceiv.ng nn assurance front tho American Go
vernment that tho restrictions and charges on
B" tish shipping, and British colonial produce,
would bo withdrawn by the Unite.! States, Mr.
V m.dnn was authorized to deliver a note to
tho American Secretary of State',, declaring—
,th it the discrimpi tting duties, imposeduponA-
' their cargoes in the West In-
was actually in possession of this instruction
when tho resolution, on the assumed adoption
of which the ins. ruction to Mr. Vaughan had
been founded, was rejected. It was no part of
Mr. Vaughan’s duty to make any communica
tion upon tho subject to tho American Govern
ment before tho result of the discussion was
ascertained. After that result (wholly unex
pected in this country,) any such communica
tion would have been not only useless, but |
might, perhaps, have been considered as an
improper appeal against the formal decision ol
the American Legislature.
That Mr. Vaughan should not afterwards
have been authorised.to enter into any discus
sion of tho provisions of the act of 1825, “so
late ns October last," is not surprising, when it
is considered that Mr. Vaughan, immediately
after the clo3o of the session of Congress, in
structed to announce the intention of his Majes
ty’s Government to pass the Order in Council
of July (consequent upon tho decision of the
American Legislature,) by which the terms of
tho act of 1825 were virtually declined.
Mr. Gallatin accounts for the rejection of
tho resolution proposed to the American Legis
lature, by tho parsuasion, which, lie says, tho
Government of the United Slates entertained,
that the Negotiation on the subject of the Com
inercial Intercourse between the United S'ates
and the British West India Colonies would be
renewed.
The undersigned is at a loss to understand
on what ground it was assumed at Wishington,
that there would be, at all times, an unabated
disposition on (lie part of the British G were-
mont to make tho trade of its West India colo
nies'tho subject of diplomttic arrangement..
Repeated negotiation had failed to produce
tiny material approximation of opinions-upon
that subject. '
The Iasi attempt at an adjustment had been
made, with an evident convict.on on both sides,
that tlicro existed between them an unconquer
able difference of principle: and that it was by
that difference, rather than by any decided ir-
reconciloubloness of interests, that a satisfaC'
torv arrangement was rendered hopeless.
The nature of that difference has been suffi
eieirly discussed; it lies in the determination
of the United States to dispute, and in that of
Groat Britain to maintain, the established dis
tinction between general and colonial trade.
Great Britain had, therefore, an obvious mo
tive for doing thenceforward whatever she
might think it right to do, in relaxation of her
colonial system, rather by the instrumentality
of her own legislature than l>y compact with a
state with which she disagreed in opinion, as to
the principles of colonial trade, so widely that
it would have been impossible to construct a
preamble to n treaty on that subject, in enun
ciations of which the two contracting parties
should have concurred.
But there was yet another reason for avoid
ing further negotiations upon the subject.
Hitherto, when the trade-With the British
Wist India colonies had beer, opened at all, it
had been opened chiefly, though not exclusive
ly to tho United States.
To no other country had it been opened by
specific and positive convention.
But a lime had now arrived, when, from mo
tives of general polity, Great Britain thought it
advisable to allow access to her colonies to all
foreign powors, without exception, on condi
tions tendered alike to all.
Such indiscriminate opening could only be
effected by some process common to all those
who wore permitted or invited to take advan
tage of it; impartiality was thus maintained to
wards all parties, and the power of control over
her own colonies was, tit the sumo time, retain
ed in the hands of the mother country.
The undersigned believes that he has now
touched on every topic in the last note address
ed to him by Mr. Gallatin, to which he had
not had occcasion to advert in former stages of
their correspondence. Ho will not allow hint-
self to be again drawn into a discussion-of to
pics already more than sufficiently debated.
The undei signed trusts that it is unnecessa
ry for him, in concluding this note, to reiurn to
Mr. Gallatin’s assurances of the friendly dis
position of the United Statos of America, as
surances equally sincere, that there is tho most
cordial desire on the part of Great Britain, to
cultivate the friendship of the United States.
Tho ties of common origin, laws and laa
tween the two kindred nations.
The undersigned has tho honor, &c.
GEORGE CANNING.
Albert Gallatin, Esq. fyc.
CONGRESSIONAL.
UNITED STATES AND GEORGIA.
guage, must always form strong bonds of,nation
al alliance between them. Thoir respective
interests, well understood, harmonize together
us much as their feelings.
But it has never yet been held a duty of in
ternational amity, (any more than of friendship
in private lifo,) to submit to unequal compacts.
Nor has it ever been held an offence against
such duty that a nation, (any more than un in
dividual,) should decline to muko such uncom-
pensnted sacrifices.
Between two nations, as between two indi
viduals, most friendly to each other, there may
somotimes happen, unfortunately, to exist some
known subject of incurable difference of opin
ion. In any such case it is perhaps most ad
visable to keep that subject as much as pussi-
hie out of sight, and to take care that it shall
not interfere with the ienor of thoir gcnorol in
tercourse,' and of their habitual relations.
The refusal to regulate the trade of our co-
lonios by u commercial treaty, which the Bri
tish government may think (even if erroneous
ly) disadvantageous to its interests, ennnot give
just cause of offence to any power whatever.
In the present instance, the undersigned is
most happy to bo ablo to qualify such refusal
with the declaration, that it is not in any de
gree dictated by sentiments cither unfriendly
or disrespectful to the United States, or by any
indifference to the amicable adjustment of all
oilier questions nt present pendjng between
them and Groat Britain.
Of lltcso questions, ono has been already
happily arranged sinco Mr. Gallatin’s arrival
in this country.
Tho undersigned looks forward with confi
dence, dp less than with anxiety, to such an
arrangement of the remainder, as, effacing all
traces of past discussions, and sat isfying all fair
and reasonable pretensions on both sides, may
fc ■dNBeaS’S v«£>
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
March 3, 1827.
Mr. Everett, of Mass, from the select commit
tee to whom were referred the messages of the
President of the U. Statos on the subject oftlie
Creek Treaties, having made a report as here
tofore published at large, and stated *thc unwil
lingness of the Committee to enter into a dis
cussion of the subject unless compelled to do so,
moved that the report and accompanying docu
ments be printed.
Mr. Forsyth of Georgia, objected to the
printing; and made a long speech on the occa
sion, tbe object of which, as usual, it is difficult
to come at. Ho was followed by
Mr. Whittlesey of Ohio, (a member of the
select committee,) tvhn said, the gentleman
front Georgia, (Mr. Forsyth,) complains that
there is not time, before the close of this Con
gress, to discuss the report of the Committee
between the State of Georgia and the United
States,‘and seems to insinuate that tho report
has been delayed to this late period to prevent
in investigatiaii of the subject before this House.
If it had been presented and referred to a com
mittee at an earlier period (whose duly it is to
report) tlie gentleman would not have had an
occasion ;o complain of the want of time to pre
sent tlio case in its true light before tho na
tion. Since the committee was raised tho time
of each individual composing it has been most
assiduously engaged, by night and by day, in
examining the important questions submitted,
and tho voluminous documents which the gen
tleman himself had referred and which the
committee called for, from the Department of
War, This morning was the eaiTivst moment
a report could have been presented doing jus
tice to the case, bv viewing die whole field of
controversy. If fault is attributable anv where
it is not to tho committee, wich has attempted
to discharge its duty promptly, impartially, and
fearlessly. As to tho time when the report
and resolutions shall he discussed; the comm i( -
tee leaves that to the House to determine. Wo
arc willing to devote tho few moments which
remain before the expiration of Congress, to
sustain the report if it is the pleasure of tho
House to pursue this course, or wo are willing
that the report should be laid on tho table, and
that it with the accompanying documents should
be printed.
The gentleman, however, objects to print
ing the papers, because no legislation cqn be
perfbetedduring tho present session, in matters
to which thov refer, and because the testimony
was taken ex-narte and unknown to the House,
and because the witnesses were not sworn hv
competent authority, nor entitled to credit. It
: s ttnlookcd for, that Georgia by her Repre
sentative, should object to have tho whole case,
and the evidence on which it rests presented
to tho nation. , Sho has appealed to the nation
at large, and to each individual state, to pass
judgement between her and the United States;
and does she calculate that an impartial judge
ment will be rendered on the hearing of one
side Of-tho case? Having courted the investi
gation, having presen’ed her charges, is it con
sistent with her magnanimity to exclude the e-
vidcnce produced on tho part of the defence?—
Sho will be mistaken, if sho expects by such
means to inculpate the General Government.
The triers are too imell gent not to discover the
difference between the whole and a part of tho
testimony, and they are too impartial to form an
opinion when the whole caso is not before them.
It is not novel in the history of legislation to
have documents printed, when no imme
diate act of legislation is expected, hut in this
instance, .Georgia has appealed to tho States
as sovereignties, and to tho People at largo, to
sustain Iter in the course she has taken in the
measures sho has adopted, and part of the evi
dence, at least, is with us', and it is our bounden
duty to make it public oven if no farther legis
lation is contemplated here.
But, it is said, that tho House (loos not know
win; is contained in the documents and there
fore they pught uot to bo published. They
have, however, undergone the careful and di
ligent examination of the committee to which
they were referred, and what more is done in
any case? The report of tho committee is,rin
part, based on them, and tho priming of them
is thorefoto necessary, otherwise it cannot be
known whether the committee has fairly stntod
them or not. During the sossion tho gentle
man presented tho resolutions passed by the Le
gislature of Georgia, had them referred to
tho committeo of the whole on tho state of
Union, and obtained an ordor to lmve thorn
printed together with the accompanying docu
ments, without any membcr'of tho House hav
ing an opportunity to bccomo acquainted with
their contents. They form a voliimo of four
hundred and sevonty-fivo pages, and are those
to which the committeo refer thoir report.
It is truo that tho Georgia commissioners
were excluded from forming a part of the board
constituted hy tho President, to investigate the
circumstances attending tho formation of tho
treaty of tho Indian Springs, and tho conduct
of the Indiatv Agent; but they were invited
to be present, and were .assured that all rea
sonable indulgence should be granted to them,
in the cross examination of the witnesses. If
the testimony was therefore taken ex parte the
fault is not to bo traced to the Agents acting
on behalf of tho United States. No notice
whatever was given to tho Indian Agent
nor to tho Agents on behalf of the United
States of the time when, and the place
where depositions on behalf of Georgia tvero
to be taken, and yet the gentleman has had tho
depositions so taken printed by the orderof this
House, and this too before they were examined
by a corainmittee or their contents known.
Whether the depositions were taken before
a legally authorized magistrate, I know not,
nor can that question bo investigated on a mo
tion to print. As to tho credibility of tho wit
nesses, we cannot inquire at this time, nor on
this motion; the House will wish to know who
are n*s;tiled, and what they testify to. It will
wish an opportunity to compare the different
depositions with each other, and with facts and
circumstances admitted to he true, or clearly
proven hy witnesses who staud unimpeached,
and by this mode either support or destroy the
testimony.
The gentleman surely did not intend that his
observations should apply to all the witnesses,
as a part of them were members of the'Georgia
Legislature, and said to be gentlemen of res
pectability.
It hud been said that some of the depositions
MA€OSr
A\onda>j, ‘28, 1821.
“ Our Country—Our whole Country."
The pitiful shifts to which faction is driven to n.
tain its tottering influence, merits nothing tut Wntf
When falsehood and scandal ore the metn,
to by a party for its success, its cause must be d ^
rate indeed, t
Among other ridiculousthingsurged hy the.
Werewrittcn'by^theAttmdeyofthelndiup A- j td Republicans, to help their cause, and inj ure lt '|
gent, Colonel Crowell, and therefore they ; lection of Col. Campbell, tbe stoy of c ea . C! I
ought not to be printed, and that they would not turning Trouper, and being opposed to his jn*tn„j I
bo received in any court of justice. The fact; mbs malicious asltisfalso. So farfrom this Win, J
was not known to the committee, nor do I con- i 'act, the contrary can bncttAbliibed. It was
sider it of any importance. There was no suit measure owing to Gen. Clark’s Influence that C„
pending, in which these depositions were to be I bell was nominated. This we know and challi
used, and the person who wrote them could on- j contradiction.'
ly have acted as agent, and not in his official j The contemptible fabrication here alluded to,
capacity. They were taken in the presence ginated we believe in the Columbian ,1
of General Gaines, and Major Andrews, the j defunct,) a spurious bantling ol a certain esJufal
special agent, and in many instances of other j who bad laid hold of the press as the real lever ofj^l
persons, who have attested to the accuracy with j chimedes, expecting thereby to move the world ui'
which they were taken. It has been said by j controul its destinies. But, as often happen,, win,. L
another gentleman, (Mr. Haynes,) that there i proper hold is not obtained, his levergavevny, M . 1
is a chasm in tho testimony, that all the dopo-j set his dreams. His talents as a writer being nobijl
sitions have not beet) obtained from tho War’ appreciated than his impartiality as a mtgi&ate, t
Office; and leaves tho inferences to be drawn, paper ex pired fiom atrophy, and its fatuotu tmii
that a part of them have been suppressed from tor , unk in to obsclirity. The above falsehood
some improper motives. The Committee re- , one of the last it uttered: so it maybe said to hare sJ
quested dm Secretary of War to send all the | cn up the ghost with a liv on Us tongue. Thetis,I
Documents in Ins Department relating to this i who penncd ^ and tUc prir , ter who *1
subject, and the high standing of that officer for U u erance knew it was false; and all who read itkr -
st.-ict integrity, leaves no room to suspect they ’
were not all sent.
It was believed by the committee that the
first chasm mentioned by the gentleman from
M issacltuscetts, (Mv. E verilt,) was supplied hy
it,to be false; yet It is bandied from' mouth to moQ j
and from press to press, as an important item of histotj I
The public are referred to the advZrtisementofC.I
B. Lamar, Esq. President of the Macon Bonk,fornl
the printed Documents; and it does not appear i r;U ; rc refutation of the reports in circulation to thek.1
r..... nf (tin ipinors , «hn niinl IHr< lint *
from any of the papers that tho numbers last
mentioned by the same gentleman, were of an
importance, (and they arc not alluded tooltip
in the report of General Gaines or that of Ma
jor Andrews,) or that they were ever reported
to tho War Office.
If it is really the desire of gen lenten to have
a fair and impartial investigation of tho impor
tant questions involved in this controversy it .s
not perceived whyob ections are in’erposed to
the motion to print tho report and the testimo
ny which accompanies it.
During tho last session of the Legislature,
the Committee on Printing, notified the differ
ent printers of M.lledgevile, that they would,
on a given day, receive proposals for the print
ing the laws and journals of that session, and
thai tho work would be given to him who would
do it on terras most advantageous to tho state.
Proposals were accordingly given in; one set
of proposals oflered to do the work for eight
mills per sheet, and tendered good security.—
Messrs. Camack & Ragland proposed to<do the
work for one cent per sheet. After much rig*,
glingatid twisting the Committee, a majority of
whom were Troupers, agreed to accept Messrs.
Camack & Ragland’s proposal;—rdthough they
were not the lowest—because they were politi
cal favorites; and rejected the lowest terms,
because they came from printers who did not
support Troup. Thus turning their official
station into ait engine to corrupt and bribe the
independency of the press.
To hush the clamors of the house, however,
the Committee made the following specious re
port upon the subject, viz:
“They haveatgreed to receive the proposals
of Messrs. Camack & Ragland, at one cen'
per sheet, of eight octavo pages, the laws to he
printed in three weeks after the close of the
session, aud the Journals in six weeks."
Thus makjng the promptness of thoir de
spatch, the pretended condition of their prefer
ence over a lower bid.
Now wo have to ask his excellency the Gov
ernor, or whoever else may have the superin
tendence of this afftir, and tho custody of Mr.
Camack’s bond, whether tho laws wtre printed
in three weeks after the close of the session; or
indeed whether they were ready for delivery
in threo months, from that time, and whether
tho journals, instead of being printed in six
weeks, wore not still in the press on (ho middle
of iUiy.
This is one of the ways in which the radical
printers are bribed to do the work of their inns
tors; and in which tho people aro tricked out
of their money by a corrupt aristocracy.—Pw
triot.
From Niles’ Register.
Wo have often assorted that a great change
was going on in tho south, in regard to tho po
licy of encouraging domestic manufactures; we
have expressed our belief that tho time would
como speedily (if it even has not ai.iieady
arrived,) when the tariff would more benefit
the cotton growers than the cotton spinners
—wo have ventured nn opinion, that our south
ern fellow citizens would receivo instructions
from experience, os our eastern brethren have
received it. Tho latter were, a very short
time sinco, nearly ns much opposed to a pro
tective tariff as the former. The ono thought
jt would injure tho commercial interest, the
other that it would ruin tho planting.* The
ono has seon that it increased tho commerce of
tho United States, and has completely changed
sides—the other is beginning to seo that it
mightily increases the profits of the planters
of die United States, and they will, also, be
friends of the “American system." Of thisivc
do not entertain the slightest doubt. We veri
ly believe that cotton would boar at least one
cent less per pound, at present, than it ob
tains, except for the domestic manufacture of
tho article. Calcttlate this on the whole quan
tity produced, and put it down as affecting the
present trice of.this great staplo of the south!
• It is not In our nature to wish tho prosperity ofn-
ny one of the great interests of the people of the Uni t-
ed States at tho cost of another, and we totally reject
the idea that such a result is necessary—we say boldly,
and defy contradiction—that it has not resulted from
the tariff to any class of persons, in this union, however
small, except those who have immei/ia/e/y dcncnded
on the sale of British goods; and it is perfectly evident,
if the tariff was not, that the business of cotton plant
ing, ted as It is just now, would be a great As? worse
—perhaps 25 per cent/less productive ofproj
jury of this instiutibn.
Sloops and Schooners Ahoy! It is stated in Nike I
Register, in an article giving the amount ofcottosni
c cived at Darien, that three schooners and ion run I
sloops, with full cargoes, hud arrived there fromShJ
coil end 51illcdgevjlje! This it a mistake. Schooa.1
era nor sloops dp jiot navigate the Alatomaba ahoTtl
Darien—from thence to Macon and AliUedgevfllsI
heavy articles are transported by pole boats, iijkl
goods ore generally conveyed to these toWMintufl
goiis from Savannah Or Augusta.
/fives Look out! A man by the name of Forkei
was lately tri> d ui Warren Superior court, N. C.la
whipping his wife, and acquitted! The Rep
stales, that Judge Kuflin [what better could be tip
cd from a rnjjhin?'] laid it dowd as the lair, thank
husband has a right to inflict modulate punishmento
his wile! H'o ktibw a learned Judge in Knglnaddt|
cided that the husband had this right, provided then
struuicnt of correcti^jpdid not exceed the thick seif
his thumb! but did not know belore that this deciiw
had advocates iu this' country. As the above
becomes notorious, we'fear the opinion wilibtct:
unpopular, t
“That he who lays his hand on woman
Save in ihe way ol kindness,
Is a wretch, whom ’tw etc base flattery
To call a coward." . "
/loti lo gtt Satisfaction. A woman in Netr Toil
w e are told, whose husband bud been exercisis{ t
prerogative in the above /,'i/^in-liko manner, find:
him fait asleep, sewed him up in the bed clalhci,ut|
in thut situation thrashed him soundly.
To Correspondents. “THE LIME SINK; ATAU'|
—is received, aud under consideration.
"5fn. A. S. Cato in’s /feebly Messenger.” Ftontlil
excellent paper, publish 'd at Washington Cny,(«M
which we recommend particularly to thepatronijcdl
our lemale friends,) we make the following estiuu
"The improving, tender and gallant bearing oil 1 * I
prescnt age towards our sex, is u glorious ptiviligI
which we enjoy, and 'which we canuot too hi Ago I
tiinate. It is uot only displayed iu the polished whs I
ty oi the Saloon, and in thu endearing circle oI coksI
tic intercourse, but' like the borealis streamer, <n ti»|
cold, repulsive uud silent regions, of eternal »ne».s,»l
kies round our un'skihulncss, and sustains, by tkorl
fidciice it bestows, our benighted te itsteps evrskMl
circle of scientific competition, whera the abdiutnal
of the student, Ind the inestimable value oitbrpAl
might well afford ample reasons for an indiflercsec, < I
not a coldness, of deportmont towards us." |
Persons disposed to encourage the above *<A|
which possesses literary merit beyoud the comm 0Bl ^|
der of similar peblieations, will have an opporUsif
examining specimens ofit at this office.
To the Editor of the Macon Telegraph.
’ "Let no suck man be trusted."
For he - —
“Is fit for treasons,.stratagems and «P°“ !
To tho man of observation und discerns
it must bo apparent that an unprincipled
dangerous faction exists in this statu; a W®"
as regardless of the Republican priuciplcsolc-
Governmcnt, as ihejr aro of the means 1
make use of to accomplish thoir unM' 0 **
purposes. The loaders of this faction,
whom John Forsyth is numbered, havelaWf
ed hard to break down the plain dgfiniti ve r“!
marks of political virtue, and so effectual!) w™
they succeeded, in their own cstimat-oo, _ i
they are foign to boliovo the people can n0 "j
ger discriminate between political virtu°
political vice. Such an innordiate thirst off 10
er—such a corrupting love of populan
taken its vaiupyru hold on tho mind o! vTl
Forsyth, that holms lost sight of event co
ration, but that of Ills own personal au
mont. Intrigue and duplicity have so
his "work, his strange work/’ that.
como' uot only treacherous to private * •.
but recreant to public confidence. With
let mo ask, is he associated in thA unprintP
faction?—With FEDERALISTS!— j
those men, who, dnnii.r the l-tst war, w' 1 ' I
denvoring to paralizo thc energies ol the T J
ral government, in their glorious
vindicate our national character against , ; l
agression. It is not to bo forgotten tha “ ^1
period of darkness and almost of ikT 1 ''J
Federal party SWORE “they
SOLVE THE UNION—PEACEABLY IF Tl' 1 "
—lORCl.H.V IT, THEY MIST.” 1 I" 1 ' 0 .
vivid ii.ridli.'Clioli, that while thoiism ’' .'J
...a> i rcntW' ll
suffering want and privation orf the tenb
the Federalists wore heaping upon 4
tbc®