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SAVAMAH DAILY HERALD.
VOL. I—NO. 75.
The Savannah Daily Herald
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SPEECH OF LORD JOHN RPSSELLON
AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN THE HOISE
OF LORDS.
Lord John Russell on the 23d ult., entered
into a full explanation of his policy oi Neu
trality, and of the relations generally between
Great Britain and the United States. 1. As
regards the Reciprocity treaty and the arma
ment on the Lakes. 2d. As regards the grant
ing ot Belligerent lights to the Confederate
States. 3rd. As to the affair of the Trent. On
ihe first of these heads he stated that I think
it must be admitted that recent occurrences
on the lakes—namely, the seizure of vessels
by the agents of the cnufederac3 T and other
acts of hostility —completely* justify the Uni
ted States in giving notice of the termination
of the convention. He said: “My lords, it was
not to be expected that the U. S. should
submit passively to such acts of violence
without availing themselves of all the means
of repression within their power. With re
gard to the Reciprocity treaty, although I
will not say there are sufficient grounds, yet
there are grounds with respect to the admis
sion ot articles duty free into the United
States which may iuduce the United States
government to wish for a renewal of the
treaty with modifications that may he more
advantageous, and which the United States
fovernment may consider more just, to the
r nited States. When Mr. Adams informed
me of the result of the negotiations which
had taken place between the President of the
United States and the agents of the so-called
Confederate States. I expressed to him a hope
that when he should present to me the notice
of the termination of the Reciprocity' treaty I
should find that the Congress ana govern
ment of the United States would be ready to
consider propositions by which a small and
limited armament might be kept up on the
Lakes, for the purposes of police, on both
sides ; and also that a renewal of the Recipro
city treaty, upon terms to be agreed upon by
both parties, might be negotiated during the
twelve months to elapse lie fore the existing
treaty ceased its operation. Os course Mr.
Adams was not authorized to give me any
assurancejupon the subject, but the Words
used induced me to trust that 9uch an assur
ance would he given. I am sure your lord
ships will all be anxious that the relations be
tween this country' and the United States
should continue as they are now T —of a pacific
and friendly' character.
As regards the acknowledgement of the
belligerent rights to what are called the Con
federate States, his Lordship observes :
Now, every one who knows anything of
the law of nations, knows perfectly 7 well that
although a country 7 may put down insur
gents who rise against its authority, yet a
country has no right or power to interfere
with neutral commerce, unless it assumes the
position of a belligerent. (Hear, hear.) But
that is what the United States did. The
President of the United States by his proc
lamation declared that the coasts of particu
lar States were iu a state of blockade, and
that armed vessels belonging to those States
should be treated as pirates. Then came rep
resentations on this subject from her Majes
ty’s Minister in the United States, but in the
first instance these merely 7 covered despatches
es from Admiral Sir A. Milne, commanding
her Majesty s squadron fn tho.se waters, ask
ing how 7 lie* was to treat the armed vessels of
the two parties. At that time Lord Campbell
held the high office of Lord Chancellor, and
of course we consulted him and the law
office of the crown as to what should be
done. Lord Campbell declared, as we all
supposed he would do, that there was no
course but one to pursue—namely to regard
the blockade, on the part of the United
States as the exercise of a belligerent right.
And as belligerent rights cannot be confined
to one party, but are usually exercised
against somebody else, our advisers told us
that we were enfited to recognise the exis
tence of the belligerent rights on the part of
both the combatants, and to declare her Ma
jesty's neutrality 7 between the two parties.
(Cheers.) And this, accordingly, was the
course which we recommended.
la relation to the affairs of the Trent, his
language was as folloms :
Your Lordships all remember the affair of
the Trent. It is said with regard to that af
fair, as with regard to the proclamation of
neutrality, that the proceedings ot this gov
ernment were unfriendly and uncourteous,
and I am accused—not for the first time cer
ainly, nor probably for the tenth time, but
with'as little justice now as on any of the
former occasions—of having had a dispatch
put into my hands Mhich ought to have been
published, because it contained an assurance
on the part of the United States government
that they did not intend to resist the delivery
of the vessel and the commissioners. My
Lords, that was very far from being the case;
and although Mr. Adams did bring me a des
patch on that occasion, it was a despatch
relating chiefly to other questions between
the two countries, and merely ending with a
declaration that if any demand were made
upon the subject pf the Trent, that qnestion
would be fairly considered by the United
States government. The despatch was not
put into my hands, and therefore I could not
publish it. Even had it been left with me,
and had I published it, it would have given
no satisfaction, because I certainly believed,
and my noble friend at the head of the gov
ernment also believed, up to the last mo
ment., that it was entirely a matter of uncer
tainty whether the United States government
would give up these commissioners, or wheth
er they would refuse to do so, and withhold
arbitration. At the last moment, after Her
Majesty had approved the despatch, we re
ceiyed a letter from the Prince Consort, in
which he said that some of the expressions
used in the despatch might Ire considered
too. abrupt, and suggested other phrases,
which he thought might make it more easy
for the government of the United States to
accept the request which it conveyed. These
phrases were adopted by the government and
embodied in tfie despatch, and, doubtless,
tended in some degree to render the docu
ment more acceptable to the United States
government, who ware called upon by its
terms to perform a duty in conformity with
the law of nations and regarded by the peo
ple of this country as an act of justice.
(CheersJ But it is said while w r e displayed
great haste in acknowledging the; South
as belligerents, w'e w'ere guilty of great su
pineness in the case of the Alabama, and£upon
this point I have only 7 to state that the evi
dence on this subject was furnished to us by
Mr. Adams, and that the information which
we received was immediately laid before the
law 7 officers of the crown, and that on the
very morning of the day on which they re
ported that the Alabama left Birkenhead. On
this question, however, I will say no more,
because it may form a matter for discussion
between the United States government and
our own.”
His Lordship wound up as follows :
“If Canada be invaded by the United States
or any other enemy, the invasion must either
be made with the object of permanently
annexing the country 7 or of inflicting upon
our arms a humiliating defeat. If the object
be the permanent annexation of the country,
that can only be accomplished by the con
quest of the w T bole country, and more es
pecially 7 by the reduction of the most impor
tant points. It can certainly never be attained
by overrunning the country, though opera
tions of that character may be very largely
extended. Above all, to insure the annexa
tion of Canada, it is necessary that the enemy
should possess himself of the line of the
river St. Law'rence, the great artery of the
country 7 . He must also possess himself of
the points which command the navigation of
that river—namely, Montreal and Quebec.
If w 7 e, therefore, can place the line of the
St. Law’rence and these two points which
command its navigation in such a state of
defence as to enable the Canadians to resist
the attack of an enemy, it is reasonable to
suppose that, if the object of the enemy be
annexation, he will first of all endeavor to
ascertain his chances of. success at those
points. Unless he can see a prospect of suc
cess in those directions, he will hardly think
it worth while to incur the expense and loss
of ao large a number of men as must neces
sarily follow a hopeless attempt. It was
calculated that the number of troops required
to garrison those tw r o places w 7 as thirty 7 thou
sand men, but it w r as desirable to have thirty
five thousand, and likewise a moveable force
of twenty thousand or twenty-five thousand
men, making a total of sixty-two thousand
men. He then noticed the military force in
the colony 7, consisting of volunteers and
militia, and observed that it w r as quite possi
ble that the western provinces of Canada
might not think sufficient provision was
made for ilieir defence, but that the govern
ment plan, he believed, was perfectly prac
ticable as a defence of those provinces.
ANOTHER IMPORTANT DEBATE IN
THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT IN
RELATION TO CANADA.
The debate that took place in the House of
Commons on the 13th was renewed on the
23d ult., on a motion by the Marquis of Hart
ington, Minister of War, for a vote of
£1 1,400, for defences in Canada. He alluded
to the great change which had taken place
within four years in the United States in the
following terms :
“Four years ago our North American prov
inces had upon their borders aver great
nation—not then a great military 7 nation, be
cause then the United States bad'the smallest
standing army 7 , perhaps, of any nation in the
world. The people were the least turned to
military matters, and their greatest men de
voted themselves to the pursuits of peace, and
eschewed those of war. The United States,
however, have become a great military na
tion, and have command of armies as large as
any which can be Yielded by the great
Powers of Europe, and at the head of these
armies are generals a9 able as any we know
of.”
After urging the perfect feasibility of de
fending Canada, in conclusion he said:
“If the House adopted the view of those
who thought we should leave Canada to her
self, he hoped it would say so at once, and
not deceive the Canadians. Others suggest
ed another mode of defence, by withdrawing
our troops from the colony, and, ifjiecessary,
acting upon the enemy in another quarter.
But they were bound to show the points
where the United States, with all their great
harbors fortified, and with enormous armies,
could be vulnerable, and how we could attack
her weak points at less cost than by the plan
proposed by the government, which he hoped
would be approved by the House.”
Mr. Disraeli, “after con&ssing his dislike to
tbe mauner in which the government had
brought forward their proposition, said he
should support the vote, though he consider
ed war with' America most improbable.—
Canada, if her blood was up, might raise two
hundred thousand fighting men, and this
number, supported by a series of strong
places, Avould be equal to three hundred
thousand; so that the result of an invasion
wonld be Uncertain. He dissented from Mr.
Lowe in his views of the future of Canada.
Mr. Bright said he objected to the vote,
because the main portion of the expenditure
for the defence of Canada was to be borne
by the colon}'. He protested against the
doctrine that the Cabinet of London may get
into a war with that of Washington, and
Canada be made the battle-field, this country
being entitled to call upon Canada to bear
the chief part of the expenditure. If so,
what advantage was the connection to Cana
da ? There was no prospect of a war between
America and Canada alone. Why should
the Canadians be taxed for a policy not
Canadian V This was his main objection to
the vote.
Lord Palmerston affirmed that it is not a
Canadian question, it is an imperial question.
It is a question which affects the position
SAVANNAH,* GA., FRIDAY, APRIL 14, 1865.
and character, the honor, the interests and
the duties of this great country; and I hold
it to be of the utmost importance to the
character of the nation iu a case like this,
and w'hen the great majority 7 of the House
seem to be of the same opinion, that it
should not go forth to the world that there
has been a difference of opinion on this mo
tion; but that it should be seen to have been
accepted by 7 a unanimous House of Com
mons. (Hear.) Sir, there are one or two
points with regard to w'hich I think it right
to express my dissent from some doctrines
which have been laid down. Many gentle
men have argued this question as if there
was a general impression and belief that war
with the United States was imminent, and
that tlii9 proposal of ours was for the purpose
of meeting a sudden danger wilich we ap
prehended to be hanging over us. Now, I
think there is no danger of war with Amer
ica. Nothing that has recently 7 passed indi
cates any hostile disposition on the part of
the United States towards us; and therefore
I do not brae this motion on the ground that
we expect war to take place between this
country 7 and America.
But it is necessary that when you propose
to put a country in a state of defence you
should show that war with some powerful
neighbor is imminent and likely soon to take
place? Why, the whole practice of man
kind is founded on an entirely different as
sumption. (Hear.) Every country which is
able to do so fortifies its frontier if its neigh
bor is a powerful State, which might if it
thought’ fit attack it. But it is said that you
cannot defend Canada. Now, I utterly deny
that proposition. (Cheers.) I think that is
assuming a position which no man is enti
tled to assume. Does the example of the
war even now going on tend to justify that
conclusion ? The territory of the confeder
ates is vast and extensive. Have they at
tempted to defend every portion of that ter
ritory? They have fortified certain impor
tant points, and those important points,
although the rest of the country 7 may have
been overran, have resisted attack—some of
-them even to this day, and others for three
or four years of the contest. (Hear, hear.)
Look at Richmond; is Richmond taken?
(Hear, hear.) Has not Richmond been at
tacked for a great length of time? And
what are its defences ? Why chiefly earth
works, with a force behind them; and, tho’
that force is inferior in numbers to the force
which threatens it, it has hitherto remained
in confederate hands. The mere occupation
of territory by an army 7 that traverses thro’
it without reducing its fortresses is no con
quest. The conquest is limited to the ground
that the invading army occupies, ana when
that army passes to another part of the
country its conquest passes away with it.
But all countries fortify particular points,
and when those points are secured they trust
that the general bulk of the territory is safe
from any permanent occupation or con
quest bv any enemy who may attack it. It
is urged that Canada has an extended fron
tier; but no other States similarly placed
in that respect? What country has the largest
frontier? What is the extent of our own fron
tier ? Why, tUo whole coast of tho United
Kingdom—[hear, hear] —and we might as
well say that it would be necessary for the
security of this country that we should line
our whole coast with defensive w r orks, be
cause we may lie attacked at any point of
that great and extensive frontier. (Hear,
hear.; I maintain, therefore, that there is
nothing that has passed, nothing that is now
passing between the government of the Uni
ted States and our government which justi
fies any man in saying that the relations be
tween the two countries are likely, as far as
present circumstances go, to assume a char
acter of hostility leading to war. But, then,
the honorable member tor Birmingham says
that any danger which might threaten Cana
da and our North American provinces must
arise from political disputes betweefi Eng
land and the United States. And, therefore,
the honorable gentleman says the Canadians
will find that their best security is not in forti
fications or in British support, but in separa
ting themselves from Great Britain. Now, in
the first place, that happens not to be the
wish or inclination of the Canadians. (Cheers)
The Canadians are most anxious to maintain
the connection with this country. They are
proud of that connection; they think it for
their interest; they are willing to make every
exertion that their population and resources
enable them to achieve, andj in conjunction
with the efforts of this country, to pre
serve that connection and prevent themselves
from being absorbed by a neighboring Power.
Is it not, therefore, alike the duty and inter
est of this country, for the sake of that repu
tation which is the power and strength of a
nation, when we find the Canadas and our
other provinces desirous of maintaining the
connection, to do that which we may have
the means of doing in assisting them to
maintain that connection, and remain
united with Great Britain ? [Hear, hear.J
(Hear, Hear.) My right honorable friend
the member for Caine Mr. Lowe argued in
a manner somewhat inconsistent wtih him
self, for what did he say ? He says that you
cannot defend Canada because the United
States can bring a military force into the field
much superior to which you can oppose to
them. Yet the right honorable gentleman
says we ought to defend Canada. You
ought to relinquish the connection, he says,
but you should defend Canada elsewhere.
Where ? Why, as you are not able to cope
with the United States in Canada, where you
have a large army and where you can join
your force to those of the Canadians, you
should send an expedition and attack the
people of the United States in their -own
homes and the centre of their own
where they can bring a large force to repel
our invasion. If we are unable to detend
Canada we shall not have much better pros
pects of success if we land an army to at
tack New York or any other important city.
I really hope the honorable gentleman (Mr.
Bentinek,) will be sufficiently satisfied by
proposing this amendment, ana that he will
not think it necessary to disturb the unan
imity of the House by insisting upon our go
ing to a division. (Hear, hear.)
Ex-President Millard Fillmore.—Buf
falo N. Y., Friday, March 31.—The report
that Ex-President Millard Fillmore had gone
to City Point as a Peace Commissioner is in
correct. He is at present in this city.
THE GAME OF BILLIARDS.
At the recent State tournament held at
Boston, to decide who should be termed the
champion player of the State of Massachu
setts, Mr. Gavit, of New York city, in a pre
liminary speech, gave the following interest
ing sketch of the rise, progress, and present
status of the game of Billiards. Those of
our readers who, by acquaintance with the
green table, the pocket, the ball and the cue,
are qualified to comprehend it, cannot
fail to read it with much pleasure, and also
to be instructed thereby.
ADDRESS OP MR. OAVIT.
LADIES AND QENTLKMEN : The trilthfulnCSS
of the quaint old adage that “all work and
no play makes Jack a dull boy” is beyond
cavil or doubt. The fact is equally patent
that relaxation and amusement are about as
necessary to mankind as food and raiment.
In all ages man ha 9 taxed his ingenuity for
the means of agreeable ’pastime, and the
“noble game of billiards” is one of the re
sults of his inventive genius in this particu
lar. The exact time or place of its produc
tion is uncertain; but billiards were known
and practiced in Europe about the time of
the return of the Knights Templars. Billi
ards is the only game which exercises and
disciplines the faculties and resources both
bf mind and body, without exhausting or dis
gusting either of them. A good eye, a
steady hand, judgement and practice are the
requirements for excellence in its manipula
tion. At once graceful and fascinating; it
has attractions for all classes of society. Its
devotees embrace representatives of all the
learned professions, merchants, manufactur
ers, artisans, men of leisure, etc. It has also
many votaries among the softer sex. Among
the latter was the unfortunate Mary Queen
of Scots; w 7 ho complained in a letter written
the livery night before her death, that her
“Billiard table had been taken away from
her, as a preliminary step to her punish
ment.” It is also recorded, that “After her
execution her body was enveloped in the
green cloth from her billiard table.” Shaks
peare makes Cleopatra exclaim, “Let us to
billiards, Charmian.” * The greatest, the
wisest, and one of the purest women of her
day, Madame de Stael, was an enthusiastic
advocate of billiards, and one of the most
brilliant players of her times. The late
Duchess de Barre, was also very fond of the
Same, and highly skillful in its execution.
lut to come to the present era: the. Empress
Eugenie is said to captivate all who witness
her graceful and masterly execution at bil
liards. Queen Victoria has long advocated
and practiced the game of billiards, which is
said to have proved a great consolation in re
lieving her mind, after the death of her hus
band. I could meption scores of ladies in
New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Hartford,
Buffalo, and other cities, who, in their re
spective circles, have exalted reputations as
excellent billiard players. So much was the
gamfe of billiards practiced by the aristocracy
of Europe, that it was long since designated
as the ‘Noble Game.” George Washington
was passionately fond ot billiards. Some
years since I was shown, in New York city,
an antique specimen of a billiard table, which
was stated to have formerly belonged to him.
I will not consume your time by multiplying
names; suffice it to say that the advocates ana
pursuers of this game have existed among the
great and good for centuries. A word in re
{;ard to the sanitary advantages of bil
iards. In an hour’s playing nearly
every muscle in the human system is brought
into healthy action, and during that time the
player walks from two to three miles. To
the* invalid and hypocondriac it is vastly ben
eficial, as it serves as an abstraction from the
needless, if not injurious, trains of thought.
In this connection I may state the fact that
billiard tables, for the use of the unfortunate
inmates, are now being added to to the prin
cipal Insane Assylums, both in Europe and
this country. Asa calisthenic regime, bil
liards are of inestimable value. In this
“Handy Book of Games” Captain Crowley
records an and instructive feature,
under this head. A friend of his, an opu
lent baronet, had an only daughter, who,
from the effects af a fall in her infancy, had
contracted a high shoulder, which proved a
real deformity, as the young lady approach
ed womanhood. Her father consulted the
most eminent medical practitioners, and
many remedies were tried in vain. A young
medical student was the guest of the bar
onet on a certain occasion. An opportunity
offering, he recommended billiards as a spe
cific for the lady. His advice was adopted,
a table procured, his service accepted as in
structor, and in a few short months a perfect
cure effected. This story would be incom
plete were I not to whisper to ray lady
hearers, the very natural and happy result,
viz., the consequence of this skillful and
successful instruction, was a “love match,'’
and the young teacher soon after became the
fortunate possessor of the heart, and * hand
of his accomplished pupil. Some twenty
Jears since the game of billiards, owing to
isreputable associations, was at rather a Tow
ebb in Ins country. Even here in Boston, rep
utable men had little desire to be seen in a
public biiliard room. A few determined
lovers of the game, without preconcerted
course of action, seemed to have individually
resolved to rescue the noble pastime from
degradation ; the thorough success of their
efforts is now palpable on every' side. Bil
liards, in public as well a9 private life, is
now the most popular amusement of our
whole people. Elegantly fitted saloons are
patronized by our most respected citizens,
while first class hotels as well as private res
idences are considered incomplete without
their billiard apartments. The manufactur
ers of the machinery of billiards gives lucra
tive employment to a large number of su
perior artisans, as well as to an extensive
pecuniary capital; how large can be esti
mated from the fact, that one of the leading
establishments in New York made and sold
over six hundred billiard tables during the
last year. At the present moment a fair
ouota of the internal revenue is derived from
hiiHurds Among those who have been most
prominent in the elevation of billiards, it
would be sheer injustice not to mention
the name of Michael Phelan, Esq., of New
York (applause,) a gentleman who has de
voted the thirty years of his manhood, to
the best interests of this healthfhl and useful
PRICE. 5 CENTS
recreation. One of the most noticeable
events in the late history 7 of billiards, is the
Grand National Tournament which occurred •
in New York, in June, 1863. For sometime
previous to that occasion, many par
ties in various portions of the country,
laid claims ot superiority 7 in executing
the game. Iu order to settle this question of
superiority, as well as to establish a code of
rales, a Congress of all the best professional
players iu the United States was called, and
after performing their other duties these ex
perts contended for the championship. The
affair was in the_ highest degree successful.
However, the National Tournament led to
new features. Mauy players in various lo
calities desired to contest for ’“State Cham
pionships ;” and during the last Summer;
strange as the announcement might seem, the
staid and orderly old State of Connecticut led
the column in this matter. I say strange,
for less than forty years ago, when the au
thorities accidentally learned that a billiard
table had been privately set up, in the city of
Hartford, the selectmen ordered the jailor to
seize the wicked contrivance and burn it on
the Common. In that same city of Hartford,
just three weeks ago this very night, I was at
Allyn Hall. The 'whole of the large dress
circle, in that superb structure, was filled
with a brilliant audience, reminding me of
Opera night at the Academy of Music. More
than two-thirds of this portion of the specta
tors were elegantly attired ladies, represent
ing the elite of the cities of Hartford, New
Haven and Bridgeport; and what was the
cause of this brilliant assemblage ? Simply a
billiard match—a contest for the State
championship between Gershom B. Hubbell,
Esq., superintendent of the American tele
graph, and George B. Hunt, Esq., superin
tendent of the Housatonic Railroad. And
although the game lasted until almost mid
night, nearly every one of this highly intel
ligent concourse/remained until its conclu
sion.
Speeches at Port Royal by Lloyd Garrison,
Theodore Tilton, and Others;
THE CELEBRATION AT FT. SUMTER.
Several distinguished gentlemen who vis- *
ited our city on Wednesday, took advantage
of their short stay in Port Royal on their
return, to address the colored people, and
those who are specially interested in the
welfare and improvement of that race.
Mitchellville, a little settlement inhabited
entirely by negroes, is situated about a mile
or less from Hilton Head village, and this
place was visited by certain of the gentle
men of the party, who made strong and
stirring anti-slavery addresses, as will be
seen by the special dispatch of our corres
pondent, which we append:
Hilton Head, April 13, 6.30 p. m.
Mr. Lloyd Garrison, of the Liberator; Theo
dore Tilton, of the New York Independent;
Mr. Joseph Hoxie, and others of the Fort
Sumter excursion party, addressed the ne
groes at Mitchellville to-day. The speaker*
were introduced by Brig. Geu. M. S. Little
field, and they all made strong anti-slavery
speeches. The Savannah visitors to Charles
ton left this morning at one o'clock, the
others, including Gen. Gillmore, Gen. Grover,
Gen. Vodges and the distinguished visitors
from the South, will leave this evening on the
steamers Arago, Delaware and Diamond.
M. S. W.
It is stated that in the last interview Jeff.
Davis had with Joe Johnston, on the eve of
his departure for South Carolina, the Rebel
President said to him: “General, I regret to
have no army to give you; I hope, however,
that the people of South Carolina, by whom
you are called, will furnish you one larger, if
not better than the one you had before.”
These rosy anticipations were doomed -to a
dreadful disappointment, it seems/
Balmorals, in gay colors, which have been
so long wom, are now disappearing. Pretty
skirts of black alpaca, gored, and quilted on
a machine and bound with white, either
plain or in scollops, are preferred; and in
woolen material, black and white skirts, in
strips and checks, with fluted trimmings, will
be in some demand; but white moreen skirts,
tastefully trimmed, will probably be the style
for the coming season.
They have queer trades in Paris. Among
'others is that of the reveilleuse, who goes
from house to house through the winter
nights to waken sleepers who must be at the
markets; and the “guardian angel,” whose
business consists in seeing drunkards home
from the wine shops, at the rate of ten sous
per drunkard.
“How pleasant ’tis to see,” &c,, especially
in church. The Winstead, Ct. Herald says
that the church at Colebrook Centre has a
divided choir, one half in the gallery and the
other half below. Sometimes both sing,
sometimes neither; sometimes the choir
below takes one tune while the choir above
sings another. Wouldn’t we like to hear
them trying to out-roar each other to the
words
“Come let us join in sweet occord.”
Lieut. Cushing, the Albemarle hero, was
once connected with the Newport Naval
Academy, but failed to give satisfaction in
the required course, and some of the old fogy
professors down there don’t beliefe in him
now. Just so. Gen. Sherman was consid
ered crazy'by tne blind men at Washington
at the outset of the war.
Howell Cobb, in making cue of his speech
es the other day in Georgia, to fire the South
ern heart, exclaimed:
“Life is but a span. Property is but a
fleeting show. Put me in the grave, but
never put on me the garment of a submis
sionist!” , .
Well, Howell, yqu may have your choice—
you may go into the grave or go naked.
It is stated that parties in Philadelphia
have contracted to deliver eighteen thousand
tons of coal per week, for government use, at
$8 25 per ton,
