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History proves that the Navies are not
dangerous to civil liberty, but that Standing
Armies are'.
Thus, England had the greatest navy in
the world at the outbreak of the war, but
the smallest army; and the Cabinet which
ruled the country was composed of radical
Democrats, over whom the King and the
aristocracy had no control.
On the contrary, the Germans had the
greatest army, and a comparatively weak
navy: and the result was that a combination
of the Catholic party (the Centre) and the
aristocrats completely mastered the teeming
millions whose ardent aspirations toward
democracy, were ruthlessly repressed.
Sometimes I am almost perusaded that the
secret cause of this hideous Armageddon
originated in the fear, which Socialism, de
mocracy, and free thought had awakened in
the souls of the autocrats of Church and
State.
Many a despot has caused foreign, war to
accomplish his domestic designs. ,
What the farmers of this country need, is
not an Asa Candler ware-house system, or a
Bill Witham system, or an E. J. Watson sys
tem, or any other State system'.
What they need is a Money-Loan system,
which will give them independence of the
'national banks.
Give the farmer a 5-year loan, at 3 per
cent interest, and let him settle the ware
house question to suit himself.
With a 5-year loan in his pocket, he doesn’t
fear the warehouses: he can build one of his
own, if the factor charges too much for
storage.
A few poles, and some sheet-tin, or corru
gated iron will suffice for a plantation ware
house, if need be, put up in a few hours, at
a trifling cost.
Let the State keep out of the u'arehouse
business, entirely!
The storage of any farm product, is private
business'
Let it remain so.
When the Government redeems its pledge,
and establishes a system of Rural Credits
on money supplied by the Government di
rectly to the farmer — then the Government
can require the bonding of the ware-houses,
as a safeguard of the certificates on which
loans are asked.
Any system of State ware-houses, is a de
lusion and a snare.
Any plan of that sort will be used, here
after, as an excuse for not giving you what
they promised.
Hold them to the promise'. TAKE NOTH
ING ELSE', if you do, you're gone.
If some Christian can explain to us how
the Soft Drinks got a leave of absence from
the approaching Special Session of the Geor
gia Legislature, I would be humbly thankful.
“Soft Drinks’’ is the social and political
name of Coca-Cola; and therefore “Soft
Drinks” is the polite term in which courteous
people allude to Asa Candler.
We red-hot Prohibitionists are on the ram
page against Near-beer, Piel’s beer. Bud
weiser beer, Persimmon beer. Any Old beer,
and all of its myrmidons, but we have a
soft place in our hearts and stomachs for the
Asa Candler hog-wash, known as Coca-Cola.
I can’t explain it: can you?
We are going to deprive the State of its
income from beer, and we are going to in
crease the expenses, and we are going to cre
ate a few more offices, and we are going
to raise a few salaries, and we are goin< to
have a costly cat-fight at the Special Session,
but there is one thing we are not going to
do, and that is to tax Coca-Cola.
Some folks accuse us Prohibitionists of
being inconsistent, but we ain’t.
With Bosh Felder for our leader how
THE JEFFERSONIAN
could we travel any road except the street
called Straight ? Lead on, Bosh!
We glory in your gall and your cheek, ami
we almost pity the foe, whose Waterloo we
foresee.
William G. McAdoo, Secretary of the U.
S. Treasury, declares that there has not been
any prosperity among the common people for
the last ten years.
He accuses the daily papers of having reg
ularly misrepresented the facts.
It took him a long time to find that out.
Why. a part of the service rendered by.the
daily papers to the Northern corporations
which control them, is to annually tell tne
common people how well off they are.
Ev’en last year, when cotton was at G cents,
and the whole population plunged into des
pair and woe, such capitalists as Asa Candler
and Joe McCord were continually filling the
daily papers with their optimistic slush,
making light of the sufferings of the people.
Asa went so far as to say that our people
ate too much- He made no comment on the
increasecLconsumption of Coca-Cola.
Thirty years ago. Alexander H. Stephens
said that our agricultural classes were grow
ing poorer; and the Atlanta dailies, headed
by Henry Grady, jumped on the old states
man and censured him severelv.
Os course, they published masses of sta
tistics to t prove how rich our people had
become. They were careful not to specify
who had the riches.
When we read that the Central Railroad
cleared more than a million dollars last year,
and remember that its actual capitalization
was seven millions, we can understand what
goes with the prosperity.
The Steel Trust cleared eleven million dol
lars during the last three months; and the
other monopolies are enriching themselves at
a like rate.
B hat chance is there for the population,
whose products are required to make up those
prodigious profits for the monoptdies?
Nature gave the South a monopoly in cot
ton; and it gave the West a monopoly in
wheat; but instead of the great agricultural
South uniting with the wheat-growing West
for political and legislative action, both these
vast sections blindly submit to the Wall
Street management which separates the South
from the West and robs them both of the
God-given benefit of their natural monopolies.
The wheat grower works for the law-made
monopolies, such as the Railroads, Express
Companies, Harvester Trust, the Steel Trust,
Shoe Trust, the Flour Trust, and the New
England Cotton-Mill Trusts: the cotton grow
ers work for the same masters: and by the
time the law-made monopolies take out their
tolls, the Nature-made monopoly has barely
enough left in the hopper to encourage the
miller to keep the wheel going.
Isn’t it so?
For 30 years, I have argued, pfeaded. work
ed, and campaigned for a union of the South
and West. Once, it was almost in sight and
my heart bei< high with hop v ; but the poli
ticians were too smart for us. rfiey took the
wind out of our sails by nominating Bryan,
on a Populist platform, and Bryan betrayed
us, just as he has betrayed everybody that
has ever trusted him.
New Edition of “The Story of France." by
Thos. E. Watson. Just off the press. Two
volumes, $3.50 the set. Handsomely bound,
gilt tops, gilt lettered. This book is regarded
as standard by the French readers and schol
ars. The Jeffersonian Publishing Company,
Thomson, Ga.
The Jeffersonian, SI.OO per year; in clubs
of Ten, 50 cents.
Who is the Prosecutor in the
Watson Case? And How
Stands the Case ?
(continued from page one.)
azine: ami he cited the obscene passages in
the Bible which, if taken by themselves,
would make the Book unmailable.
Mind you. the Government had not charged
that a single book of mine, or a single num
ber of our magazine, or a single issue of The
Jeffersonian was obscene.
B hat the Knight- of Columbus had done
v\ <is to select certain pages of the magazine
a very small proportion of the whole—and to
ask the Government to punish me fo r those
particular selections.
I>3 that practice, such ancient authors as
Domer, Anacreon. Ovid, Juvenal, and Seu
tonms could be classes as obscene, and the
mailing of them prohibited.
A ride like that would throw out of the
Him s such modern authors as Chaucer
Shakespeare. Pope, Byron. Moore, and Burns’
Such a const ruction of (he law would ren
der it impossible to publish and mail the
works of Fielding. Smollet, Reynolds, De
r oc. Zola. Maupassant. Da title, Flaubert, and
\ ictor lln go.
11 the quotation of obscene passages. in a
dead language, is a violation of the law. un
fit; ing the entire book for the mails, then
Gibbon's “Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire" cannot be legally published and
mailed in the United States.
Such a construction of the law would sub
ject ihe Benziger Brothers, of New York, io
penal servitude, for publishing and mailing
••Saint’’ Augustine’s work, “The City of !
God. for that saintly book contains a chap- •*
tor so obscene that the translators leave it in \
the dead language used by the “Saint."
Recently. I have learned that Attorney-
General Wickersham conferred with District
Attorney Akerman about my case, and ex-\
a mined a copy of the magazine: Whether '
the $;>,000 which the Republican Attorney-
General then paid to his fellow Republican
was on account of my case. I do not know.
If the District Attorney got a special fee
from 1 ncle Sam. and one of that magnitude,
I can the better understand and excuse his
zeal in working for a second indictment, /or
the same thing.
The second indictment, which Mr. Aker
man finally obtained by a margin of one vote,
docs not differ. m any legal sense u'haie 'er,
from the first.
I mean that Judge Foster's ruling ap
plies as fully to the second indictment as to
the first, because Mr. Akerman did nothing
more than add another extract, to those he
already had m the first bill.
He selected one editorial, and a short one,
from one copy of the 12-page Jeffersonian.
1 herefore. the case stands exactly where it
stood before -Judge Foster.
'This looks to me like trifling with the law,
if not with the Court.
But, of course, if a Republican administra
tion was paying Mr. Akermamn a huge fee
to put zeal and ginger and pepper into the
prosecution, it was but natural that he should
do his d dest.
It won't be fair, if Uncle Sam discrimi
nates against the present District Attorney,
and withholds from him an equal fee; in
which case the Knights of Columbus will
have caused the best Government the world
ever saw to spend quite a pile of ducats.
I wrote Air. Flower that, with the ex
ception of the copy of The Bulletin, I had
no evidence against the Knights of Colum
bus: but since the letter was written, the best
of evidence has come into my hands.
A friend sends me two pages of “The Irish
World." October 30. 1015, a rabid Roman
Catholic paper published in New York City*
PAGE SEVEN
