Georgia republican & state intelligencer. (Savannah, Ga.) 1802-1805, September 18, 1802, Image 1
Georgia Republican & State Intelligencer.
$x Dollars a Tear, Half in Advance,
REPUBLICAN .
Volume I. No. 5.
FromTbe National Intelligencer.
i
SIR,
I have now before me a paper published in
the year 1795, when what is called the FcV
deral tone, was loud and imperative. Ahho’
the wit is not so mark, nor the aftertions so
bold as the then favorite of the day, Peter
Porcupine, yet every column contains sar
casm on republicanism, and encomiums on
rnonarchial high church government ; and this
late Porcupine’s was supported by all
the federal interest in every state in the union.
Asa specimen of the sentiments of the then
majority, I copy one paragraph from hun
dreds, as it applies in a very strong manner,
to the conduct of those men who are now
become the minority in Congress.
The Editor (peaking of the circumstance
which happened in England, of fox, Grey,
Sheridan,&c. resigning their feats in Pailia
me nr, exprefies hi.iTrlf in the following
words:
<c These grumblers’ 5 fays he, tc go thi
ther as ancient Caro e id, merely to come
out again. What is caked the opposition in
*any government means norhing mere than a
junto of poor ciifappointed men, who wifti for
gratification and riches.—Patriots who love
gold at their hearts.—Anxiety for the wel
fare of the people is the (tale pretext--inordi
nate desire for the power and rank, is always
the Jecrcl ftiinulusof canting.patriotifm. John
Hampden did not value twenty {hillings to a
royal tax-gatherer ; but it imported his am
bition to engage in a controversy with the king
bis waiter. One ray of anger from a Steuart,
would illumine the obfeurity of John Hamp
den r
Withcmt flopping to pp>?e, that one John
Jlampdenwas more valuable to the world
than the whole race of the Stuarts, it is asked,
what do the r /elent minority think of their
language in ;yy c o, and of their conduct in
now when neither their number nor their
reputability is half so formidable as the oppo
sition to the then administration ? In the t*yes
ofthefe-men, it was a high crime to oppose
or. ex pen five, kingly-inclined system, but it is
no fin to throw every possible obstacle in the
way of a truly economical, republican govern
ment. “ lie that runs may read.”
CL IN THE CORNER.
f/om the National Intelligencer.
Rfmarks cccafionedlv Mr. ADAMS*
LET T E R S>
No. IIL
Mr. Adams proceeds :
When the people, who have no proper
ty, fed the power in their own hands, to de -
termine all (jueflior.s by a majority, they
ever attack those who have property.”
It is the common mistake of Mr. Adams
and all writers of monarchic predilection, to
tally to disregard the peculiar Rate of society
in this country, applying to us all the ab
surdities that have been connected with the
fraudulent and tyrannical political system of
Europe. Nothing is more true than that in
this country the people are sovereign, that
they holdall power as well from natural as
from economical principles. By them, there
fore, or a majority of them, all qucßions are
determined. Yet it is equally true that they
have never attacked those who have property.
Nor is it believed that a sentiment of hoftiiity
to these who have property was at any time felt
by any conGdernblc portion of the people.
The reason for this diversity between Europe!
and America is obvious. In Europe, whir-j
ever cxifts in the political world is the off*- 1
Jpring of prejudice, of passion, of fuperftiti
crr:. of fraud, or of force. There in the cor
ing sense of the word, politically speaking,
xhere have been r.o people. There have
iPen large mattes of human beings ; but they
have pc Re Re vd no tranquil and effectual or
gan whereby to communicate their feelings,
their wants, or their wills. They have, there
fore, had no other ir.Rrument of a-flion than
phy Ileal force*. The hi Rory of the world
f {hews us that tlie poor will ever be oppressed
bv the rich. That fame hi Rory informs us
that the poor are patient—that they will bear
much, without rrlißanxe. But there as r. e--
gree of Oppression beyond which the capaci
ty of endurance is exhausted. Hence when
tiiat degree has been palled, the people have
humbled their opprelTors in the dust ; and
power, talent, and riches, have fallen prof
trace before the fury of the multitude. This
is a great evil ; but in such a corrupt Rate of
society a necessary one. Kings, nobles, and
priefls are blotted from exißence ; but it can
not be thence inferred that the mass of hu
man felicity is decreased. It may be a mourn
ful fpedlacle to behold the fpoilatorof an em
pire deprived of his wealth and has life ; but
it is no iefs joyful to contemplate millions sa
ved from famine.
In this country we have rot beheld, nor
can we behold, so long as our republican in
stitutions remain, a fight so degrading. All
men here Rare with political rights, the pof
feflion of property is alike open to all, th:
field cf industry is boundless, the objects or
talent are innumerable. All men, there
fore, be they rich or poor, are equally inte
rested in the preservation of this great system
it is the defence of the rich; the pledge of riches
to the poor. Ail are cither rich, or expect robe.
The talent of the cottager, equally with char
of the heir to thousands, enter the field with
equal claims. Property may be amatted by
the industry and fuccefsful emerprife of one
man * but the entail of estates beinb broken,
it isdiflipated nearly as soon as pollened. We
have no privileged orders. This very cir -
cum Ranee has given them their death blow
Hence, we have no dangerous competition.,
of one mass of the society with another.
There are individual rivalries of talent and
industry. But these can never agitate the
nation. There are no perminent interests of
one class placed in hostile array again ft the
interests of other chffes.
Every remark, therefore, applied to Eu
rope, fails in its application here.—The pos
son has found not only its antidote, but its
preventative, and here “ all nature’s differ
ence is all nature’s peace,.” Itis prefumeT
chat this is a co'ncluftve anfvver, to Mr A
dani’s remark. Such a remark might not
have excited our surprise, if made in Con
stantinople or even London ; bur it is truly
furprifmg, when made by an American ci
tizen, who, nurtured by the intrepid fent : -
ments of a revolution, and animated by an
early devotion to liberty, had been among
the dißinguilhed alfertors of invaded rights.
“ The multitude,” continues Mr. Adams,
£f as well as the nobles mull have a check.
This is one principle.”
This is too plain ro need a commentary.
The nobles .and people* in the previous
part of the letter, are represented to be *t war
with each other. <c They muit have a check.”
That is in plain language, a king * for if you
exclude both nobles and people, what have
you left but a king ?
Here follows, in Mr. Adams letter, his
wild, extravagant, and ludicrous picture of
| family pride and popularity. The delinea
tion could only have been derived from the
operations of an internal sense, chat con
vinced the writer tin.: his heart fvveiied with
family pride {although God knows where
fore ! ) and deluded him with the flittering
hope of popularity that should be immortal.
But alas ! How vifiorury our brighreft hopes
They exulting dance in the fun beams of
our own fulirary applause, but the cruel world
Toon dissolves the fairy Icene, and the lcep
tre and palace are exchanged for the imoften
tatious retirement of private life. Here the
proud heart firft learns the salutary left on, ot
of the infUnificance, under the republican
system: of any one man compared to the
whole society.
This vivid picture of the fancy is thus
doled :
tc The only way, God knows, is to put
1 these fa milies [of great family popularity] ir>
Ia hole by themfeives, and set two watches un
ion them —a superior to them all on one fide,
| and the people on the other.’’
I Can words be more unequivocal ? Will a-1
jnyone fay that tiiis is not aplain palpable re
commendation of monarchy r
i A gam— £< t_,et us do justice to the people,
to the nobles, for nobles there are, as i
fhavebfore proved, in Bcfton, as well as in
j Madrid ; bur to do justice to both, you must
iestabbfn an arbitrator between them. This
• is another principle.’’
I Here we have repeated the fame plain, pal
•pabl? recommendation of monarchy. Can
1 words be (Longer or less liable to various
SAVANNAH, Printed by LYON fc? MORSE.
SATURDAt, SEPTEMBER 18, 1802.
conftruftion ? The assertion is absolute and
downright ; and let it be remarked that it is
applied expressly tothis country, as well as
other countries— {t Nobles there are in Bos
ton, as well as Madrid.” <f Tou must esta
blish an arbitrator between them,” (the no
bles and people.)
The writer having reached the daring pur
pose of his remarks, pauses. Dreading the
effect of further explanation he adds ; “ It is
time you and I should have fome sweet com
munion together.” There you ffiall hear
what 1 dare not Write ? Truth is dangerous!
It was not meant for the multitude. The
pen may betray the confidence reposed in it.
When vte meet, I will impart to you, in sweet
communion, those darling willies', those che
riffied solitary thoughts, whose aim is em
pire, and whose theatre’s the world.”
Morej hereafter reipefting the reception
these lerters experienced. It is fufffeient
now to lay that the venerable republican, to
whom they were addressed, felt no other sen
timent but that of pity forfalien greatnels.
The principal objeeft of these remarks is to
fliewthrit there are men in this country, great
men, the leaders of party, men whose mea
ftires have been espoused with the livdieft
zea!,and which have earned the nation to tlie
brink of ruin, who are avowedly and unequi
vocally attached to monarchy, and who with
io introduce it here.
This has been proved from the Words of
Mr. Adams. We ffiall proceed to prove the
fame thing, without comment, from the
worn* of Alexander Hamilton* Let it be
recollected that one of these men, has been
and that the other ftiil is the idol of the fede
ral party, and let any honest man dare to fay
that the federal party, however unintention
ally, have not hazarded the republic by their
confidence in these men.
Propofuions of col. H ami Iron of New-York,
:n Te Convention for eftrbliftiing a Con- j
ftitutional Government for the United j
States. i
1. The supreme legislative power of the
United States of America, to be veiled in two
different bodies of men, the one to be called
the affemblv, the other the, senate, who to
gether Iriall form the legislature of the U.
‘tates, with power to pais all laws whatever,
1 object co the negative hereafter mentioned.
2. The assembly toconfift of persons ele£t
ad by the people, to serve for three years.
3. The senate to con lift of persons ek-Cted
to serve during good behavior; their eleflion
to be made by electors chosen for the purpose
by the people; in order to this the states to
be divided into election ditlricts. On the
death, resignation or removal of any senator,
his place to be filled out of the diftrift from
which he came.
4. The supreme executive authority of th c
United States to be vested in a governor, to
be defied during good behavior—-thc eiefli-j
on to be made electors chosen by the peo
ple in the diffrifls aforefaid. The authori
ties and functions to be as follov/s : to have a
negative upon ail laws puffed ; to have the
direction of war wlien authoriled or begun ; *
ro have, with th.e advice and approbation of I
the senate, tlie power of making all treaties;
to have the foie appointment of the heads or
chief perfbn of the departments of finance &
fordo-n affairs ; to have the nomination of all!
CO f
other officers, (ambafifidors to foreign nati
ons included) fubjefl to the approbation or
ejection of the senate ; to have power of
pardonng ali offences, except treafnn, which
he shall not pardon without the approbation
of the senate.
5. On the death resignation orfemoval of
thc governor, his authorities to be exercised
bv the Piefi Jeritof the senate, til! a fucceiTur
& ?-ppoirted,
6. I'he lenate to have the foie power of
declaring war ; the power of advising Sc im
proving all treaties ; the power of approving
and rejeding all appointments officers, ex
cept the heads or chief of the department of
finance, war, and foreign affairs.
7. The supreme judicial authority of the
United States to be vested in judges, to hold
their offices during good behavior, with ade
quate and permanent salaries. This court to
have original juriftkclion in ell cases of cap
ture, and an appellate jurjfdiflion in all Ca
ffs in which the revenue*, of the general go
vernment or the citizens of foreign nations
are concerned.
Twelve and a Half Cents Single.
8. The legislature of the United States tO
have power to institute courts in each fta.e
for the determination of ail matters of gene
ral concern,
9. The governor, senators, and aft offi
cers of the United States, to be liable to im
peachment for mal and corrupt conduct ; Sc
upon conviftion robe removed from office,
and dilqualified from holding any place of
tru ft or (office; and ail impeachment to berri
ed by a court, toconfift of the chief judge
Or justice of the superior court cf law of each
state j provided such judge hold his office
during good behavior, and have a perma
nent fajary.
10. All laws of the particular fta f es, con
trary to the constitution cr laws of the Unit
ed States, to be utterly void j and the better
to prevent such laws being palled, the gover
nor proficient of each state Avail be appoint
ed by the general government, and Rial! have
a negative upon the laws about to be palled
in the state of which he is governor or prca
dent.
11. No state to have any force, land or
naval, and the militia of all thc Rates to be
under thc foie and cxclufive direction of the
United States, the officers of which to be ap*
pointed and commiftioned by them.
EXTRACTS from <r PROOFS of
A C ON S P IR A C Y, ucN
BY A. BISHOP,
Irs page 3 the v/otk thus commences,—<
<c ProfeiTor Robin son undertook the givan*
tic task of proving a eonfpiracy against all the
religions and governments in the world : l
am contented with a fmail section of his
jefl.
“ My ai n will be, to place the charge of
infidel conspiracy, where it ought to rest in
compassing which I ffiall piss rapidly, and
without much ceremony, through the solemn
forms, in Which religion is presented, in ordej’
to arrive at the fubßancc * and in examining
this fliali occaffonally, and without much
sensibility, advert to the paffiOns and arts cp
pofed to my progress; and after fixing the
chara-fler of fedef'al religion, Riall follow it
; through the political cotirfe, which it has
taken from the infancy of our government to
the day of the date of these prefenrs—fliali
with much coolness call foni'* daffes cf met*
hypocriets who have palled for Lints * an 4
(kali (hew that whether repubiicaniffm means
something or nothing ; yet that the illufiona
and distant liints of republicans about-he ex-*
iftence of an hypocritical northern phalanx
meant fomethihg. And from prcmifts thin
conftrucicd sh ill attempt to prove, that thri
ft lanky and the government of the United.
Stares have a cpnftanf, powerful, and eifiaent
enemy in the Nc?,-England Union of Church
and Stated’
Page 4. Many are for retaining the old
order of things, bccatjfe it is a quiet one ; ft*
are death and the grave ; but are men wii 5 -
ling to arrive at these, ftript ofcivil and re
ligious liberty, merely for the lake of peace ?
But peace can never be long preserved, if the
public mind is fufibred to ijeep. The dread
ful convulsions in Europe were preceede i by
Rupors and deadly cabris. The parties
in this country differ not in rr.eafares only,
but in systems. DTcuiTicn is favorable to
the caufeof truth, rnd u a war of opinions
will faVe a war cf blood.”
Page 6. <c An infant knows nothing. Ar
rived at maturity, he biifiles about indVn*n
dencc of thought and of speaking rnd v/rit
• V? , 1 V->
mg naturally, of abftrafl ideas an I firft piin
ciples : yet he has learnt ail which he know?
forgetting from whom he karri: ir, Ire confi
ders it as his own, and through mere defeat
of memory, claims the credit of originality.
A thoefan i men, born in chffereit parts of the
world, will have palled a thousand modes of
being, and yet each will avow infallible ideas
cf religion, government and ffie concerns of
life.
In this advanced state of the world, hu
man systems are so wrought, that it is easier
to adopt them tiun to invent new one3, ar: 1
if the father who worftiipped the Apis, or a
ddred the Crocodile, or bowed at the foot of
i an emperor’s throneQr kissed the pope’s ff'p
! fo must the son, and the ton’s lon, to
the iateti generation ; and he who (bkoweth
not habit, is denounced bv
implicit followers-, and the fyftcm-mongers alt
join to iay A ‘ let him be acc nr fed, for hr tie
ftroyerL ihe ancient land-mark, he breakech