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The Southern watchman. (Athens, Ga.) 1854-1882, February 01, 1855, Image 2

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m 9zUh tm THE WATCHMAN. j. H. GURISTV, KWTGR. REMARKS OF JUDGE LUMPKIN, Upon the announcement of the Death of Judge Dougherty, in the Sujn-eme Court of Georgia. Nothing on earth, is durable. All tilings are hastening to decay. Where is the Eternal City, as Rome was once boastfully, but now mockingly called ? Where is the Golden Palace of the Caesars, with its cloud-capped turrets ? Where the succession of vast empires, that once filled the earth with their glory and their ci imes ? Swept from theface of the globe, with only here and there a fragment, that has been gathered from the universal wreck! And if nations perish with all their splendor, and vanish like a dream ; if the solid earth, which wo tread so firmly nnd proudly, must disappear in the migh ty roll of ages, and the Heavens them selves, wax old like a garment, and as a vesture shall be changed, what is man that is born of a woman ? How abrupt the termination of his schemes—his bu sy cares—his intrigues—his party and professional si rites—hi3 tumultuous pas sions ! " Man dies and his expect ations j/uiiah )” • What is this passing scene ? A peevish April day— A little suu—a little ruin, And then night sweeping along the plaiu, And nil tilings fade away. Man soon .liscussed, Yields up his dust. And all his hopes and fears Lie with him in the dust 1’ A century is wanting to complete his plans, but they are all cut off in a mo ment. The thread is snapped asun der, almost before be begins to wind it. One builds, hut another inhabits the house. One sows, but another reaps.— He heapeth up riches, but who -hall inherit them ? The laurel far es in the act of placing it on* his brow ; and the applause o:' the world, for which he has sacrificed, perhaps, too much, is soon no more to him than the wind which fans the willow over his grave. Notwithstanding these stereotyped truths, how we stood aghast a» the death of our departed brother ! It came up on us with all the rapidity of the whirl wind. I shall never forget the public grief, or the public consternation the tidings flew from household to household, until under the feelings of one common and overwhelming calami ty, the whole city in which he dwelt, became a community of mourners. The death of the soldier, in the tu mult of the conflict, amidst the moving scenes of his glory, is an ordinary antiei pated event. Citi mors aut victoria lacta, is the hero’s motto. The risk of life is a part of the price of his fame. What warrior, whether by sea or by land, would not prefer to die in the midst ol the smoke and battle, with the clash of arms and th2 roar of can non, for his requiem? We sympathise with the wish expressed by Nelson, and reckon it among the instances of the gallant old tar’; happy fori tine—the op po. utility of dying in, as well as gaining the victory of Trafalgar. Of him it may he said: fit a mors kt victoria laeta. Who has' i.ol regretted, that Napoleon survived the field of Water loo? •_ But we think differently of the sudden exit of civilians. We expect to see the souls of such take wing from the do mestic scene—breathe their last on the family couch—disturbed only by the light steps and scarcely audible sighs of weeping relatives and friends. Yet, hi w many lawyers are suddenly and without warning stricken down like J. Dougherty, in the maturity of their intellect—in the vigor of their manhood —‘ere their eye is dimmed, or their natural force abated.’ Like Pinckney, nnd Einmcl,sn<l Barbour, nnd Taifburd, and a host of others, they sink as the full-orbed sun, out of noonday. That an arm of such intellectual might, shou'd no-v he motionless—taut a voice that thundered forth the con victions of truth, with such r sistless energy, should be hushed forever in deep and unbroken silence—that a hand that was ever stretched out in deeds of kindness nnd charity, should be paral- ized end stiff—that a heart ever glow ing in sympathetic warmth, with the wants and woes of his fellow-cre itures, should !>e as-cold as the clay whicli it—is to all, a though: of profquudcsi melancholy. The widowed town in which lie lived testified by her tears, her sense of 1 ss, for one who was both in body and mind, toto vertirc svpra esl rtnong his fellows; and who was an- nointed tricing, by higher than earthly hands. I am aware, tint cu'ogies upon the dead have become, in public estimation, hut equivocal evid-nce of their virtues and talents, and that indiscriminate panegyric, brings neither honor to its subject, nor benefit to survivors. Still, lie? occasion requires that we should pay a proper tribute of respect* to one who was so long acknowledged as the leader of the W estern Bar. A true record should he made ol h : s publii and private virtues, for the benefit of suc ceeding generations. 3o that;although dead, he may yet spenu to the young, calling upon them, as with the voice of history, to emulate what is ’great and noble. ’ In the first place, allow me to say, then, that in hi; walks, Judge Dougher ty was the most unpretending of men. lie bore constantly about him, those characteristics of true greatness—sim plicity and modesty. While conscious of his own capacity, he was wiihout pride, and without osten tation. I have known him intimately for thirty-seven years, and never was 1 able to detect in him,the slightest tincture of personal vanity. He had no desire fibr display, and no ambitiog for admi ration. He made no effort at victo- !)V i merely, either in conversation 4H re»sic arguments. He era ployed no < striking language or figure to attract observation. He despised paltry affectation of every sort, and was never troubled with that btsetting in firmity of little men, of acting a part or seeming different from one’s real self.— lie was natural; straight-forward, man ly and independent. He generally wait ed to follow, rather than lead in the line of conversation. But travel with him in the stage-coach, on the rail-car, or gather in the circle around the fireside of the hotel, or the lounging places on the streets, and there was none who con tributed more largely to the amusement and edification of his companions. He relished humor, and indulged freely in jests. And then, on all those occasions, where the selfishness of smaller men is so frequently and offensively developed and displayed, by appropriating the best of everything to themselves, he was al ways content with such accommodations as fell to his lot; and allowing others to be served first, resigned himself, without complaint, to whatever arrangements were provided for him. I have said that Judge Dougherty pos sessed great simplicity of manners.— Like our own Crawford, who it is not invidious to say was not merely primus inter pares, but primus absque secundo, amongst his cotemporaries, Judge Dougherty never talked for display, but for enjoyment. He loved to talk with the mechanic—the miller—the trades man—the teamster, about those mat ters that appertained to their respective employments; and how perfectly at home lie seemed to be,. in conversing with each, of their pastimes and avocations. Coming directly from the people, he was‘pre-eminently, and un affectedly, oue of them. He met death in the field of a neighboring farmer, after having been earnestly, and suc cessfully, engaged in the sports of the day. with his country friends. In most men, in his social position, these would have been esteemed, perhaps, the tricks of the demagogue; with him, all saw and felt, it was but acting out his own genial nature. Judge Dougherty never assumed the airs and reserve of Sir Oracle, but was natural and unostentatious, in all he did and said. Like most of nature’s true noblemen, he never cloaked himself with artificial dignity. To fictitious greatness, distance is necessary to lend enchantment to the scene. The field where the thistle and the brier luxuriate, may delight the eye of the far-off spec tator, with the loveliness of its verdure ; nnd the lake whose putrid exhalations poison the surrounding atmosphere, may charm the beholder, when viewed from the surrounding mountains. And as with ilie natural, so it is with, the moral landscape. Place the object of admiration sufficiency remote, and every harsh feature of character is refined— every intellectual infirmity concealed. But bring the individual so near ns to preclude the exercise of fancy, and how few can abide the test of familiar and close inspection. The very reverse of this, was true of our deceased friend. Those who saw him daily arid knew him best, could alone appreciate him properly. He ap peared greater-to his every-day familiar acquaintances, than to the public, when decked in the robes of office. If I were asked to say, in what he ex celled, I should answer promptly, io the soundness of his judgment and his strong common sense: a kind of sense, which, although dubbed common, is, nevertheless, exceedingly rare ; and without which, all other is comparative ly valueless. “ Tlic gift of Heaven— And though no science, fairly worth the seven.’’ Interior of the United States. As chief of that department, he .would have ac quired a reputation equalled only by that of Judge .McLean, as Postmaster Gen eral. - But were I to dwell on the peculiar merits of the deceased, in every relation in which he stood to society, this sketch would be extended to an unpardonable length, -I cannot forbear to add, how ever, that perhaps to no one man, is the State of Georgia more indebted for the present prosperous condition of her Uni versity, as well as her splendid system of internal improvements, which have made her the queen of the South, than to Judge Dougherty. The moral qualities of the deceased, were of the highest order. He never polluted his lips with intoxicating drinks, nor desecrated them by prbfauing the name of his Maker. He believed in a Supreme Being; lip reverenced the Scriptures of Truth; he bowed hjs knee daily to the Ruler of the Universe. His last letter to his only child, was to im press upon her, in strong and beautiful language, the necessity of personal re ligion , as the only source and foundation for true and solid happiness, either in this life or that which is to come. With the beauties of the domestic life of this amiable man, I will not intermed die. To his relatives, ho was a father and counsellor. • He was not only kind and considerate to his servants, but to his horse and dog, and the dumb brutes that were dependent upon him. To his only surviving child, he was a delightful pattren of exuberant love. To the de bilitated frame of the wife of his youth, the sad and sudden visitation was too severe, and she was soon reunited to her husband, to whom she was fondly’, devo tedly attached, in that world where the pain of parting is felt and feared no more His native State, whicli he so much loved, to attest her sense of hits worth and of our common loss, has perpetuated his name in the baptism of one of her wealthiest and most intelligent counties. In the lapse of time, all material monu ments will moulder, but whilst the knowledge of the English alphabet en dures, the name of Dougherty will forever abide as a household word am ng ns, interwoven indissolubly, as it will be, with the Legislative and Judicial re cords of our commonwealth. The column of his fame is now complete. Thus I have endeavored to point out briefly, but as definitely as I could, the peculiar excellencies of Jiylge Dough erty’s character, avoiding'as far as possi ble, all vague and indiscriminate praise. My desire has been to present a faithful portrait, arid not a Chinese painting, which, however highly varr,i/ued and minutely finished, would be, after ail, but a fancy sketch, and not a true likeness of our departed brother. It is this w'hich we desire to preserve. Let your resolutions then, gentlmen, be entered on the minutes of the Court, as a lasting testimony of onr respect and affectionate remembrance of our deceas ed friend and companion, fratljeni IBatcIjuum. LAW, ORDER, a»d the cohstitctios. ATHENS, GA. THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. 1, 1855 j£rMr. William Do3TB*. of Atlanta, is our au thorized Agent in Cherokee Georgia. jty This paper is filed, and may at all times be seen at tlio Reading Room of Prof. Hollow*.*, 244 Strand, London ("3T We publish this week the beau tiful tribute to the memory of our late distinguished and highly be'oved fellow, citizen, the Hon. Charles Dougher ty, delivered before the Supreme Court of Georgia by that eminent jurist and accomplished orator, the Hon. Joseph H. Lumpki.y. We publish it on accouut of its intrinsic beauty; as well as to contribute our mite towards perpetuat ing the memory of the distinguished subject of it Most beautifully, elo quently and truthfully did Judge Lump kin acquit himself of the task imposed— the drawing a faithful portraiture of Judge Dougherty’s character. Nothings are Abolitionists?, They had as well give up-r-they can’t do that 1 In the meantime, we can but commis erate the pitiable condition of such of cagf Georgia cotemporaries as are found engaged in the exceedingly small busi ness of “ playing second fiddle” to the National Era, New’ York Tribune, and other Abolition prints. His genius was not the over develope- ment of any particular faculty, hut a thor ough balance of all thu mental powers. His passions and intellect—his animal and moral nature—were admirably ad justed, so as to blend togethei and con stitute a complete whole. 11 is manner at the bar, and in the Seriate chamber, was always calm, earnest and forcible; distinguished by masculine sense, animated reasoning, ami powerful illustration; occasionally, by the most impassioned appeals to the heart and feelings. His ardor, however, was rather the earnest vehemence of logical deduction,-than the mere glow of thy imagination. He possessed, with but few of the external graces of oratory nnd but little copiousness or polish of lan guage,the power,in anuncommon degree, of commanding attention and enforcing conviction. With but little wish to gratify the fancy, he was content to sub due the understanding.and lead it captive at his will. Like most men of intellectual energy, he seized upon tiie strong points of his subject, and pressed them with great vigor. Despising the glittering panoply of the knight in the tournament, like Hercules, with his club, he entered the areim, armed with a single weapon, and liis adversary was lucky if he did not soon reel under his ponderous blows. Judge Dougherty’s mind was eminent ly practical, ami he weighed and consid ered .every subject thoroughly; audit is due to truth, and no disparagemen to iiis memery to say, that he was more wise than learned—that he was a think ing rather than a reading man—that liis mind, which was always actively em ployed, was directed more to the actual occurrences of life, than the speculations of the closet—that he was formed, both by nature and by habit, more for the discharge of active duty, than, the con templation of abstract science; that while others have excelled in mere book- knowledge, few have, exhibited more ability for the discharge of every duty, however various and dissimilar, wheth er at the bar or the bench, around the council board or in the balls of legisla tion. As it respects the internal re- -ources and the industrial pursuits of this country, Judge Dougherty’s information was minute and thorough. And of all the men I have known, i would have selected him as b-st. qualified to fill, worthily, the office of Secretary of the SLAVERY IN KANSAS. A correspondent of the New York Daily Times, writing from St. Louis, uunder date of Jan. 12, that after all the efforts made by the Northern Emi grant Aid Societies to Abolitionise Kan sas, it is destined to be a slave territory. He says: ‘•From Kansas and Nebraska, the news is that a large emigration is ex pected early in the Spring. Kansas wwili undoubtedly be a slave communi ty. It will be declased such as soon as the Legislature is assembled. This re sult is attributable to Abolition excite ment. Had things been left to their natural course’ free labor would have prepouderated The Emigration So cieties of the North have created appre hensions on our border which have re- sulteb in a determined purpose to ex clude those sent here under their aus: pices—not by force, but by refusal to have any social or intercourse with them. They ganized to effect the object, command at any moment any amount of capital needeb, and, if necessary, any amount of physical force.” a steady business have or- and can Another Georgia Fugitive in Boston.—On Thursday week, a war rant was issued by Charles Levi Wood bury, of Boston, U. f? Slave Law Com missioner, for the arrest or a black man by the name of John Jackson, ns a fugutive slave from Georgia. The war rant was granted on the application ol one Fox, captain of a coasting vessel plying between Georgia and Virginia, lie had formerly employed Jackson on board of his vessel, but lie made this application in bidmlf of hia brotlicr-in- law, as the allegro owner. Prepara tions were at once made for the arrest of Jackson, but he succeed in making his escape probably to Canada. The “ Vigilance Committee” oFBoston aided him in his flight, after having of fered him the alternative of their help in the physical resistance to the officers whicli he was determined to make if he should remain, The fate of Sims and Burns however, convinced him that op position to the law was idle, and he chose the safer plan of a hasty flight. GP* If you wish to be appreciated, get rich ! The poor man’s company is not sought, his advice not heeded, his talents not perceived ! Get rich, and women will think you marvellous hand some; your common place sayings will be repeated as gems of a brilliant intel lect ; you will be consulted as an oracle of wisdom, invited to feasts, and elevated to the highest positions. There are on ly enough exceptions to prove the gen crality of the rule, that he is only invi ted to dinner who can afford a good one of his own ; and yet this sordid mean ness pervades all society, showing it loathsome visage in all the walks of life, and we nurse and foster, instead of de spising it. Pleasure may be called the short cm to t he touib, as it shortens time, which is the way. THE NATIONAL ERA AND ITS COADJUTORS. The National Era, at Washington City—the groat central organ of all Abo- litioudotn—is a little fiercer in its de nunciations of the Know Nothings than any paper we know of. «It complains that it has lost large numbers of its sub scribers, who have been seduced from its fold to embrace the doctrines of the Know-Nothing party—a party which it charges with subserving the interest; of the “ pro-slavery men of the South”— a party which it says has “ ignored the existence of the slavery question”'—a party which has thrown a wet blanket upon the anti-Nebraska enthusiasm of the North, and which, according to the same authority, ha3 assisted in establish ing slavery in Kansas, by defeating the Homestead bill, which proposed, not on ly to give every scamp who might visit our shores a home in the new’ terri tories, but to make him a voter also—and nobody knows better than the man of the Era that they almost unanimously vote against us—the South. For and in consideration of all and singular these and various other like causes, the great Abolition organ wages a furious warfare against the Know- Nothings. Tiffs is all perfectly fair and legitimate. If he is honest in his Abo lition sentiments, of course, in this free country, it is perfectly right and proper that he should oppose those who thwart the workings of his party, and who en deavor to sap its very foundations. We have no fault to find with the editor of the Era. But he has a host of coadjutors here in Georgia—engaged in the rame work—aye, a thousand times, worse—for, as far as we have ob served, he confines himself to argument and fact, and does not stoop to abuse and misrepresentation :—we repeat.'the Era has a host of coadjutors here in Georgia, equally as zealous as he him self is, in their attempts to put down the Know Nothings. They do not, like him, claim to be Free Soilers, and anxious to prostrate all parties which oppose their views—oh, no! but they claim to be the peculiar guardians of of the South—her exclusive defenders against the assaults and machinations of the Abolitionists. They cannot, with the Era, claim that they oppose the Know Nothings, because they differ with them in sentiment—for, if they tell the truth in regard to their position oft the slavery question, the Know Noth ings are with them. These coadjutors of the Era‘s —chief among whom we note the Federal Union, the Macon Telegraph, Savannah Georgian and Atlanta Examiner—say they oppose the Know Nothings because (we blush for poor human nature to record it!) be cause they are Abolitionists!!! and this m the face of the fact that the Era, the Tribune, Evening Post—all the Ab olition papers everywhere—denounce them as a “ pro slavery organization!!!” O, fie ! fie 1 gentlemen; we had hop ed better things of each and every one of you. You, who professed to be so vastly pleased” with the Nebraska bill, to turn around now, and denounce as Abolitionists that very party which “ crushed out” the anti-Nebraska ex citement in the Free States! It won’t do, gentlemen—it will not do—to call them that ; - call them any thing else, but Abolitionists never! We remember the manner in which Mr. Van Burfen was made to figure as a “ Norther^ man with Southern princi ples.” It was by stereotyping that phrase in Southern Democratic new-pa- KANSAS AND SLAVERY. The impression, which strongly fasten ed itself upon our mind in the begin ning, that Kansas would eventually be come a slave State, under the provisions of the Nebraska bill, is daily gaining strength in the public mind. Even the red-mouthed Abolitionists themselves are beginning to regard slavery in Kan sas as a “ fixed fact.” J. W. How, leader of one of the Free- soil gangs sent out by the Emigrant Aid Society, which left Cleveland, Ohio, on the 23d of October last, after giving a sad account of the disappointments of the emigrants under his charge, gives his opinion as follows, in regard to the adaptation of Kansas Territory to slave labor: “ I made a very rough exploration of the country. It is one vast and almost unbroken prairie, almost destitute of timber—but the soil is of the richest character. Water abundant, and plenty of stone, with some evidence of coal. “ Time and money will enable men of the right stamp to possess the lands, sub due and cultivate them, and convert the country into a very garden—a farming paradise. Men without means can do nothing there at present. The country is eminently adapted to slave labor.— Wealthy slaveholders can go there with plenty of‘ help’ and means, and make money, by subduing and cultivating these lands. “ They will do so—and despite all efforts yet making, or means yet adopt ed by the Free States to prevent it, Kansas is sure to become a Slave State ! “ The Emigrant * id Companies (as they are termed) are doing very little indeed to accomplish their object. They have encouraged hundereds of poor well meaning and honest people to leave their homes and rush into the Territory, without means to sustain themselves there, who must suffer everything but death, and many of them that, if they remain—or leave the country, and go where they can provide for their fami lies.” Gen Stnngfellow, a distinguished citizen of the frontier of Missouri, bor dering on Kansas, in writing to certain members of Congress on the subject, gives the following, among other rea sons, for believing that Kansas will be a Slave State: reasonable hope of bettering their condition,' that place is Kansas as a slave State. The National Era, the great central organ of Abolitiondom, in lamenting over the prospect ahead, says: “ Mean time, as if to help forward the nefarious scheme, the Know ' Nothing influence in Congress puts to death the Home stead Bill, designed to attract bona fde free settlers to the new Territories, simp ly because it proposed to embrace with in its provisions the industrious immi grant who had declared his purpose to become naturalized, as well as the na tive citizen 1” Let the Era’s coadjutors in Georgia remember this 1 and let the people re- membei that these much-abused Know- Nothings, so far from being leagued with the Frcesoilers, as falsely charged by the Democratic press of Georgia, are actually thwarting their “nefarious schemes” on all sides 1 “ He says that farms must of necessi ty be made in the prairies; that the tim ber fot fencing and fuel is scarce and difficult :o obtain ; that it will have to be hauled, bv means of teams, from a distance, and in most cases from such a distance as to render fencing too costly for little fields. Again, he says that the greatest difficulty is the first cost of breaking the prairie. This requires two hands and at least six yoke of oxen.— If hired, it would cost at least three dol lars per acre: but it cannot be hired in Kansas for years, since every man there will have his own land to break. Each settler, therefore, must have his own ploughmen. These things have already driven the abolition emissaries of the Emigrant Societies out of Kansas in large number ; and these things show, in connection with others stated by Gen. Stringfeliow, the great need of slave labor in settling Kansas.” pers, which repeated and reiterated the absurdity until even they themselves fi nally came to bdieve it! Do they ex pect'to succeed, by similar means', in making the people believe that the Know The Washington Sentinel, speaking on this subject, says: “We find, in the Richmond Weekly Mirror, published in - Ray county, Missouri, a statement of the sale of certain slaves belonging to the estate of Thomas Reeves, deceased, which shows that the value of this property in Missouri is even greater than it is in Virginia or Maryland. The average price of slaves, as indicated by this sale, is $885; while, in the States to which we refer, it scarcely amounts to $800. This fact is signifi cant, for more reasons than one.” * * * “In their bearing upon Kansas, the faclsto which we here allude are full of significance. Ray county, in which those sales have taken place, is but a short distance from that Territory; short, indeed, that there can he no material difference, either in the soil, the climate, or the productions, of the two sections of country. What, therefore, applies to slave labor in Ray county, applies in an equal degree to slave labor in the Territory of Kansas. The interest manifested by the citizens of this county in the introduction of Slavery into Kansas, is also an additional evidence that they, who from their posi tion and their experience are the best judges of the question, consider slave labor as of the greatest importance in the development of the Territory.” Many facts and opinions, going to show that the institution will be inevita bly established in the new Territory, might he added to the above; but we forbear, at present. We never have (we believe) advised our fellow-citizens to leave Georgia to go any where; but it dpes strike u« that if there is any place to which young men of small capital and abundant industry and in domitable perseverance can go, with AGRARIANISM IN NEW YORK. It is said that crowds of foreigners, who receive their daily sustenance from the hands of the rich—Stewart, of the great dry goods palace, feeding six hun dred of them daily—are not content with getting employment nor satisfied with food. They indignantly refuse to work for a dollar and a half a day, and yet subsist on public charity 1 Large mobs collect daily, to hear addresses from in flammatory orators, many of whom preach the doctrine of the New England puritans, who resolved that the earth is the Lord’s and the fulness thereof—that it belonged to the Lord’s saints—and that they were his saints. In other words, they teach that no man should suffer while there is an abundance, and he is able to help himself! they wish to have a divide / The Washington City Star, noticing a recent meeting of this kind in New York, says that the speakers demanded division of the lands of the country, and threatened to apply the bayonet to obtain the supremacy of social Republicanism after the fashion of French, English, and German Radicalism, Ag and Atheism 1 One of the speakers. Mr, Roedel, used the following language to the Germans pr sent: Brethren—For the first time I speak in an assembly like this. We have not all the same language, but our feelings are the same—they united us here with the Ain-rican people. For the advance ment of these sentiment*, we must not only unite with them in speeches, but also in acts. In our country we have fought for liberty, and many of us have lost in battle our fathers, brothers or Here we are free, but not free enough ; we want the liberty of living. (Applause )We have fought in Germany for liberty of speech and the liberty of the press. The German press is against us in this movement, but we need not care for w hat those papers say; we must act on our own hook. Here we have social liberty, liberty of speech, and liberty of the press ; and when we want anything that is just, we are bound to obtain it. (Applause.) II you don’t know your rights yet, hunger will teach them to you. You don’t get bread nor wood, and there is plenty of them. At our revolution in June we obtained three months credit, and when we had no bread we soon obtained we were 200,000 bayonets strong. I have nothing further to say than to ad- •iseyou to put in practice the principles of the social republic. The Tribune said to-day, that the rich would give us a million if they were forced to it ; but now they will hold their money in their pock ets and refuse to give it up. When the wolf is hungry he has no considera tion, and takes his food fearlessly where he finds it; it must he the same with the masses. Help yourselves, aud then God w’ill help you. We must act as the wolf,' and we do not want any auxiliaries! Let us act by ourselves. (Applause.) We are not at all surprised at this. It is hut the legitimate fruit of their train ing. What is liberty worth, if a man can’t help himself to whatever he wants ? This is the idea of European Red Re publicanism. It knows nothing of ra tional liberty, controlled by law. Its liberty is license. And yet, patriotic Americans, who wish to guard the sacred right of suffrage from pollution, are denounced by a hire ling press as “anti-republican,” and held up to the people as being opposed to liberty !!! God protect this happy coun try from such liberty as these foreign Red Republicaus or their American coadjutors and sympathisers would give it! . * Another New Paper Material.— A paper maker of Lee,Massachusetts, lias several samples cf paper from the weed known as everlasting, and which the farners have a great dread of. It is said to be easily converted .into pulp. The paper made from it has a yellowish tinge, hut a smooth,firm surface. Doubt- btless the vegetable kingdom can sup ply many different materials, besides straw, from which this very necessary article might be produced. “I can marry any girl I please,” said a young fellow, boastingly. “Very true;” replied his waggish companion, *‘for yrtu can’t please any.*’ . GEN. COMBS A KNOW-NOTHING. From the following extract from the speech of the distinguished Gen. Leslie Combs, of Ky., delivered at (lie late Convention of the Soldiers of 1912, we should take the distinguished old veteran to be a Know-Nothing—at all events, the sentiments are such as every true American patriot can most cordially en* dorse* We pointed out, years ago, the gross injustice of dividing out the public lands among the descendants ofthe Hes sians and others who fought against our forefathers for a shilling a day, whilst the old soldiers of the Republic were left unprovided for, or at best, received but forty or sixty acres of land ! The old veteran gives this nefarious scheme of partizan demagogues a good bit, in the extract below. Gen. Combs said: No occa«ion but the present could have induce J him to make a public address. He was sick at heart with the thought of the desolation pending over himself and his family, by the injustice ofthe Congress of the Unit* ed States. He had been here, every winter for the last seven years, asking for a debt unquestionably due him, and had been unable either to obtain his mo ney or a tribunal in which he could as sert his rights. But to meet with his old comrades in arms after being separated over forty years, was a gratification too great, not to call for his best efforts to assert and maintain their rights. And let who would faint or falter by the way- side, he would be found faithful to the last. The definitive treaty of peace which closed aur revolutionary war, was signed on the 3d ofiSeptember, 1783. On the 18th of March, 1818, a general pen sion law was passed by a grateful Con gress in favor of the surviving officers and soldiers of that heroic struggle. Thirty-five years six months and fifteen days had only elapsed. The treaty of peace concluded at Ghent, whicli closed our second war with England, was sign ed on the 24th day of December, 1815. Forty years and fifteen days have since rolled over our heads, and many ofthe gallant soldiers of 1812, with blasted frames and ruined health, were'now lin gering out their last days in penury and want. Why should they not be provided for, as were their revolutionary fathers? The country was then poor and sparsely populated. Our population has since increased five fold. Our treasury is full of gold to overflowing. Then, as to the public lands—had hot our blood and treasure won and paid for them ? Look at the many hard fought battle fields in the Northwest siucethe close of the Revolutionary war, and re. member what we did and t-uffered during the last war with Great Britain. Sir (said General Combs.) a son of Kentucky has a right to speak plainly on the subject. If the records of the War Department shall be examined, it will be found that Kentucky furnished more men for sacri fice, and shed more red blood than any other State in the Union in redeeming the great Northwest from the dominion of the savages—The bones of her sons were left to bleach on every battle field from Ilarmar’s defeat to the glorious victory on the Thames. What right, then.have strangers .felons, and paupers, from across the ocean, to come in and share our heritage, while our old defen ders and their children were poor and landless. [Great applause.] This country, it is true, is the asylum for the oppres sed of all nations, when driven from their native lands by ruthless despotism, but tbo«e who sought it had no right to take our real estate and divide it among them selves, wiihout paying for it, and to gov ern us on our own soil. [Applause.] Why, sir, according to the doctrines it, because*) G f national legislation, now coming in fashion—while the rile wretches who desolated our seaboard during the late war, stood by at Fort Raisin and Meigs, and saw, unmoved, my Kentucky bro ther soldiers massacred and burned, and the villains who fired the Capitol and threw in the streets the types and press of the National Intelligencer, by a simple declaration of an intention to become American citizens, will, each of them, have 160 acres of land—while thegaL lant militia of New-York and Vermont, who helped ta drive back the English and their savage allies at Plattsburg, the Saratoga of the second war of indepen dence, and the Louisiana, Tennessee and Ken.’ycky militia, who fought with Jack-on at New-Orleans, receive hut 40 acres each—hardly enough fop 9 graveyard. lie solemnly protested against all such iniquitous measures, which were gener ally the basis used by ambitious politi cians to gain high places and power* What would have been the fate of the Congress of 181^, if, instead of pension ing the poor survivors of General Wash ington’s bare-footed soldiers, who march ed across the Delaware on the ice, and gained those brilliant victories at Tren ton and Princeton, they had dared to divide out our pnblic domain among th© Hessians who fought against us? Thank God, there was evidence? throughout the length and breadth of the land an uprising feeling in the American heart to rebuke such crying injustice. Stand to your arms, my boys$ the old soldiers of the Indian wars since 1790, and those who fought in 1812, would yet get their rights, and. so would the widows and orphans of those who have died or been killed. [Great Cp- l >S ! ■ ap plause.] The Mesilla Valley, recently pnrclias- • ed from Mexico, was formally taken pos- , session of, on the lpt'h November, by a military force undcii Col, Miles, who had been despatched for that» purpose from Santa Fe by Gek Garland. Th© starsi .and gripes, wejpe hoisted on (lie cotton tree, and sRjmJled by‘two 13|b. howitzers. The inhabitants.'’|CMMd j plumed with the chaingV*. \'*H