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Savannah daily herald. (Savannah, Ga.) 1865-1866, April 14, 1865, Image 1

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SAVAMAH DAILY HERALD. VOL. I—NO. 75. The Savannah Daily Herald (MORNING AND EVENING) IS PUBLISHED BY I s. W. MASON «fc CO., At 111 Bay Street, Savannah, Georgia. mils: Per Copy Five Cents. Per Hundred $3 60. Per Year $lO 00, advertising: Two Dollars per Square of Ten Lines for first in sertion ; One Dollar for each subsequent one. Ad vertisements inserted in the morning, will, if desired, appear in the evening without extra charge. ,T OI? PRINTING every style, neatly and promptly done. SPEECH OF LORD JOHN RPSSELLON AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN THE HOISE OF LORDS. Lord John Russell on the 23d ult., entered into a full explanation of his policy oi Neu trality, and of the relations generally between Great Britain and the United States. 1. As regards the Reciprocity treaty and the arma ment on the Lakes. 2d. As regards the grant ing ot Belligerent lights to the Confederate States. 3rd. As to the affair of the Trent. On ihe first of these heads he stated that I think it must be admitted that recent occurrences on the lakes—namely, the seizure of vessels by the agents of the cnufederac3 T and other acts of hostility —completely* justify the Uni ted States in giving notice of the termination of the convention. He said: “My lords, it was not to be expected that the U. S. should submit passively to such acts of violence without availing themselves of all the means of repression within their power. With re gard to the Reciprocity treaty, although I will not say there are sufficient grounds, yet there are grounds with respect to the admis sion ot articles duty free into the United States which may iuduce the United States government to wish for a renewal of the treaty with modifications that may he more advantageous, and which the United States fovernment may consider more just, to the r nited States. When Mr. Adams informed me of the result of the negotiations which had taken place between the President of the United States and the agents of the so-called Confederate States. I expressed to him a hope that when he should present to me the notice of the termination of the Reciprocity' treaty I should find that the Congress ana govern ment of the United States would be ready to consider propositions by which a small and limited armament might be kept up on the Lakes, for the purposes of police, on both sides ; and also that a renewal of the Recipro city treaty, upon terms to be agreed upon by both parties, might be negotiated during the twelve months to elapse lie fore the existing treaty ceased its operation. Os course Mr. Adams was not authorized to give me any assurancejupon the subject, but the Words used induced me to trust that 9uch an assur ance would he given. I am sure your lord ships will all be anxious that the relations be tween this country' and the United States should continue as they are now T —of a pacific and friendly' character. As regards the acknowledgement of the belligerent rights to what are called the Con federate States, his Lordship observes : Now, every one who knows anything of the law of nations, knows perfectly 7 well that although a country 7 may put down insur gents who rise against its authority, yet a country has no right or power to interfere with neutral commerce, unless it assumes the position of a belligerent. (Hear, hear.) But that is what the United States did. The President of the United States by his proc lamation declared that the coasts of particu lar States were iu a state of blockade, and that armed vessels belonging to those States should be treated as pirates. Then came rep resentations on this subject from her Majes ty’s Minister in the United States, but in the first instance these merely 7 covered despatches es from Admiral Sir A. Milne, commanding her Majesty s squadron fn waters, ask ing how 7 lie* was to treat the armed vessels of the two parties. At that time Lord Campbell held the high office of Lord Chancellor, and of course we consulted him and the law office of the crown as to what should be done. Lord Campbell declared, as we all supposed he would do, that there was no course but one to pursue—namely to regard the blockade, on the part of the United States as the exercise of a belligerent right. And as belligerent rights cannot be confined to one party, but are usually exercised against somebody else, our advisers told us that we were enfited to recognise the exis tence of the belligerent rights on the part of both the combatants, and to declare her Ma jesty's neutrality 7 between the two parties. (Cheers.) And this, accordingly, was the course which we recommended. la relation to the affairs of the Trent, his language was as folloms : Your Lordships all remember the affair of the Trent. It is said with regard to that af fair, as with regard to the proclamation of neutrality, that the proceedings ot this gov ernment were unfriendly and uncourteous, and I am accused—not for the first time cer ainly, nor probably for the tenth time, but with'as little justice now as on any of the former occasions—of having had a dispatch put into my hands Mhich ought to have been published, because it contained an assurance on the part of the United States government that they did not intend to resist the delivery of the vessel and the commissioners. My Lords, that was very far from being the case; and although Mr. Adams did bring me a des patch on that occasion, it was a despatch relating chiefly to other questions between the two countries, and merely ending with a declaration that if any demand were made upon the subject pf the Trent, that qnestion would be fairly considered by the United States government. The despatch was not put into my hands, and therefore I could not publish it. Even had it been left with me, and had I published it, it would have given no satisfaction, because I certainly believed, and my noble friend at the head of the gov ernment also believed, up to the last mo ment., that it was entirely a matter of uncer tainty whether the United States government would give up these commissioners, or wheth er they would refuse to do so, and withhold arbitration. At the last moment, after Her Majesty had approved the despatch, we re ceiyed a letter from the Prince Consort, in which he said that some of the expressions used in the despatch might Ire considered too. abrupt, and suggested other phrases, which he thought might make it more easy for the government of the United States to accept the request which it conveyed. These phrases were adopted by the government and embodied in tfie despatch, and, doubtless, tended in some degree to render the docu ment more acceptable to the United States government, who ware called upon by its terms to perform a duty in conformity with the law of nations and regarded by the peo ple of this country as an act of justice. (CheersJ But it is said while w r e displayed great haste in acknowledging the; South as belligerents, w'e w'ere guilty of great su pineness in the case of the Alabama, and£upon this point I have only 7 to state that the evi dence on this subject was furnished to us by Mr. Adams, and that the information which we received was immediately laid before the law 7 officers of the crown, and that on the very morning of the day on which they re ported that the Alabama left Birkenhead. On this question, however, I will say no more, because it may form a matter for discussion between the United States government and our own.” His Lordship wound up as follows : “If Canada be invaded by the United States or any other enemy, the invasion must either be made with the object of permanently annexing the country 7 or of inflicting upon our arms a humiliating defeat. If the object be the permanent annexation of the country, that can only be accomplished by the con quest of the w T bole country, and more es pecially 7 by the reduction of the most impor tant points. It can certainly never be attained by overrunning the country, though opera tions of that character may be very largely extended. Above all, to insure the annexa tion of Canada, it is necessary that the enemy should possess himself of the line of the river St. Law'rence, the great artery of the country 7 . He must also possess himself of the points which command the navigation of that river—namely, Montreal and Quebec. If w 7 e, therefore, can place the line of the St. Law’rence and these two points which command its navigation in such a state of defence as to enable the Canadians to resist the attack of an enemy, it is reasonable to suppose that, if the object of the enemy be annexation, he will first of all endeavor to ascertain his chances of. success at those points. Unless he can see a prospect of suc cess in those directions, he will hardly think it worth while to incur the expense and loss of ao large a number of men as must neces sarily follow a hopeless attempt. It was calculated that the number of troops required to garrison those tw r o places w 7 as thirty 7 thou sand men, but it w r as desirable to have thirty five thousand, and likewise a moveable force of twenty thousand or twenty-five thousand men, making a total of sixty-two thousand men. He then noticed the military force in the colony 7, consisting of volunteers and militia, and observed that it w r as quite possi ble that the western provinces of Canada might not think sufficient provision was made for ilieir defence, but that the govern ment plan, he believed, was perfectly prac ticable as a defence of those provinces. ANOTHER IMPORTANT DEBATE IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT IN RELATION TO CANADA. The debate that took place in the House of Commons on the 13th was renewed on the 23d ult., on a motion by the Marquis of Hart ington, Minister of War, for a vote of £1 1,400, for defences in Canada. He alluded to the great change which had taken place within four years in the United States in the following terms : “Four years ago our North American prov inces had upon their borders aver great nation—not then a great military 7 nation, be cause then the United States bad'the smallest standing army 7 , perhaps, of any nation in the world. The people were the least turned to military matters, and their greatest men de voted themselves to the pursuits of peace, and eschewed those of war. The United States, however, have become a great military na tion, and have command of armies as large as any which can be Yielded by the great Powers of Europe, and at the head of these armies are generals a9 able as any we know of.” After urging the perfect feasibility of de fending Canada, in conclusion he said: “If the House adopted the view of those who thought we should leave Canada to her self, he hoped it would say so at once, and not deceive the Canadians. Others suggest ed another mode of defence, by withdrawing our troops from the colony, and, ifjiecessary, acting upon the enemy in another quarter. But they were bound to show the points where the United States, with all their great harbors fortified, and with enormous armies, could be vulnerable, and how we could attack her weak points at less cost than by the plan proposed by the government, which he hoped would be approved by the House.” Mr. Disraeli, “after con&ssing his dislike to tbe mauner in which the government had brought forward their proposition, said he should support the vote, though he consider ed war with' America most improbable.— Canada, if her blood was up, might raise two hundred thousand fighting men, and this number, supported by a series of strong places, Avould be equal to three hundred thousand; so that the result of an invasion wonld be Uncertain. He dissented from Mr. Lowe in his views of the future of Canada. Mr. Bright said he objected to the vote, because the main portion of the expenditure for the defence of Canada was to be borne by the colon}'. He protested against the doctrine that the Cabinet of London may get into a war with that of Washington, and Canada be made the battle-field, this country being entitled to call upon Canada to bear the chief part of the expenditure. If so, what advantage was the connection to Cana da ? There was no prospect of a war between America and Canada alone. Why should the Canadians be taxed for a policy not Canadian V This was his main objection to the vote. Lord Palmerston affirmed that it is not a Canadian question, it is an imperial question. It is a question which affects the position SAVANNAH,* GA., FRIDAY, APRIL 14, 1865. and character, the honor, the interests and the duties of this great country; and I hold it to be of the utmost importance to the character of the nation iu a case like this, and w'hen the great majority 7 of the House seem to be of the same opinion, that it should not go forth to the world that there has been a difference of opinion on this mo tion; but that it should be seen to have been accepted by 7 a unanimous House of Com mons. (Hear.) Sir, there are one or two points with regard to w'hich I think it right to express my dissent from some doctrines which have been laid down. Many gentle men have argued this question as if there was a general impression and belief that war with the United States was imminent, and that tlii9 proposal of ours was for the purpose of meeting a sudden danger wilich we ap prehended to be hanging over us. Now, I think there is no danger of war with Amer ica. Nothing that has recently 7 passed indi cates any hostile disposition on the part of the United States towards us; and therefore I do not brae this motion on the ground that we expect war to take place between this country 7 and America. But it is necessary that when you propose to put a country in a state of defence you should show that war with some powerful neighbor is imminent and likely soon to take place? Why, the whole practice of man kind is founded on an entirely different as sumption. (Hear.) Every country which is able to do so fortifies its frontier if its neigh bor is a powerful State, which might if it thought’ fit attack it. But it is said that you cannot defend Canada. Now, I utterly deny that proposition. (Cheers.) I think that is assuming a position which no man is enti tled to assume. Does the example of the war even now going on tend to justify that conclusion ? The territory of the confeder ates is vast and extensive. Have they at tempted to defend every portion of that ter ritory? They have fortified certain impor tant points, and those important points, although the rest of the country 7 may have been overran, have resisted attack—some of -them even to this day, and others for three or four years of the contest. (Hear, hear.) Look at Richmond; is Richmond taken? (Hear, hear.) Has not Richmond been at tacked for a great length of time? And what are its defences ? Why chiefly earth works, with a force behind them; and, tho’ that force is inferior in numbers to the force which threatens it, it has hitherto remained in confederate hands. The mere occupation of territory by an army 7 that traverses thro’ it without reducing its fortresses is no con quest. The conquest is limited to the ground that the invading army occupies, ana when that army passes to another part of the country its conquest passes away with it. But all countries fortify particular points, and when those points are secured they trust that the general bulk of the territory is safe from any permanent occupation or con quest bv any enemy who may attack it. It is urged that Canada has an extended fron tier; but no other States similarly placed in that respect? What country has the largest frontier? What is the extent of our own fron tier ? Why, tUo whole coast of tho United Kingdom—[hear, hear] —and we might as well say that it would be necessary for the security of this country that we should line our whole coast with defensive w r orks, be cause we may lie attacked at any point of that great and extensive frontier. (Hear, hear.; I maintain, therefore, that there is nothing that has passed, nothing that is now passing between the government of the Uni ted States and our government which justi fies any man in saying that the relations be tween the two countries are likely, as far as present circumstances go, to assume a char acter of hostility leading to war. But, then, the honorable member tor Birmingham says that any danger which might threaten Cana da and our North American provinces must arise from political disputes betweefi Eng land and the United States. And, therefore, the honorable gentleman says the Canadians will find that their best security is not in forti fications or in British support, but in separa ting themselves from Great Britain. Now, in the first place, that happens not to be the wish or inclination of the Canadians. (Cheers) The Canadians are most anxious to maintain the connection with this country. They are proud of that connection; they think it for their interest; they are willing to make every exertion that their population and resources enable them to achieve, andj in conjunction with the efforts of this country, to pre serve that connection and prevent themselves from being absorbed by a neighboring Power. Is it not, therefore, alike the duty and inter est of this country, for the sake of that repu tation which is the power and strength of a nation, when we find the Canadas and our other provinces desirous of maintaining the connection, to do that which we may have the means of doing in assisting them to maintain that connection, and remain united with Great Britain ? [Hear, hear.J (Hear, Hear.) My right honorable friend the member for Caine Mr. Lowe argued in a manner somewhat inconsistent wtih him self, for what did he say ? He says that you cannot defend Canada because the United States can bring a military force into the field much superior to which you can oppose to them. Yet the right honorable gentleman says we ought to defend Canada. You ought to relinquish the connection, he says, but you should defend Canada elsewhere. Where ? Why, as you are not able to cope with the United States in Canada, where you have a large army and where you can join your force to those of the Canadians, you should send an expedition and attack the people of the United States in their -own homes and the centre of their own where they can bring a large force to repel our invasion. If we are unable to detend Canada we shall not have much better pros pects of success if we land an army to at tack New York or any other important city. I really hope the honorable gentleman (Mr. Bentinek,) will be sufficiently satisfied by proposing this amendment, ana that he will not think it necessary to disturb the unan imity of the House by insisting upon our go ing to a division. (Hear, hear.) Ex-President Millard Fillmore.—Buf falo N. Y., Friday, March 31.—The report that Ex-President Millard Fillmore had gone to City Point as a Peace Commissioner is in correct. He is at present in this city. THE GAME OF BILLIARDS. At the recent State tournament held at Boston, to decide who should be termed the champion player of the State of Massachu setts, Mr. Gavit, of New York city, in a pre liminary speech, gave the following interest ing sketch of the rise, progress, and present status of the game of Billiards. Those of our readers who, by acquaintance with the green table, the pocket, the ball and the cue, are qualified to comprehend it, cannot fail to read it with much pleasure, and also to be instructed thereby. ADDRESS OP MR. OAVIT. LADIES AND QENTLKMEN : The trilthfulnCSS of the quaint old adage that “all work and no play makes Jack a dull boy” is beyond cavil or doubt. The fact is equally patent that relaxation and amusement are about as necessary to mankind as food and raiment. In all ages man ha 9 taxed his ingenuity for the means of agreeable ’pastime, and the “noble game of billiards” is one of the re sults of his inventive genius in this particu lar. The exact time or place of its produc tion is uncertain; but billiards were known and practiced in Europe about the time of the return of the Knights Templars. Billi ards is the only game which exercises and disciplines the faculties and resources both bf mind and body, without exhausting or dis gusting either of them. A good eye, a steady hand, judgement and practice are the requirements for excellence in its manipula tion. At once graceful and fascinating; it has attractions for all classes of society. Its devotees embrace representatives of all the learned professions, merchants, manufactur ers, artisans, men of leisure, etc. It has also many votaries among the softer sex. Among the latter was the unfortunate Mary Queen of Scots; w 7 ho complained in a letter written the livery night before her death, that her “Billiard table had been taken away from her, as a preliminary step to her punish ment.” It is also recorded, that “After her execution her body was enveloped in the green cloth from her billiard table.” Shaks peare makes Cleopatra exclaim, “Let us to billiards, Charmian.” * The greatest, the wisest, and one of the purest women of her day, Madame de Stael, was an enthusiastic advocate of billiards, and one of the most brilliant players of her times. The late Duchess de Barre, was also very fond of the Same, and highly skillful in its execution. lut to come to the present era: the. Empress Eugenie is said to captivate all who witness her graceful and masterly execution at bil liards. Queen Victoria has long advocated and practiced the game of billiards, which is said to have proved a great consolation in re lieving her mind, after the death of her hus band. I could meption scores of ladies in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Hartford, Buffalo, and other cities, who, in their re spective circles, have exalted reputations as excellent billiard players. So much was the gamfe of billiards practiced by the aristocracy of Europe, that it was long since designated as the ‘Noble Game.” George Washington was passionately fond ot billiards. Some years since I was shown, in New York city, an antique specimen of a billiard table, which was stated to have formerly belonged to him. I will not consume your time by multiplying names; suffice it to say that the advocates ana pursuers of this game have existed among the great and good for centuries. A word in re {;ard to the sanitary advantages of bil iards. In an hour’s playing nearly every muscle in the human system is brought into healthy action, and during that time the player walks from two to three miles. To the* invalid and hypocondriac it is vastly ben eficial, as it serves as an abstraction from the needless, if not injurious, trains of thought. In this connection I may state the fact that billiard tables, for the use of the unfortunate inmates, are now being added to to the prin cipal Insane Assylums, both in Europe and this country. Asa calisthenic regime, bil liards are of inestimable value. In this “Handy Book of Games” Captain Crowley records an and instructive feature, under this head. A friend of his, an opu lent baronet, had an only daughter, who, from the effects af a fall in her infancy, had contracted a high shoulder, which proved a real deformity, as the young lady approach ed womanhood. Her father consulted the most eminent medical practitioners, and many remedies were tried in vain. A young medical student was the guest of the bar onet on a certain occasion. An opportunity offering, he recommended billiards as a spe cific for the lady. His advice was adopted, a table procured, his service accepted as in structor, and in a few short months a perfect cure effected. This story would be incom plete were I not to whisper to ray lady hearers, the very natural and happy result, viz., the consequence of this skillful and successful instruction, was a “love match,'’ and the young teacher soon after became the fortunate possessor of the heart, and * hand of his accomplished pupil. Some twenty Jears since the game of billiards, owing to isreputable associations, was at rather a Tow ebb in Ins country. Even here in Boston, rep utable men had little desire to be seen in a public biiliard room. A few determined lovers of the game, without preconcerted course of action, seemed to have individually resolved to rescue the noble pastime from degradation ; the thorough success of their efforts is now palpable on every' side. Bil liards, in public as well a9 private life, is now the most popular amusement of our whole people. Elegantly fitted saloons are patronized by our most respected citizens, while first class hotels as well as private res idences are considered incomplete without their billiard apartments. The manufactur ers of the machinery of billiards gives lucra tive employment to a large number of su perior artisans, as well as to an extensive pecuniary capital; how large can be esti mated from the fact, that one of the leading establishments in New York made and sold over six hundred billiard tables during the last year. At the present moment a fair ouota of the internal revenue is derived from hiiHurds Among those who have been most prominent in the elevation of billiards, it would be sheer injustice not to mention the name of Michael Phelan, Esq., of New York (applause,) a gentleman who has de voted the thirty years of his manhood, to the best interests of this healthfhl and useful PRICE. 5 CENTS recreation. One of the most noticeable events in the late history 7 of billiards, is the Grand National Tournament which occurred • in New York, in June, 1863. For sometime previous to that occasion, many par ties in various portions of the country, laid claims ot superiority 7 in executing the game. Iu order to settle this question of superiority, as well as to establish a code of rales, a Congress of all the best professional players iu the United States was called, and after performing their other duties these ex perts contended for the championship. The affair was in the_ highest degree successful. However, the National Tournament led to new features. Mauy players in various lo calities desired to contest for ’“State Cham pionships ;” and during the last Summer; strange as the announcement might seem, the staid and orderly old State of Connecticut led the column in this matter. I say strange, for less than forty years ago, when the au thorities accidentally learned that a billiard table had been privately set up, in the city of Hartford, the selectmen ordered the jailor to seize the wicked contrivance and burn it on the Common. In that same city of Hartford, just three weeks ago this very night, I was at Allyn Hall. The 'whole of the large dress circle, in that superb structure, was filled with a brilliant audience, reminding me of Opera night at the Academy of Music. More than two-thirds of this portion of the specta tors were elegantly attired ladies, represent ing the elite of the cities of Hartford, New Haven and Bridgeport; and what was the cause of this brilliant assemblage ? Simply a billiard match—a contest for the State championship between Gershom B. Hubbell, Esq., superintendent of the American tele graph, and George B. Hunt, Esq., superin tendent of the Housatonic Railroad. And although the game lasted until almost mid night, nearly every one of this highly intel ligent concourse/remained until its conclu sion. Speeches at Port Royal by Lloyd Garrison, Theodore Tilton, and Others; THE CELEBRATION AT FT. SUMTER. Several distinguished gentlemen who vis- * ited our city on Wednesday, took advantage of their short stay in Port Royal on their return, to address the colored people, and those who are specially interested in the welfare and improvement of that race. Mitchellville, a little settlement inhabited entirely by negroes, is situated about a mile or less from Hilton Head village, and this place was visited by certain of the gentle men of the party, who made strong and stirring anti-slavery addresses, as will be seen by the special dispatch of our corres pondent, which we append: Hilton Head, April 13, 6.30 p. m. Mr. Lloyd Garrison, of the Liberator; Theo dore Tilton, of the New York Independent; Mr. Joseph Hoxie, and others of the Fort Sumter excursion party, addressed the ne groes at Mitchellville to-day. The speaker* were introduced by Brig. Geu. M. S. Little field, and they all made strong anti-slavery speeches. The Savannah visitors to Charles ton left this morning at one o'clock, the others, including Gen. Gillmore, Gen. Grover, Gen. Vodges and the distinguished visitors from the South, will leave this evening on the steamers Arago, Delaware and Diamond. M. S. W. It is stated that in the last interview Jeff. Davis had with Joe Johnston, on the eve of his departure for South Carolina, the Rebel President said to him: “General, I regret to have no army to give you; I hope, however, that the people of South Carolina, by whom you are called, will furnish you one larger, if not better than the one you had before.” These rosy anticipations were doomed -to a dreadful disappointment, it seems/ Balmorals, in gay colors, which have been so long wom, are now disappearing. Pretty skirts of black alpaca, gored, and quilted on a machine and bound with white, either plain or in scollops, are preferred; and in woolen material, black and white skirts, in strips and checks, with fluted trimmings, will be in some demand; but white moreen skirts, tastefully trimmed, will probably be the style for the coming season. They have queer trades in Paris. Among 'others is that of the reveilleuse, who goes from house to house through the winter nights to waken sleepers who must be at the markets; and the “guardian angel,” whose business consists in seeing drunkards home from the wine shops, at the rate of ten sous per drunkard. “How pleasant ’tis to see,” &c,, especially in church. The Winstead, Ct. Herald says that the church at Colebrook Centre has a divided choir, one half in the gallery and the other half below. Sometimes both sing, sometimes neither; sometimes the choir below takes one tune while the choir above sings another. Wouldn’t we like to hear them trying to out-roar each other to the words “Come let us join in sweet occord.” Lieut. Cushing, the Albemarle hero, was once connected with the Newport Naval Academy, but failed to give satisfaction in the required course, and some of the old fogy professors down there don’t beliefe in him now. Just so. Gen. Sherman was consid ered crazy'by tne blind men at Washington at the outset of the war. Howell Cobb, in making cue of his speech es the other day in Georgia, to fire the South ern heart, exclaimed: “Life is but a span. Property is but a fleeting show. Put me in the grave, but never put on me the garment of a submis sionist!” , . Well, Howell, yqu may have your choice— you may go into the grave or go naked. It is stated that parties in Philadelphia have contracted to deliver eighteen thousand tons of coal per week, for government use, at $8 25 per ton,