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Bccfiets Thrown to Georgia and
the South, as a Resuit of the
Haas Finance Committee
Propaganda.
the Supreme Court of Georgia
passed on the case of Leo Frank twice,
and decided against him both times, the guilt
of the accused had been legally ascertained
and proclaimed, according to.the best meth
ods that our law-makers have been able to
devise.
r I he case was ended: the issue of guilt or
innocence was res adjudicata.
d here remained no lawful way to go be
lli i>l the final decision of the final court.
At that stage of criminal trials, the Gen
tiles have always surrendered, and taken
their medicine.
McCue, and Beatty did so, in Virginia;
Cantrell, Wilburn, and Umphrey did so, in
Georgia; Becker and the Jew gunmen did
sm in New A ork.
m no other case than that of Leo Frank,
did the Jews organize, to fight our Law,
after our Supreme Court had said the last
word.
fn no other case, did they collect a huge
slush-fund, to employ rascally detectives,
lying hack-writers, and to gag the press in
behalf of legally ascertained guilt.
in no other case, has a Jewish Committee
befouled its own nest, and held up their
native State to scorn.
In no other case, has a. Jewish Commit
tee spent enormous sums of money, to stir up
racial and sectional hatred.
As our readers may be interested to learn
hew far the Haas Committee, of Atlanta,
has succeeded in its systematic libelling and
defaming the people who made the Haas
fortune. I will clip a few of the nice things
which the Jews, the Jew-owned Gentiles, and
the Hearst papers have said about us.
Item ember that we are to thank the Haases
of Atlanta, for these fragrant bouquets;
From an JJhio paper, The Akron Beacon-
Journal :
A Reversion to Barbarism.
The full report of the sickening tragedy that
has just been enacted in the State of Georgia
pens: boycotts never know where to stop,
when they get to going.
We are about to become an abomination
of desolation. The only Georgians who now
stand any chance at all, outside this God
forsaken State, are Slaton, and Rosser, and
Phillips, and Brandon, and Dr. Wilmer, and
Dr. White, and M. J. Yeomans, and the L.
& N. Railroad lawyers, and Mr. Thomas
Loyless, and Mr. Clarke Howell, and Mr.
AVatch-and-Shot-gun Gray, and the Wall
Street toots who form the Atlanta Chamber
of Commerce.
To this dismal condition of isolation, and
ostracism, have we been reduced, in conse
quence of our inflexible determination to
have One Law for All —the same code for
the rich and the poor, the black and the
white, the Jew and the Gentile.
IV e can’t have but one Law in Georgia.
Those who don’t like it, had better move
out.
And those who tried to annul it, in behalf
of a guilty Jew, had better stay out.
We did not start this fight on the Jews:
they began it.
For more than a year, the State of Geor
gia has been vilely cartooned, and abused
by Northern and Eastern Jews.
We have stood it more patiently than the
Northern Gentiles would have done.
Now, we are fighting back, and we mean
to keep doing it, as long as we are attacked.
When the Jews get enough, let them say
so, and sue for peace.
THE JEFFERSONIAN
leaves all language powerless to condemn the
hideous barbarity. It is not a question of
whether Frank was guilty or innocent of the
hideous crime with which he was charged. When
he was convicted it was with a howling mob
raging around the place where the trial was held.
Judge Roan, who presided at that grim farce
which in Georgia they call a trial, confessed
while the hand of death was upon him that he
was not satisfied that Frank was guilty. Judge
Roan was a valiant Confederate soldier. He had
faced the bayonet, and yet that wild, surging
throng of human hyenas that surrounded the
court house overawed him, and kept him from
doing what is the manifest duty of every judge
in such a case to do. We may therefore readily
understand that no jury in that frenzied, mob
ridden community, would bring upon itself the
dangers of an acquittal, no matter what the evi
dence might have been. The trial in itself was
therefore a travesty upon justice and a disgrace
to the State.
Judge Roan never wrote any such letter,
never changed, his opinion, never asked com
mutation, and died in the firm conviction
that, under the evidence, the verdict was
right.
Evidently through the conivance of the mis
erable scoundrel who is warden of the prison the
inhuman hyenas were given free access to the
prison, and not a hand was raised, not a protest
was voiced in behalf of a defenseless man whom
this wretch had sworn to defend. And those
cowards and thugs and assassins aroused from
his sleep this man under the protection of the
great State of Georgia and took him out into
the night and butchered him as though he had
been a wild beast. It is useless to waste words
upon the degenerates that actually perpetrated
the brutal murder. A State whose courts have
become the play thing of mobs, whose judges
confess themselves to be common cowards, whose
mobs of “leading citizens” sought to lynch the
only real man it seems to have because he dared
exercise a right given him by the Constitution;
whose prisons are filled with assassins, who in
trusts_its prisoners to the tender mercies of a
poltroon or a knave that it calls a warden, who
turns a prisoner over to a gang of midnight
marauding assassins, has no right to claim a po
sition among civilized communities. A more
unspakable outrage was never perpetrated than
was this infamous butchery. There are bad peo
ple in hell who would not only have regretted it,
but who would turn away from it in horror. The
plain fact is that Georgia has everlastingly
placed a smirch of ineradicable barbarism across
its once fair escutcheon. New Guinea or Abys
sinia, or the jungles of Bengal are safer places
for the stranger than in this State which has
seemingly reverted to a complete and hopeless
barbarism. The thing cannot be explained or
palliated. It is horrible in its cold brutality.
Its absolute bestiality and its cowardly cruelty
are unspeakable. A pack of famished coyotes
could not have done worse, a band of PPiutes
would have turned away from it in disgust.
Georgia is a good place for every decent man and
woman to stay away from.
Such being the case, the Haas brothers
should vamoose, and Slaton should stay out.
The California, papers take shots at us,
also. The Bulletin, of San Francisco, says:
Georgia is mad with her own virtue, cruel, un
reasoning, blood-thirsty, barbarous. She is not
civilized, she is not Christian,s he is not sane.
She is not even attaining the sole avowed object
of her madness: the sanctity of women’s lives
and honor. Nothing is safe in a community
which has ceased to reason.
Georgian chivalry makes a proud boast of a
-sentiment which now exists in every normal
heart, and then degrades itself almost to the
level of Mary Phagan’s murderer by committing
a most foul and cowardly murder of its own.
But Georgian chivalry has scarcely lifted a hand
to make the position of women and children a
happier and more dignified one. For years it
has exploited its little children, robbing women
of the right to become mothers of strong and
healthy children. Pressed by public sentiment
to do something to right the wrongs of child
labor, its Legislature passed a law so ineffective
as to be a lie and a disgrace.
Georgian chivalry derives a portion of its ele
gant leisure from the labor of women and chil
dren. It refuses to cut off this support by
driving at full tilt at the abominable evils of
child labor. It waited until a man who was,
temporarily or permanently, a monster, had com
mitted an outrageous crime, and then, conscious
that it had virtue on its side, it beg-an a man
hunt. Probably it went on the wrong trail; that
was a detail with which it was not concerned.
Even had it been on the right trail its vindict
iveness would have been without basis in reason.
If Leo Frank, a man of good reputation, of cult
ure, of happy home life, murdered Mary Phagan,
he was as crazy as the craziest prisoner in the
back yard at Napa. He “deserved” neither good
nor ill; the public safety merely demanded that
he beremoved from society. Hatred of him was
as meaningless as hatred of a rattlesnake* Far
Far better, by proper education, by proper inspec
tions of factories and factory conditions, to have
forestalled and prevented the crime. There are
already in existence delicate means of tilting
mentality, which, rightly used, would prevent
many crimes of violence.
Hatred of a rattlesnake is not so very un
reasonable.
As to child labor laws, ours would be bet
ter, if just such Northern capitalists as those
of Frank’s factory did not fight us so hard
in our efforts to protect our children.
We tried most earnestly to keep the under
fourteen girls out of the shops, the mills,
etc.; and Franks factory was one of those
that fought us hardest.
We could do better, in many ways, if the
Yankee millionaires would let us alone, and
quit sending us such men as Leo Frank.
Massachusetts aims a blow at us, and says,
in the Springfield Union:
A thing that has puzzled a great many minds
in connection with the case of Leo M. Frank is
the obstinate conviction in the minds of so many
Georgians that Frank was the slayer of Mary
Phagan, when to the country at large the evidence
pointed strongly in another direction. In this
connection Frank's lawyer, Louis Marshall, puts
a great deal of blame on Tom Watson, whose
publications are said to have a large circulation
among an ignorant and credulous element of the
South. Watson’s flagrant appeals to race and
religious prejudice are notorious, and have been
so indecent at times as to bring him into diffi
culties with the postal authorities. It appears
that Watson has made it a particular business
for some time to inflame public sentiment against
Frank, and that his appeals to anti-Semitism have
taken the most outrageous forms.
Watson’s publications are essentially yellow
journals, conducted by a typical rampant populist.
The populist mind always works from pre-con
ceived theories and has a characteristic contempt
for facts. Unfortunately there is a large element
within the district around Atlanta that is respon
sive to just such methods of appeal. In asserting
that Tom Watson poisoned the mind of the State
of Georgia, Marshall’s words no doubt contain a
substantial element of truth. Other publications
of the yellow brand must share the blame, how
ever. From the start this case was given a hys
terical treatment that was decidedly unwhole
some. In this Watson was a particularly mis
chievous agent, because he combines the instincts
of the yellow journalist and the political dem
agog.
The lynching of Frank stands as a melancholy
example of the danger that attends such ignition
of the grosser passions. The populistic spirit, is
always dangerous, because of its recklessness
both of facts and of consequences. In this in
stance a Commonwealth’s name has been sullied
by the deep wrongs inflicted upon one whose
rights should have received the full protection
guaranteed by the Constitution.
If the Union editor will read the decision
of the United States Supreme Court, it will
learn that Louis Marshall was utterly unable
to show to that highest of tribunals that
Georgia had denied Leo Frank any constitu
tional right.
Mr. Hearst is very severe on us, in his
Chicago Examiner: he says—
The outcry against Frank was raised by hate
crazed irresponsibies in whose ranks were enough
criminals to carry out th* hideous plot that re
sulted in Flank’s assasination. For this outrage
there can be no toleration, North or South, East
or West. To allow the murderers to go unpun
ished would bo to abandon justice and set up
anarchy in its stead. If the offering of a reward
for the apprehension of the butchers will facilitate
their capture, it should be offered. Never have
government and law and order been more flag
rantly set at naught. Never has justice been
more ruthlessly trampled upon. Backed by the
opinion of the best lawyers of the land, and sus
tained by the enlightened people of the State,
overnGor Slaton refused to permit Frank to be
executed while there still existed grave doubts
of his guilt. Not daring to molest a courageous
man, the cowards who composed the mob retired.
But among them were a few who, encouraged by
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