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SAVAN N A H,
SAiUR D A r,
November 13.
An excellent view of the relative
ftrenglh of parties has appeared in the
Nariopal locelligencer. 1 lie length
forbids-its inlertion in this paper, ‘1 he
following is the relult which would be
criven, were an election now to take
c> 7
place for president and vice-president
of the United states :
.Republican \otes, 129
Federal ditto, - 44
Majority, - - 85
In this calculation, the dates of New-
Jersey and Delaware are included in
the republican lilt : allowing these dates
x 7 c?
to be on the federal fide, the 11 votes
they give mud be deducted from the
republican, and placed to the federal
iide. Ihe icfhit would then be :
Republican, - 11S
rHrnl -
Majority, - 63
Adi the other dates placed to the re
publican fide, are very decided in their
politics : but ailevying the federal!fts to
regain Rhodc-ifland, Vermont, New-
York, New-Jersey and Delaware, the
votes would fland :
Republican, - 88
Federal, - - 85
Majority, - - 3
In tliis view, however, our new sider
is wholly omitted. There can be very
little doubt of her cordial union in sup
port of the republican cause. Allow
ing o votes for that date, which is the
lead number to which Ihe can be en
titled, the majorities in the following
views would it and ;
No. 1.
Republican, 132
Federal, - 44
Majority, - 8S
No! 2.
Republican, 121
Federal, - 55
Majority, - t>6
No. 3.
Republican, or
r ederal, *-
Majority, *- 6
The writer of the essay from which
the foregoing views are taken + very
properly remarks, ‘ 4 thus ic is evident
that no event ftiort of miraculous can
prevent the republicans from obtaining
a rq übiican president at the ensuing
election. ”
FORGERY !
Os all the vices which have infeded
fodety, this is generally accounted the
moaned. NecefGty may compel fome
individuals to be guilty of it, to these
the fainter beams of charitable conli
deracion is sometimes extended. But
what dial! we lay to the man, who, en
truded as the representative of 33,000
of people, dares to degrade that cha
racter and defeend from the Ration of a
member of our national legislature, to
the rank of a forger of letters Could the
human mind have imagined an act so
C’
base ? will it be believed that iuch base
ness aiffiually cxids ?
Let not incredulity be too preat, the
reference tor authority to Extern of
the mod respectable gentlemen in Pro-|
vidence, Rhode-island ; the oaths of
fourteen, and the certificates of Eve
refpedable characters in Newport,
prove as far as Emilarity of hands can
prove, that there is Etch a man. The
uniform agreement of the deponents,
2nd ibe oaths of the post-master and ai-
Edant post-master, refpeffing the de
ft very of the letters, Ex, indelibly Ex,
the ftiiin on John Rutledge, a reprefent
2live from South Carolina in the con
gress of the United Mates ! ! !
it is well known that very great reli
ance has been placed on the declarations
of Mr. Aurledge, by the people of a
wigh.bonnog dtAriel in that date, with!
refpecl to the deEgn and tendency of]
the meaiiires, both of the pad and pre
sent a Jminidrations. Yve call on thole
citizcs to paufc—to examine the cha
racter of their representative ; and to
decide for themfeives whether he is wor
thy of their credence or their fufrrarres.
* cd
Our present engagements will pre
vent our giving to the public the am
davits, for a fliort time ; in fume future
number it shall be clone. Any per foil
desirous of feeing them, will be grati-
Eed by calling at this office.
We feel it a duty to give publicity to
the following address. From a sense of
obligation; from a warm peiibnal re
gard ; and from a conviction that the
charges again ft the viceprefident had not
assumed the shape of evidence, which
have operated in the bread of one of the
editors, animadversions have been hi
therto forborne .* but the love of free
dom is too great to become the Fieri fee
of subordinate fen ti ir, ents, however am
table. Placed as the centinels of the
public, no private feelings fhouid pre
vent a warning of their danger ; no per
sonal attachment fhouid induce a con
cealment of unfaithfuinefs to their in
tereds. Brutus loved Cscfar, but lie
loved Rome more.
It has long been our hope that Mr.
Burr would invalidate the charges a
cr*
gaind him. That hope has been realifed
nofurther than his personal denial, which
has been laid before our fellow-citizens.
It may be Paid that no positive proof
has been exhibited againit him. Ihe
folio winn* letter does not contain proof
equal ro conviftion ; hut it is so circum-
Itantial in its detail, and has so many
references to characters, th t it is jud
to paufc the subject is of the mod se
rious import, it calls for the solemn re
flection of every citizen to whole view
honedy is not blading and polical inte
grity a curse.
More characters than that of Mr.
Burr, are implicated in these charges.
If they are just, it will be readily ac
knowledged that those who could in
trigue with him, can have very little
more political integrity than himfelf.
We hope Mr. Burr will yet be able
to redore the brightness of his charac
ter, while we acknowledge our fear
that it will not be accompiiflied.
From the American Citizen .
LETTER EIGHT.
V roof of the negociation between a Federal gen
tleman, authorized by the leading federcliffs at
V/afhington, and Mr. Burr, to place himfelf in
the Presidency, at the late election.
<c The mlnifier who bv secret corruption inv>des
the freedom elerfiion, and the ruffian who by open
“ violence deilroys that freedom, are embarked in
a the fame bo-tom.” Junius.
To the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES.
We are aware of the importance of the
subject in which we have for fome time been
engaged. We have viewed it in all its afpedls,
and contemplated all its probable confeauen
ces, Ever since June, ibor, vre have perceiv
ed ffimething in Mr. Burr, and in his a 6ls,
that alarmed us. From the firft moment our
lufpicions were excited, we watched him at
tentively, until those fufpicians ripened into
confirmed belief, that he was pursuing projects
dishonorable to himfelf, and unfafe to h;s
country Not was this belief predicated on
light iurmifes, or vague reports. We knew
that Mr. Burr poffjffed sentiments hoflile to
the executive ; a spirit thirsting for aggran
dizement, and inflamed by improper desires.
And yet, lcnAble as we were that his conduct
vvas a fit subject tor public invefligation and
disclosure, we could not but forelee that to do
either without success, would involve us in
pecuniary ruin, and draw upon us public dis
grace. Had we con suited personal interest ,
we fhouid have beholden in fiicne but iorrow
tul amaze, the operation of schemes, which,
in our opinion, threaten with annihilation the
freedom ot the country. But unaided and
uniupported, we re Lived whatever might Pc
the iflue, to unfold those plans and assail those
aftions which appeared to us alike unjufl and
dangerous. We did nor, however, long fland
alone ; and we ddeovered chat the more Mr.
Burr’s conduct was examined, the more odious
it appeared.
V c nave entered fun y into an examination
of his conduct, 2nd iouad it in.ifjrm, only in
the pur EE c of v.hatvcver had a tendency to
raise himfelf to power. Asa nolitican, he has
been inconfi2nt. Korean it be affirmed of him,
as ic may truly be of many virtuous men, that
the versatility of his adhions flows from sin
cere conviction of mind, generated by various
concurring circumfiances at different periods.
In all his trhnfitions from one party to the oth
er, his motives have been apparent. At one
period he has been a federalift, at another a
rtf übiican, as bell suited his aspiring views,
l or promiied to gratify his inordinate desires. —
Ambition has guided all his fleps ; cunning
marked his career—and that laxity of princi
ple and unftcadinefs of mind which diftin
gmfhed the Cteiars, the Cromwells, and thr
Bonapartes cf the old world, have been appa
rent in his walks. In 1789, he left the fede
ralifls and joined the republicans for a high
office, and was gratified j and in 1792 he made
Jecret overtures ro rejoin the federalifls for a
higher office, but was nor gratified, which has
been established in a former letter. Is it then
surprising that, in 1800, a third attempt was
covertly made by Mr. Burr, to attach himfelf
to the federal parry, to compass the prefiden
cv ? In this we perceive a confifler.cy of cha
rafter; an uniformity of conduct.
In a late pamphlet, entitled “ A View,” fzc.
Mr. Burr is accused with having negotiated
with a federal gentleman to place himfelf in the
executive chair at the late presidential elec
tion. After a long silence, he has thought
proper publicly, & in the fulled & mod un
qualified manner, to deny the accusation.
The fad is unqueftionabie ; difficult as the
proof may be of access. Mr. Burr, however,
and the writer or the *’ View” are now fairly
at dfue ; and as we know the charge to be
| well founded, we have voluntarily undertaken
Iro prove it. In doing this, it will be proper
did to lay the allegation before the reader—
and leccnd, Mr. Burr’s denial.
Fir If, then, the accusation which is contain
ed in the following words :
tc Mr, Burr , while in the city of New-York,
44 carried Gn a negotiation with the heads of the
“ federal party at IVajhingion, with a view to
44 bis election as president of the United States
“Aper [on was authorised by them to confer with
iC him Gn the Juhjeff, who accordingly did Jo.—. —
41 Mr. Burr of seated to the propfitions of the
“ negotiator , and referred him to his confidential
(< friend to complete the negotiation. Mr. Burr
“fated, that after thef.rf vote taken in the bouje
“ of Represent otives, New-York and Yenneffee
“ would give in to the federalists.” <4 View,
P-8 e 57— **•
Mr. Burr’s dental of this serious charge, is
couched in the iucceedinz terms :
o
ft You are at liberty to declare from me,
t{ that all those charges and insinuations which
c ‘ aver or intimate that I advised or counte
“ nanced the oppofuion made to Mr. Jefftr
tc fen pending the late election and balloting
for president; that I proposed or agreed to
‘ f any terms with the federal party, or with
fC any individual of either party ; that I af
c< fenced to be held up in opposition to him,
44 or attempted to withdraw from him the vote
(C or iupporc or any man, whether in or out of
<c congress ; that all such assertions and inti
tc rnauons are falfe and groundless.”
Mr. Burr’s letter to Gov. Bloomfield,
September 21, 1802.
If Mr. Burr’s denial be true, he is innocent,
as far as he is involved in th s capital charge,
and ought to receive from his country a full
and entire acquittal; but if guilty, then ought
that guilt to leal his political fate, au! banish
him forever from the trull and aided ions of
the people ?
bew men believe that Mr. Burr is innocent;
many, very many indeed, ftronnfly fufped char
he is guilty of the charge exhibited, but almost
all arc of opinion that he has managed the ne
gociition with so much caution, dexterity, ani
art, as to defy the production or any proof.—
The latter opinion is drawn from the known
iubriery of his character, the general secrecy
of his movements, and his ferupuious avoid
ance to commit to writing any thine which
may, by possibility of accident, involve him
in lerious inconveniencics. The known care
and cunning, too, of Mr. Barr, iris generally
and jultiy fuppoied, would be increased in
proportion to the iniquity of the tranladion,
and the consequences which would reftik
from it to himfelf, in case of a disclosure. All
these coniiderations, to which Mr. Burr paid
suitable attention, and which ire no doubt
clearly perceived before he embarked in the
negociation, render, it is true, the production
of proof full more difficult. And this diffi
culty becomes augmented when we confider
that the negociation took place and was com
pleted folclv between Mr. Burr and the fede
ralifts, and that it is equally the interest of
both parties to keep it a profound ferret.—
From the nature of the tranfiufhon and the
motives and objects of the two contracting
parties, proof mult be difficult of access, since
this proof, it is fair to infer, is in
the possession of Mr. Burr and the negociacor.
Nor can it be fbppofed that Mr. Burr would
be a felf-accufer, or that die •edernlifts would
fiegudey of an act that would inevitably injure
their party, They are fenfibk : diyifion
exifis among the republicans ; that this div;
fion is occasioned by the machinations cf Mr,
Burr; that it is propitious to themfeives, aid
that to disclose that very tekimony whirl]
would compose those divisions, by proving Mr.
Burr’s negociation, would injure the federal
party, in as much as it would unite the repub
licans not only againit that parry, but alfij
againit the man who has in the molt alarming
manner attempted to betray their confidence.
Mr. Burr, therefore, as well as the federaliirs,
feels every inducement that can possibly ex:ft,
to keep back the proof. That party (till hop*?
to profit by Mr. Burr’s conven enc disposition,
and to triumph on cur division. All these
things considered, it will not be surprising if
we fhouid fail to lav before our country the
molt full and fatisfaCtory proof Mr. Burr’s
negociation •, and although it will not be deem
ed probable, under all the circumflances of
the case, that more than prefumpiive tefli.no
ny can be adduced, yet we lhail prove fub
flantially the negociation, and that it was en
tered into by Mr. Burr to efffift his election
to the presidential chair.
(To be continued.)
Repeal oj the Interna! Taxes, 1
( Concluded.)
The whole of these duties for the yerr 1 Soj
amunted co 993,661 dollars 82 cents.
Number of Erpeaces of
Officers. Cos lie fl i tit,
New-Hampshire, 9 3,255 70
Maffachulctts, 40 a 2,200 u
Rhode- 1 fland, 8 6,393 6
Connefticur, i 2 5,732 96
Vermont, 4 2,656 30
New-York, 33 19,666 45
J e *fcy> 14 5.922 7 6
Pennsylvania 26
Delaware 4 2,870
Maryland 38 19,304 98
Virginia 133 40,670 76
Ohio 40 8,422 7
Ten ne fib 12 3>s*i 6i
North-Carolina 6 7 20,583 59
South-Carolina 67 11,3 57 oy
Georgia 9 3,993 13
Total 467 227,431 3S
Os the whole sum of 993,661 dollars 82
cents, the Siateof Maffachulctts paid 172,894
88, which exceeds one fifth parr. The State
of Virginia paid 144,168 96, which is rather
Ihort of one 7th part. Os course in these taxes
MasFchufetts paid 28,725 dollars 91 cents
more than Virginia.
Oi the Direct Tax of two millions of dol
lars, paid in 1798, the proportion ofMaffa
chuletts was 260,435 31, being nearest to
one eighth of the whole. That of Virginia
amounted to 345, 840 60, being rather more
than one sixth p u t of the whole.
At the fame rate Virginia ought to pay
165,6109, and Massachusetts 129,392.
that apportioning the Internal Revenue be
tween Massachusetts and Virginia according
to the ratio of the Direct Tax, ir will be found,
under the operation of the Internal Duties,
that Massachusetts paid 43,502 dollars more
than her proportion, and that Virginia paid
21,441 12 lels than her proportion. And
yet the people of Massachusetts have been
mo A impudently told, that their interefl was
was facrificcd to Virginia policy, by the repeal
of these taxes, particularly that of the carriage
tax. As this has been a fubjebt of much
federal clamour, the reader may be gratified
by the following official, statement.
A statement of the duties upon carriages for con
veyance of persons during the year ending on
the lift December , 1800.
Dollars. Cents .
New-Hampfliire, R 903 50
Massachusetts, 14,096 81
Rhode-Ifland, ■> 1,046 75
Connecticut 4*564 77
Vermont, . 180 60
New-York, 7,807 75'-
New-Jer fey, 5,233 86
Pen nfyl vania,
Delaware, 2,565 58
Maryland, 8,683 79
Virginia, 13,701 47
Ohio, 257 25
Te one flee, 85 50
North-Carolina, 4,334 3
South Carolina, 4,329 44*
Georgia, 1,214 4 S
Total, 77,87 1 4C
from which it is evident, that although the
just proportion Massachusetts was only 10,
135 27, yet fire paid 14,096 8r Virginia 13, *
701 47. N;:w-York no more than 7,807 75 *
*nd Eennfylvania only 7,335 77; notwith
{landing the proportion ot each of those Rates
I upon the principle of direct taxation, would
exceed that of Massachusetts. The next federal
°bj eblion is, that the carriage tax fell upon
articles of luxury, and for that reason ought
noz to have been repealed. But is this true ?