Newspaper Page Text
Cl)e fevsonian
Vol 14, Mo. 1
HOW MUCH FARTHER 'ARE YOU WILLING TO GO ?
Do You Want to Create Another Europe, on This Side of the Ocean ?
'T'O establish a government which should be
different from those in the Old World,
our forefathers fled to the New.
So detestable was the European model of
government, in the eyes of our forefathers,
that they endured every hardship, and dared
every danger which the New World presented
• —the savage, the wilderness, the ravages of
disease, and the privations of semi-barbarous
existence.
When menaced by a European tyranny,
they ran to arms, and fought a long, dis
couraging, bloody war of seven years.
From Lexington and Bunker Hill, to
King’s Mountain and Yorktown, they testi
fied, in heroic deeds, their unconquerable de
termination to keep their country free from
the monarchism, personalism, and absolutism
of the Old World.
In their Declaration of Independence, your
ancestors set forth their reasons for’being so
ready to fight, and suffer, and die, rather
than yield to the arbitrary demands of a
foreign potentate.
In the fundamental Law—which the states
men framed, and the State adopted—the
limits were definitely marked, like land-lines
around a farm, beyond which the central gov
ernment, created by the States, could not go,
without committing a trespass upon the
VANE of the weakest spots in our system of
government is the holding-over by in
cumbents who have been refused.a re-elec
tion.
A defeat at the polls does not oust the
loser. He holds .his office for months after
ward, and he may be instrumental in aiding,
or resisting public measures of extreme im
portance.
Such a man wouldn’t be human, if he did
not resent his rejection by the people. His
ardor for “the country” cools, and he
generally uses the remnant of his term in
office with an eye to his own future advantage.
A defeat at the polls should act as a Recall.
The term of the victor should begin on the
day when the result of the election is legally
ascertained. The term of the loser should
end when he is legally known to have lost.
Take, for instance, the short term of Con
gress : my observation has been, that the worst
of laws are voted for by those members who
iwere defeated at the November elections.
The constituents of these gentlemen pass
upon their claims, decide that they do not
entitle the Congressmen to another two years;
and vote them out.
But do they get out? No: they are still
Congressmen for nearly four months. They
return to Washington for the short session
GEORGIA ITEMS OF NATIONAL INTEREST.
Thomson, Ga., Thursday, January 4, 1917
rights reserved to the States.
This fundamental Law has been amended,
from time to time, but every one of the six
teen amendments— made by the States — was
intended the render more sacredly inviolable
the equality, the fraternity, and the liberty
of citizenship.
Is it not so? Read those amendments, and
see for yourself.
Grafted on to our organic law, are two
other principles which, like the anti-third
term sentiment, have the force of Constitu
tional enactments.
One is the precept, —“Peace and friendship
The delay of the January Magazine,
is due to the voluminous record,
speeches, evidence, &c., but it will
be ready for mailing in a few days.
This issue of the Magazine contains
the full report of Mr. Watson’s trial
in the federal courts in Augusta. The
demand is very great, and it is sug
gested that orders be placed imme
diately. /
Single copies price 10 cents.
THE JEFFERSONIAN PUB. CO.
of December, January and February; and
they begin to look around /or themselves.
They have fallen out with the dear people.
They harbor a very human ill-will against
the constituency which turned them down.
Is there a chance to swap a vote for a
plum? Does the President want to have a
pet measure passed? or a veto sustained? Is
there a chance to play the little game of “You
tickle me, and I’ll tickle you?”
Presidential vetoes have been saved by the
votes of members who had been defeated for
re-election.
This very thing happened to President
Wilson’s veto of the Burnett bill.
Those members whom their constituencies
no longer wanted, were used to block a law
which those constituencies did want.
You can see clearly*how this sort, of thing
interferes with representative government.
When the repudiated member can prevent
his constituents from getting their ideas rep
resented, there is a complete failure of repre
sentation.
The same thing applies to the governors
and to other State officers. There should not
be months of holding over. When defeated,
they should vacate. The candidates preferred
by the voters, should at once go into office.
I call your attention to this for the purpose
with all foreign nations, but entangling
alliances with none.”
It may almost be said that “The Father of
His Country” left us that priceless legacy, as
a part of his Last Will and Testament.
The other is, the Monroe Doctrine of 1823,
committing us to the policy of preventing
European powers from transplanting any
more of their system into the New World.
The logical counterpart of the Monroe
Doctrine is, that ice must steer clear of Euro*
pean affairs.
When we say to Europe, “Hands off!” in
the New World, w T e would be hopelessly in
consistent, if we didn’t keep our hands off, in
the Old.
Hence, the Monroe Doctrine has two sides
to it.
You can say to me, “Don’t intrude upon
my premises!”
No one will question your right to say it.
But if you, at the same time, claim the
right to intrude u/pon mine, you’d be con
sidered unreasonable.
■WHAT GOES WITH THE MONROE DOCTRINE ?
Now, let us get our facts clearly in mind,
and try to realize their bearings.
(continued on page four.)
of emphasizing the Congressional situation in
the Eighth.
The short term will be crowded with mat
ters of superlative importance, such as the
Immigration bill, the Juvenile Court bill, the
Power-site exploitation bill, etc.
The Gallivan and Fitzgerald press-gag bills
are on docket, and the new postal rates will
be acted- upon almost immediately.
The P. O. Department proposes to abolish
one-cent postage, except in the small circle of
300 miles.
Instead of one-cent a pound, papers and
magazines will have to pay as high as six
cents a pound, if they go farther than 1,800
miles.
For distances less than 1,800 miles and
more than 300 miles, the. postage will vary
from 2 cents to 5 cents.
Why this blow at weekly papers of national
circulation?
Such a change in the law would be a ruin
ous burden to The Christian Standard, The
Christian Herald, the Appeal to Beason, The
Menace, The Jeffersonian, The Yellow Jacket,
The American Citizen, Capper's Weekly, The
Watchtower Magazine, and
Our friends in the Eighth will never be
(CONTINUED ON PAGE FIVE.)
Price, Five Cents
