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Georgia republican & state intelligencer. (Savannah, Ga.) 1802-1805, September 18, 1802, Image 1

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Georgia Republican & State Intelligencer. $x Dollars a Tear, Half in Advance, REPUBLICAN . Volume I. No. 5. FromTbe National Intelligencer. i SIR, I have now before me a paper published in the year 1795, when what is called the FcV deral tone, was loud and imperative. Ahho’ the wit is not so mark, nor the aftertions so bold as the then favorite of the day, Peter Porcupine, yet every column contains sar casm on republicanism, and encomiums on rnonarchial high church government ; and this late Porcupine’s was supported by all the federal interest in every state in the union. Asa specimen of the sentiments of the then majority, I copy one paragraph from hun dreds, as it applies in a very strong manner, to the conduct of those men who are now become the minority in Congress. The Editor (peaking of the circumstance which happened in England, of fox, Grey, Sheridan,&c. resigning their feats in Pailia me nr, exprefies hi.iTrlf in the following words: <c These grumblers’ 5 fays he, tc go thi ther as ancient Caro e id, merely to come out again. What is caked the opposition in *any government means norhing mere than a junto of poor ciifappointed men, who wifti for gratification and riches.—Patriots who love gold at their hearts.—Anxiety for the wel fare of the people is the (tale pretext--inordi nate desire for the power and rank, is always the Jecrcl ftiinulusof canting.patriotifm. John Hampden did not value twenty {hillings to a royal tax-gatherer ; but it imported his am bition to engage in a controversy with the king bis waiter. One ray of anger from a Steuart, would illumine the obfeurity of John Hamp den r Withcmt flopping to pp>?e, that one John Jlampdenwas more valuable to the world than the whole race of the Stuarts, it is asked, what do the r /elent minority think of their language in ;yy c o, and of their conduct in now when neither their number nor their reputability is half so formidable as the oppo sition to the then administration ? In the t*yes ofthefe-men, it was a high crime to oppose or. ex pen five, kingly-inclined system, but it is no fin to throw every possible obstacle in the way of a truly economical, republican govern ment. “ lie that runs may read.” CL IN THE CORNER. f/om the National Intelligencer. Rfmarks cccafionedlv Mr. ADAMS* LET T E R S> No. IIL Mr. Adams proceeds : When the people, who have no proper ty, fed the power in their own hands, to de - termine all (jueflior.s by a majority, they ever attack those who have property.” It is the common mistake of Mr. Adams and all writers of monarchic predilection, to tally to disregard the peculiar Rate of society in this country, applying to us all the ab surdities that have been connected with the fraudulent and tyrannical political system of Europe. Nothing is more true than that in this country the people are sovereign, that they holdall power as well from natural as from economical principles. By them, there fore, or a majority of them, all qucßions are determined. Yet it is equally true that they have never attacked those who have property. Nor is it believed that a sentiment of hoftiiity to these who have property was at any time felt by any conGdernblc portion of the people. The reason for this diversity between Europe! and America is obvious. In Europe, whir-j ever cxifts in the political world is the off*- 1 Jpring of prejudice, of passion, of fuperftiti crr:. of fraud, or of force. There in the cor ing sense of the word, politically speaking, xhere have been r.o people. There have iPen large mattes of human beings ; but they have pc Re Re vd no tranquil and effectual or gan whereby to communicate their feelings, their wants, or their wills. They have, there fore, had no other ir.Rrument of a-flion than phy Ileal force*. The hi Rory of the world f {hews us that tlie poor will ever be oppressed bv the rich. That fame hi Rory informs us that the poor are patient—that they will bear much, without rrlißanxe. But there as r. e-- gree of Oppression beyond which the capaci ty of endurance is exhausted. Hence when tiiat degree has been palled, the people have humbled their opprelTors in the dust ; and power, talent, and riches, have fallen prof trace before the fury of the multitude. This is a great evil ; but in such a corrupt Rate of society a necessary one. Kings, nobles, and priefls are blotted from exißence ; but it can not be thence inferred that the mass of hu man felicity is decreased. It may be a mourn ful fpedlacle to behold the fpoilatorof an em pire deprived of his wealth and has life ; but it is no iefs joyful to contemplate millions sa ved from famine. In this country we have rot beheld, nor can we behold, so long as our republican in stitutions remain, a fight so degrading. All men here Rare with political rights, the pof feflion of property is alike open to all, th: field cf industry is boundless, the objects or talent are innumerable. All men, there fore, be they rich or poor, are equally inte rested in the preservation of this great system it is the defence of the rich; the pledge of riches to the poor. Ail are cither rich, or expect robe. The talent of the cottager, equally with char of the heir to thousands, enter the field with equal claims. Property may be amatted by the industry and fuccefsful emerprife of one man * but the entail of estates beinb broken, it isdiflipated nearly as soon as pollened. We have no privileged orders. This very cir - cum Ranee has given them their death blow Hence, we have no dangerous competition., of one mass of the society with another. There are individual rivalries of talent and industry. But these can never agitate the nation. There are no perminent interests of one class placed in hostile array again ft the interests of other chffes. Every remark, therefore, applied to Eu rope, fails in its application here.—The pos son has found not only its antidote, but its preventative, and here “ all nature’s differ ence is all nature’s peace,.” Itis prefumeT chat this is a co'ncluftve anfvver, to Mr A dani’s remark. Such a remark might not have excited our surprise, if made in Con stantinople or even London ; bur it is truly furprifmg, when made by an American ci tizen, who, nurtured by the intrepid fent : - ments of a revolution, and animated by an early devotion to liberty, had been among the dißinguilhed alfertors of invaded rights. “ The multitude,” continues Mr. Adams, £f as well as the nobles mull have a check. This is one principle.” This is too plain ro need a commentary. The nobles .and people* in the previous part of the letter, are represented to be *t war with each other. <c They muit have a check.” That is in plain language, a king * for if you exclude both nobles and people, what have you left but a king ? Here follows, in Mr. Adams letter, his wild, extravagant, and ludicrous picture of | family pride and popularity. The delinea tion could only have been derived from the operations of an internal sense, chat con vinced the writer tin.: his heart fvveiied with family pride {although God knows where fore ! ) and deluded him with the flittering hope of popularity that should be immortal. But alas ! How vifiorury our brighreft hopes They exulting dance in the fun beams of our own fulirary applause, but the cruel world Toon dissolves the fairy Icene, and the lcep tre and palace are exchanged for the imoften tatious retirement of private life. Here the proud heart firft learns the salutary left on, ot of the infUnificance, under the republican system: of any one man compared to the whole society. This vivid picture of the fancy is thus doled : tc The only way, God knows, is to put 1 these fa milies [of great family popularity] ir> Ia hole by themfeives, and set two watches un ion them —a superior to them all on one fide, | and the people on the other.’’ I Can words be more unequivocal ? Will a-1 jnyone fay that tiiis is not aplain palpable re commendation of monarchy r i A gam— £< t_,et us do justice to the people, to the nobles, for nobles there are, as i fhavebfore proved, in Bcfton, as well as in j Madrid ; bur to do justice to both, you must iestabbfn an arbitrator between them. This • is another principle.’’ I Here we have repeated the fame plain, pal •pabl? recommendation of monarchy. Can 1 words be (Longer or less liable to various SAVANNAH, Printed by LYON fc? MORSE. SATURDAt, SEPTEMBER 18, 1802. conftruftion ? The assertion is absolute and downright ; and let it be remarked that it is applied expressly tothis country, as well as other countries— {t Nobles there are in Bos ton, as well as Madrid.” <f Tou must esta blish an arbitrator between them,” (the no bles and people.) The writer having reached the daring pur pose of his remarks, pauses. Dreading the effect of further explanation he adds ; “ It is time you and I should have fome sweet com munion together.” There you ffiall hear what 1 dare not Write ? Truth is dangerous! It was not meant for the multitude. The pen may betray the confidence reposed in it. When vte meet, I will impart to you, in sweet communion, those darling willies', those che riffied solitary thoughts, whose aim is em pire, and whose theatre’s the world.” Morej hereafter reipefting the reception these lerters experienced. It is fufffeient now to lay that the venerable republican, to whom they were addressed, felt no other sen timent but that of pity forfalien greatnels. The principal objeeft of these remarks is to fliewthrit there are men in this country, great men, the leaders of party, men whose mea ftires have been espoused with the livdieft zea!,and which have earned the nation to tlie brink of ruin, who are avowedly and unequi vocally attached to monarchy, and who with io introduce it here. This has been proved from the Words of Mr. Adams. We ffiall proceed to prove the fame thing, without comment, from the worn* of Alexander Hamilton* Let it be recollected that one of these men, has been and that the other ftiil is the idol of the fede ral party, and let any honest man dare to fay that the federal party, however unintention ally, have not hazarded the republic by their confidence in these men. Propofuions of col. H ami Iron of New-York, :n Te Convention for eftrbliftiing a Con- j ftitutional Government for the United j States. i 1. The supreme legislative power of the United States of America, to be veiled in two different bodies of men, the one to be called the affemblv, the other the, senate, who to gether Iriall form the legislature of the U. ‘tates, with power to pais all laws whatever, 1 object co the negative hereafter mentioned. 2. The assembly toconfift of persons ele£t ad by the people, to serve for three years. 3. The senate to con lift of persons ek-Cted to serve during good behavior; their eleflion to be made by electors chosen for the purpose by the people; in order to this the states to be divided into election ditlricts. On the death, resignation or removal of any senator, his place to be filled out of the diftrift from which he came. 4. The supreme executive authority of th c United States to be vested in a governor, to be defied during good behavior—-thc eiefli-j on to be made electors chosen by the peo ple in the diffrifls aforefaid. The authori ties and functions to be as follov/s : to have a negative upon ail laws puffed ; to have the direction of war wlien authoriled or begun ; * ro have, with th.e advice and approbation of I the senate, tlie power of making all treaties; to have the foie appointment of the heads or chief perfbn of the departments of finance & fordo-n affairs ; to have the nomination of all! CO f other officers, (ambafifidors to foreign nati ons included) fubjefl to the approbation or ejection of the senate ; to have power of pardonng ali offences, except treafnn, which he shall not pardon without the approbation of the senate. 5. On the death resignation orfemoval of thc governor, his authorities to be exercised bv the Piefi Jeritof the senate, til! a fucceiTur & ?-ppoirted, 6. I'he lenate to have the foie power of declaring war ; the power of advising Sc im proving all treaties ; the power of approving and rejeding all appointments officers, ex cept the heads or chief of the department of finance, war, and foreign affairs. 7. The supreme judicial authority of the United States to be vested in judges, to hold their offices during good behavior, with ade quate and permanent salaries. This court to have original juriftkclion in ell cases of cap ture, and an appellate jurjfdiflion in all Ca ffs in which the revenue*, of the general go vernment or the citizens of foreign nations are concerned. Twelve and a Half Cents Single. 8. The legislature of the United States tO have power to institute courts in each fta.e for the determination of ail matters of gene ral concern, 9. The governor, senators, and aft offi cers of the United States, to be liable to im peachment for mal and corrupt conduct ; Sc upon conviftion robe removed from office, and dilqualified from holding any place of tru ft or (office; and ail impeachment to berri ed by a court, toconfift of the chief judge Or justice of the superior court cf law of each state j provided such judge hold his office during good behavior, and have a perma nent fajary. 10. All laws of the particular fta f es, con trary to the constitution cr laws of the Unit ed States, to be utterly void j and the better to prevent such laws being palled, the gover nor proficient of each state Avail be appoint ed by the general government, and Rial! have a negative upon the laws about to be palled in the state of which he is governor or prca dent. 11. No state to have any force, land or naval, and the militia of all thc Rates to be under thc foie and cxclufive direction of the United States, the officers of which to be ap* pointed and commiftioned by them. EXTRACTS from <r PROOFS of A C ON S P IR A C Y, ucN BY A. BISHOP, Irs page 3 the v/otk thus commences,—< <c ProfeiTor Robin son undertook the givan* tic task of proving a eonfpiracy against all the religions and governments in the world : l am contented with a fmail section of his jefl. “ My ai n will be, to place the charge of infidel conspiracy, where it ought to rest in compassing which I ffiall piss rapidly, and without much ceremony, through the solemn forms, in Which religion is presented, in ordej’ to arrive at the fubßancc * and in examining this fliali occaffonally, and without much sensibility, advert to the paffiOns and arts cp pofed to my progress; and after fixing the chara-fler of fedef'al religion, Riall follow it ; through the political cotirfe, which it has taken from the infancy of our government to the day of the date of these prefenrs—fliali with much coolness call foni'* daffes cf met* hypocriets who have palled for Lints * an 4 (kali (hew that whether repubiicaniffm means something or nothing ; yet that the illufiona and distant liints of republicans about-he ex-* iftence of an hypocritical northern phalanx meant fomethihg. And from prcmifts thin conftrucicd sh ill attempt to prove, that thri ft lanky and the government of the United. Stares have a cpnftanf, powerful, and eifiaent enemy in the Nc?,-England Union of Church and Stated’ Page 4. Many are for retaining the old order of things, bccatjfe it is a quiet one ; ft* are death and the grave ; but are men wii 5 - ling to arrive at these, ftript ofcivil and re ligious liberty, merely for the lake of peace ? But peace can never be long preserved, if the public mind is fufibred to ijeep. The dread ful convulsions in Europe were preceede i by Rupors and deadly cabris. The parties in this country differ not in rr.eafares only, but in systems. DTcuiTicn is favorable to the caufeof truth, rnd u a war of opinions will faVe a war cf blood.” Page 6. <c An infant knows nothing. Ar rived at maturity, he biifiles about indVn*n dencc of thought and of speaking rnd v/rit • V? , 1 V-> mg naturally, of abftrafl ideas an I firft piin ciples : yet he has learnt ail which he know? forgetting from whom he karri: ir, Ire confi ders it as his own, and through mere defeat of memory, claims the credit of originality. A thoefan i men, born in chffereit parts of the world, will have palled a thousand modes of being, and yet each will avow infallible ideas cf religion, government and ffie concerns of life. In this advanced state of the world, hu man systems are so wrought, that it is easier to adopt them tiun to invent new one3, ar: 1 if the father who worftiipped the Apis, or a ddred the Crocodile, or bowed at the foot of i an emperor’s throneQr kissed the pope’s ff'p ! fo must the son, and the ton’s lon, to the iateti generation ; and he who (bkoweth not habit, is denounced bv implicit followers-, and the fyftcm-mongers alt join to iay A ‘ let him be acc nr fed, for hr tie ftroyerL ihe ancient land-mark, he breakech