Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

SAVAN N A H, SAiUR D A r, November 13. An excellent view of the relative ftrenglh of parties has appeared in the Nariopal locelligencer. 1 lie length forbids-its inlertion in this paper, ‘1 he following is the relult which would be criven, were an election now to take c> 7 place for president and vice-president of the United states : .Republican \otes, 129 Federal ditto, - 44 Majority, - - 85 In this calculation, the dates of New- Jersey and Delaware are included in the republican lilt : allowing these dates x 7 c? to be on the federal fide, the 11 votes they give mud be deducted from the republican, and placed to the federal iide. Ihe icfhit would then be : Republican, - 11S rHrnl - Majority, - 63 Adi the other dates placed to the re publican fide, are very decided in their politics : but ailevying the federal!fts to regain Rhodc-ifland, Vermont, New- York, New-Jersey and Delaware, the votes would fland : Republican, - 88 Federal, - - 85 Majority, - - 3 In tliis view, however, our new sider is wholly omitted. There can be very little doubt of her cordial union in sup port of the republican cause. Allow ing o votes for that date, which is the lead number to which Ihe can be en titled, the majorities in the following views would it and ; No. 1. Republican, 132 Federal, - 44 Majority, - 8S No! 2. Republican, 121 Federal, - 55 Majority, - t>6 No. 3. Republican, or r ederal, *- Majority, *- 6 The writer of the essay from which the foregoing views are taken + very properly remarks, ‘ 4 thus ic is evident that no event ftiort of miraculous can prevent the republicans from obtaining a rq übiican president at the ensuing election. ” FORGERY ! Os all the vices which have infeded fodety, this is generally accounted the moaned. NecefGty may compel fome individuals to be guilty of it, to these the fainter beams of charitable conli deracion is sometimes extended. But what dial! we lay to the man, who, en truded as the representative of 33,000 of people, dares to degrade that cha racter and defeend from the Ration of a member of our national legislature, to the rank of a forger of letters Could the human mind have imagined an act so C’ base ? will it be believed that iuch base ness aiffiually cxids ? Let not incredulity be too preat, the reference tor authority to Extern of the mod respectable gentlemen in Pro-| vidence, Rhode-island ; the oaths of fourteen, and the certificates of Eve refpedable characters in Newport, prove as far as Emilarity of hands can prove, that there is Etch a man. The uniform agreement of the deponents, 2nd ibe oaths of the post-master and ai- Edant post-master, refpeffing the de ft very of the letters, Ex, indelibly Ex, the ftiiin on John Rutledge, a reprefent 2live from South Carolina in the con gress of the United Mates ! ! ! it is well known that very great reli ance has been placed on the declarations of Mr. Aurledge, by the people of a wigh.bonnog dtAriel in that date, with! refpecl to the deEgn and tendency of] the meaiiires, both of the pad and pre sent a Jminidrations. Yve call on thole citizcs to paufc—to examine the cha racter of their representative ; and to decide for themfeives whether he is wor thy of their credence or their fufrrarres. * cd Our present engagements will pre vent our giving to the public the am davits, for a fliort time ; in fume future number it shall be clone. Any per foil desirous of feeing them, will be grati- Eed by calling at this office. We feel it a duty to give publicity to the following address. From a sense of obligation; from a warm peiibnal re gard ; and from a conviction that the charges again ft the viceprefident had not assumed the shape of evidence, which have operated in the bread of one of the editors, animadversions have been hi therto forborne .* but the love of free dom is too great to become the Fieri fee of subordinate fen ti ir, ents, however am table. Placed as the centinels of the public, no private feelings fhouid pre vent a warning of their danger ; no per sonal attachment fhouid induce a con cealment of unfaithfuinefs to their in tereds. Brutus loved Cscfar, but lie loved Rome more. It has long been our hope that Mr. Burr would invalidate the charges a cr* gaind him. That hope has been realifed nofurther than his personal denial, which has been laid before our fellow-citizens. It may be Paid that no positive proof has been exhibited againit him. Ihe folio winn* letter does not contain proof equal ro conviftion ; hut it is so circum- Itantial in its detail, and has so many references to characters, th t it is jud to paufc the subject is of the mod se rious import, it calls for the solemn re flection of every citizen to whole view honedy is not blading and polical inte grity a curse. More characters than that of Mr. Burr, are implicated in these charges. If they are just, it will be readily ac knowledged that those who could in trigue with him, can have very little more political integrity than himfelf. We hope Mr. Burr will yet be able to redore the brightness of his charac ter, while we acknowledge our fear that it will not be accompiiflied. From the American Citizen . LETTER EIGHT. V roof of the negociation between a Federal gen tleman, authorized by the leading federcliffs at V/afhington, and Mr. Burr, to place himfelf in the Presidency, at the late election. <c The mlnifier who bv secret corruption inv>des the freedom elerfiion, and the ruffian who by open “ violence deilroys that freedom, are embarked in a the fame bo-tom.” Junius. To the PEOPLE of the UNITED STATES. We are aware of the importance of the subject in which we have for fome time been engaged. We have viewed it in all its afpedls, and contemplated all its probable confeauen ces, Ever since June, ibor, vre have perceiv ed ffimething in Mr. Burr, and in his a 6ls, that alarmed us. From the firft moment our lufpicions were excited, we watched him at tentively, until those fufpicians ripened into confirmed belief, that he was pursuing projects dishonorable to himfelf, and unfafe to h;s country Not was this belief predicated on light iurmifes, or vague reports. We knew that Mr. Burr poffjffed sentiments hoflile to the executive ; a spirit thirsting for aggran dizement, and inflamed by improper desires. And yet, lcnAble as we were that his conduct vvas a fit subject tor public invefligation and disclosure, we could not but forelee that to do either without success, would involve us in pecuniary ruin, and draw upon us public dis grace. Had we con suited personal interest , we fhouid have beholden in fiicne but iorrow tul amaze, the operation of schemes, which, in our opinion, threaten with annihilation the freedom ot the country. But unaided and uniupported, we re Lived whatever might Pc the iflue, to unfold those plans and assail those aftions which appeared to us alike unjufl and dangerous. We did nor, however, long fland alone ; and we ddeovered chat the more Mr. Burr’s conduct was examined, the more odious it appeared. V c nave entered fun y into an examination of his conduct, 2nd iouad it in.ifjrm, only in the pur EE c of v.hatvcver had a tendency to raise himfelf to power. Asa nolitican, he has been inconfi2nt. Korean it be affirmed of him, as ic may truly be of many virtuous men, that the versatility of his adhions flows from sin cere conviction of mind, generated by various concurring circumfiances at different periods. In all his trhnfitions from one party to the oth er, his motives have been apparent. At one period he has been a federalift, at another a rtf übiican, as bell suited his aspiring views, l or promiied to gratify his inordinate desires. — Ambition has guided all his fleps ; cunning marked his career—and that laxity of princi ple and unftcadinefs of mind which diftin gmfhed the Cteiars, the Cromwells, and thr Bonapartes cf the old world, have been appa rent in his walks. In 1789, he left the fede ralifls and joined the republicans for a high office, and was gratified j and in 1792 he made Jecret overtures ro rejoin the federalifls for a higher office, but was nor gratified, which has been established in a former letter. Is it then surprising that, in 1800, a third attempt was covertly made by Mr. Burr, to attach himfelf to the federal parry, to compass the prefiden cv ? In this we perceive a confifler.cy of cha rafter; an uniformity of conduct. In a late pamphlet, entitled “ A View,” fzc. Mr. Burr is accused with having negotiated with a federal gentleman to place himfelf in the executive chair at the late presidential elec tion. After a long silence, he has thought proper publicly, & in the fulled & mod un qualified manner, to deny the accusation. The fad is unqueftionabie ; difficult as the proof may be of access. Mr. Burr, however, and the writer or the *’ View” are now fairly at dfue ; and as we know the charge to be | well founded, we have voluntarily undertaken Iro prove it. In doing this, it will be proper did to lay the allegation before the reader— and leccnd, Mr. Burr’s denial. Fir If, then, the accusation which is contain ed in the following words : tc Mr, Burr , while in the city of New-York, 44 carried Gn a negotiation with the heads of the “ federal party at IVajhingion, with a view to 44 bis election as president of the United States “Aper [on was authorised by them to confer with iC him Gn the Juhjeff, who accordingly did Jo.—. — 41 Mr. Burr of seated to the propfitions of the “ negotiator , and referred him to his confidential (< friend to complete the negotiation. Mr. Burr “fated, that after thef.rf vote taken in the bouje “ of Represent otives, New-York and Yenneffee “ would give in to the federalists.” <4 View, P-8 e 57— **• Mr. Burr’s dental of this serious charge, is couched in the iucceedinz terms : o ft You are at liberty to declare from me, t{ that all those charges and insinuations which c ‘ aver or intimate that I advised or counte “ nanced the oppofuion made to Mr. Jefftr tc fen pending the late election and balloting for president; that I proposed or agreed to ‘ f any terms with the federal party, or with fC any individual of either party ; that I af c< fenced to be held up in opposition to him, 44 or attempted to withdraw from him the vote (C or iupporc or any man, whether in or out of <c congress ; that all such assertions and inti tc rnauons are falfe and groundless.” Mr. Burr’s letter to Gov. Bloomfield, September 21, 1802. If Mr. Burr’s denial be true, he is innocent, as far as he is involved in th s capital charge, and ought to receive from his country a full and entire acquittal; but if guilty, then ought that guilt to leal his political fate, au! banish him forever from the trull and aided ions of the people ? bew men believe that Mr. Burr is innocent; many, very many indeed, ftronnfly fufped char he is guilty of the charge exhibited, but almost all arc of opinion that he has managed the ne gociition with so much caution, dexterity, ani art, as to defy the production or any proof.— The latter opinion is drawn from the known iubriery of his character, the general secrecy of his movements, and his ferupuious avoid ance to commit to writing any thine which may, by possibility of accident, involve him in lerious inconveniencics. The known care and cunning, too, of Mr. Barr, iris generally and jultiy fuppoied, would be increased in proportion to the iniquity of the tranladion, and the consequences which would reftik from it to himfelf, in case of a disclosure. All these coniiderations, to which Mr. Burr paid suitable attention, and which ire no doubt clearly perceived before he embarked in the negociation, render, it is true, the production of proof full more difficult. And this diffi culty becomes augmented when we confider that the negociation took place and was com pleted folclv between Mr. Burr and the fede ralifts, and that it is equally the interest of both parties to keep it a profound ferret.— From the nature of the tranfiufhon and the motives and objects of the two contracting parties, proof mult be difficult of access, since this proof, it is fair to infer, is in the possession of Mr. Burr and the negociacor. Nor can it be fbppofed that Mr. Burr would be a felf-accufer, or that die •edernlifts would fiegudey of an act that would inevitably injure their party, They are fenfibk : diyifion exifis among the republicans ; that this div; fion is occasioned by the machinations cf Mr, Burr; that it is propitious to themfeives, aid that to disclose that very tekimony whirl] would compose those divisions, by proving Mr. Burr’s negociation, would injure the federal party, in as much as it would unite the repub licans not only againit that parry, but alfij againit the man who has in the molt alarming manner attempted to betray their confidence. Mr. Burr, therefore, as well as the federaliirs, feels every inducement that can possibly ex:ft, to keep back the proof. That party (till hop*? to profit by Mr. Burr’s conven enc disposition, and to triumph on cur division. All these things considered, it will not be surprising if we fhouid fail to lav before our country the molt full and fatisfaCtory proof Mr. Burr’s negociation •, and although it will not be deem ed probable, under all the circumflances of the case, that more than prefumpiive tefli.no ny can be adduced, yet we lhail prove fub flantially the negociation, and that it was en tered into by Mr. Burr to efffift his election to the presidential chair. (To be continued.) Repeal oj the Interna! Taxes, 1 ( Concluded.) The whole of these duties for the yerr 1 Soj amunted co 993,661 dollars 82 cents. Number of Erpeaces of Officers. Cos lie fl i tit, New-Hampshire, 9 3,255 70 Maffachulctts, 40 a 2,200 u Rhode- 1 fland, 8 6,393 6 Connefticur, i 2 5,732 96 Vermont, 4 2,656 30 New-York, 33 19,666 45 J e *fcy> 14 5.922 7 6 Pennsylvania 26 Delaware 4 2,870 Maryland 38 19,304 98 Virginia 133 40,670 76 Ohio 40 8,422 7 Ten ne fib 12 3>s*i 6i North-Carolina 6 7 20,583 59 South-Carolina 67 11,3 57 oy Georgia 9 3,993 13 Total 467 227,431 3S Os the whole sum of 993,661 dollars 82 cents, the Siateof Maffachulctts paid 172,894 88, which exceeds one fifth parr. The State of Virginia paid 144,168 96, which is rather Ihort of one 7th part. Os course in these taxes MasFchufetts paid 28,725 dollars 91 cents more than Virginia. Oi the Direct Tax of two millions of dol lars, paid in 1798, the proportion ofMaffa chuletts was 260,435 31, being nearest to one eighth of the whole. That of Virginia amounted to 345, 840 60, being rather more than one sixth p u t of the whole. At the fame rate Virginia ought to pay 165,6109, and Massachusetts 129,392. that apportioning the Internal Revenue be tween Massachusetts and Virginia according to the ratio of the Direct Tax, ir will be found, under the operation of the Internal Duties, that Massachusetts paid 43,502 dollars more than her proportion, and that Virginia paid 21,441 12 lels than her proportion. And yet the people of Massachusetts have been mo A impudently told, that their interefl was was facrificcd to Virginia policy, by the repeal of these taxes, particularly that of the carriage tax. As this has been a fubjebt of much federal clamour, the reader may be gratified by the following official, statement. A statement of the duties upon carriages for con veyance of persons during the year ending on the lift December , 1800. Dollars. Cents . New-Hampfliire, R 903 50 Massachusetts, 14,096 81 Rhode-Ifland, ■> 1,046 75 Connecticut 4*564 77 Vermont, . 180 60 New-York, 7,807 75'- New-Jer fey, 5,233 86 Pen nfyl vania, Delaware, 2,565 58 Maryland, 8,683 79 Virginia, 13,701 47 Ohio, 257 25 Te one flee, 85 50 North-Carolina, 4,334 3 South Carolina, 4,329 44* Georgia, 1,214 4 S Total, 77,87 1 4C from which it is evident, that although the just proportion Massachusetts was only 10, 135 27, yet fire paid 14,096 8r Virginia 13, * 701 47. N;:w-York no more than 7,807 75 * *nd Eennfylvania only 7,335 77; notwith {landing the proportion ot each of those Rates I upon the principle of direct taxation, would exceed that of Massachusetts. The next federal °bj eblion is, that the carriage tax fell upon articles of luxury, and for that reason ought noz to have been repealed. But is this true ?