The Southern watchman. (Athens, Ga.) 1854-1882, February 01, 1855, Image 2
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THE WATCHMAN.
j. H. GURISTV, KWTGR.
REMARKS OF JUDGE LUMPKIN,
Upon the announcement of the Death of
Judge Dougherty, in the Sujn-eme
Court of Georgia.
Nothing on earth, is durable. All
tilings are hastening to decay. Where
is the Eternal City, as Rome was once
boastfully, but now mockingly called ?
Where is the Golden Palace of the
Caesars, with its cloud-capped turrets ?
Where the succession of vast empires,
that once filled the earth with their glory
and their ci imes ? Swept from theface
of the globe, with only here and there
a fragment, that has been gathered from
the universal wreck!
And if nations perish with all their
splendor, and vanish like a dream ; if the
solid earth, which wo tread so firmly
nnd proudly, must disappear in the migh
ty roll of ages, and the Heavens them
selves, wax old like a garment, and as
a vesture shall be changed, what is man
that is born of a woman ? How abrupt
the termination of his schemes—his bu
sy cares—his intrigues—his party and
professional si rites—hi3 tumultuous pas
sions ! " Man dies and his expect ations
j/uiiah )”
• What is this passing scene ?
A peevish April day—
A little suu—a little ruin,
And then night sweeping along the plaiu,
And nil tilings fade away.
Man soon .liscussed,
Yields up his dust.
And all his hopes and fears
Lie with him in the dust 1’
A century is wanting to complete his
plans, but they are all cut off in a mo
ment. The thread is snapped asun
der, almost before be begins to wind it.
One builds, hut another inhabits the
house. One sows, but another reaps.—
He heapeth up riches, but who -hall
inherit them ? The laurel far es in the
act of placing it on* his brow ; and the
applause o:' the world, for which he has
sacrificed, perhaps, too much, is soon no
more to him than the wind which fans
the willow over his grave.
Notwithstanding these stereotyped
truths, how we stood aghast a» the death
of our departed brother ! It came up
on us with all the rapidity of the whirl
wind. I shall never forget the public
grief, or the public consternation
the tidings flew from household to
household, until under the feelings of
one common and overwhelming calami
ty, the whole city in which he dwelt,
became a community of mourners.
The death of the soldier, in the tu
mult of the conflict, amidst the moving
scenes of his glory, is an ordinary antiei
pated event. Citi mors aut victoria
lacta, is the hero’s motto. The risk of
life is a part of the price of his fame.
What warrior, whether by sea or by
land, would not prefer to die in the
midst ol the smoke and battle, with
the clash of arms and th2 roar of can
non, for his requiem? We sympathise
with the wish expressed by Nelson, and
reckon it among the instances of the
gallant old tar’; happy fori tine—the op
po. utility of dying in, as well as gaining
the victory of Trafalgar. Of him it
may he said: fit a mors kt victoria
laeta. Who has' i.ol regretted, that
Napoleon survived the field of Water
loo? •_
But we think differently of the sudden
exit of civilians. We expect to see the
souls of such take wing from the do
mestic scene—breathe their last on the
family couch—disturbed only by the
light steps and scarcely audible sighs of
weeping relatives and friends. Yet,
hi w many lawyers are suddenly and
without warning stricken down like
J. Dougherty, in the maturity of their
intellect—in the vigor of their manhood
—‘ere their eye is dimmed, or their
natural force abated.’ Like Pinckney,
nnd Einmcl,sn<l Barbour, nnd Taifburd,
and a host of others, they sink as the
full-orbed sun, out of noonday.
That an arm of such intellectual
might, shou'd no-v he motionless—taut
a voice that thundered forth the con
victions of truth, with such r sistless
energy, should be hushed forever in
deep and unbroken silence—that a hand
that was ever stretched out in deeds of
kindness nnd charity, should be paral-
ized end stiff—that a heart ever glow
ing in sympathetic warmth, with the
wants and woes of his fellow-cre itures,
should !>e as-cold as the clay whicli
it—is to all, a though: of profquudcsi
melancholy. The widowed town in
which lie lived testified by her tears, her
sense of 1 ss, for one who was both in
body and mind, toto vertirc svpra esl
rtnong his fellows; and who was an-
nointed tricing, by higher than earthly
hands.
I am aware, tint cu'ogies upon the
dead have become, in public estimation,
hut equivocal evid-nce of their virtues
and talents, and that indiscriminate
panegyric, brings neither honor to its
subject, nor benefit to survivors. Still,
lie? occasion requires that we should
pay a proper tribute of respect* to one
who was so long acknowledged as the
leader of the W estern Bar. A true
record should he made ol h : s publii and
private virtues, for the benefit of suc
ceeding generations. 3o that;although
dead, he may yet spenu to the young,
calling upon them, as with the voice of
history, to emulate what is ’great and
noble. ’
In the first place, allow me to say,
then, that in hi; walks, Judge Dougher
ty was the most unpretending of men.
lie bore constantly about him, those
characteristics of true greatness—sim
plicity and modesty.
While conscious of his own capacity,
he was wiihout pride, and without osten
tation. I have known him intimately
for thirty-seven years, and never was 1
able to detect in him,the slightest tincture
of personal vanity. He had no desire
fibr display, and no ambitiog for admi
ration. He made no effort at victo-
!)V i merely, either in conversation
4H re»sic arguments. He era
ployed no < striking language or figure
to attract observation. He despised
paltry affectation of every sort, and was
never troubled with that btsetting in
firmity of little men, of acting a part or
seeming different from one’s real self.—
lie was natural; straight-forward, man
ly and independent. He generally wait
ed to follow, rather than lead in the line
of conversation. But travel with him
in the stage-coach, on the rail-car, or
gather in the circle around the fireside
of the hotel, or the lounging places on
the streets, and there was none who con
tributed more largely to the amusement
and edification of his companions. He
relished humor, and indulged freely in
jests.
And then, on all those occasions,
where the selfishness of smaller men is
so frequently and offensively developed
and displayed, by appropriating the best
of everything to themselves, he was al
ways content with such accommodations
as fell to his lot; and allowing others to
be served first, resigned himself, without
complaint, to whatever arrangements
were provided for him.
I have said that Judge Dougherty pos
sessed great simplicity of manners.—
Like our own Crawford, who it is not
invidious to say was not merely primus
inter pares, but primus absque secundo,
amongst his cotemporaries, Judge
Dougherty never talked for display, but
for enjoyment. He loved to talk with
the mechanic—the miller—the trades
man—the teamster, about those mat
ters that appertained to their respective
employments; and how perfectly at
home lie seemed to be,. in conversing
with each, of their pastimes and
avocations. Coming directly from the
people, he was‘pre-eminently, and un
affectedly, oue of them. He met death
in the field of a neighboring farmer,
after having been earnestly, and suc
cessfully, engaged in the sports of the
day. with his country friends. In most
men, in his social position, these would
have been esteemed, perhaps, the tricks
of the demagogue; with him, all saw
and felt, it was but acting out his own
genial nature.
Judge Dougherty never assumed the
airs and reserve of Sir Oracle, but was
natural and unostentatious, in all he did
and said. Like most of nature’s true
noblemen, he never cloaked himself
with artificial dignity. To fictitious
greatness, distance is necessary to lend
enchantment to the scene. The field
where the thistle and the brier luxuriate,
may delight the eye of the far-off spec
tator, with the loveliness of its verdure ;
nnd the lake whose putrid exhalations
poison the surrounding atmosphere,
may charm the beholder, when viewed
from the surrounding mountains. And
as with ilie natural, so it is with, the
moral landscape. Place the object of
admiration sufficiency remote, and every
harsh feature of character is refined—
every intellectual infirmity concealed.
But bring the individual so near ns to
preclude the exercise of fancy, and how
few can abide the test of familiar and
close inspection.
The very reverse of this, was true of
our deceased friend. Those who saw
him daily arid knew him best, could
alone appreciate him properly. He ap
peared greater-to his every-day familiar
acquaintances, than to the public, when
decked in the robes of office.
If I were asked to say, in what he ex
celled, I should answer promptly,
io the soundness of his judgment and
his strong common sense: a kind of
sense, which, although dubbed common,
is, nevertheless, exceedingly rare ; and
without which, all other is comparative
ly valueless.
“ Tlic gift of Heaven—
And though no science, fairly worth the
seven.’’
Interior of the United States. As chief
of that department, he .would have ac
quired a reputation equalled only by that
of Judge .McLean, as Postmaster Gen
eral. -
But were I to dwell on the peculiar
merits of the deceased, in every relation
in which he stood to society, this sketch
would be extended to an unpardonable
length, -I cannot forbear to add, how
ever, that perhaps to no one man, is the
State of Georgia more indebted for the
present prosperous condition of her Uni
versity, as well as her splendid system
of internal improvements, which have
made her the queen of the South, than
to Judge Dougherty.
The moral qualities of the deceased,
were of the highest order. He never
polluted his lips with intoxicating drinks,
nor desecrated them by prbfauing the
name of his Maker. He believed in a
Supreme Being; lip reverenced the
Scriptures of Truth; he bowed hjs knee
daily to the Ruler of the Universe. His
last letter to his only child, was to im
press upon her, in strong and beautiful
language, the necessity of personal re
ligion , as the only source and foundation
for true and solid happiness, either in
this life or that which is to come.
With the beauties of the domestic life
of this amiable man, I will not intermed
die. To his relatives, ho was a father
and counsellor. • He was not only kind
and considerate to his servants, but to
his horse and dog, and the dumb brutes
that were dependent upon him. To his
only surviving child, he was a delightful
pattren of exuberant love. To the de
bilitated frame of the wife of his youth,
the sad and sudden visitation was too
severe, and she was soon reunited to her
husband, to whom she was fondly’, devo
tedly attached, in that world where the
pain of parting is felt and feared no more
His native State, whicli he so much
loved, to attest her sense of hits worth
and of our common loss, has perpetuated
his name in the baptism of one of her
wealthiest and most intelligent counties.
In the lapse of time, all material monu
ments will moulder, but whilst the
knowledge of the English alphabet en
dures, the name of Dougherty will
forever abide as a household word am ng
ns, interwoven indissolubly, as it will
be, with the Legislative and Judicial re
cords of our commonwealth. The
column of his fame is now complete.
Thus I have endeavored to point out
briefly, but as definitely as I could, the
peculiar excellencies of Jiylge Dough
erty’s character, avoiding'as far as possi
ble, all vague and indiscriminate praise.
My desire has been to present a faithful
portrait, arid not a Chinese painting,
which, however highly varr,i/ued and
minutely finished, would be, after ail, but
a fancy sketch, and not a true likeness of
our departed brother. It is this w'hich
we desire to preserve.
Let your resolutions then, gentlmen,
be entered on the minutes of the Court,
as a lasting testimony of onr respect and
affectionate remembrance of our deceas
ed friend and companion,
fratljeni IBatcIjuum.
LAW, ORDER, a»d the cohstitctios.
ATHENS, GA.
THURSDAY MORNING, FEB. 1, 1855
j£rMr. William Do3TB*. of Atlanta, is our au
thorized Agent in Cherokee Georgia.
jty This paper is filed, and may at all times be seen
at tlio Reading Room of Prof. Hollow*.*, 244 Strand,
London
("3T We publish this week the beau
tiful tribute to the memory of our late
distinguished and highly be'oved fellow,
citizen, the Hon. Charles Dougher
ty, delivered before the Supreme Court
of Georgia by that eminent jurist and
accomplished orator, the Hon. Joseph
H. Lumpki.y. We publish it on accouut
of its intrinsic beauty; as well as to
contribute our mite towards perpetuat
ing the memory of the distinguished
subject of it Most beautifully, elo
quently and truthfully did Judge Lump
kin acquit himself of the task imposed—
the drawing a faithful portraiture of
Judge Dougherty’s character.
Nothings are Abolitionists?, They had
as well give up-r-they can’t do that 1
In the meantime, we can but commis
erate the pitiable condition of such of
cagf Georgia cotemporaries as are found
engaged in the exceedingly small busi
ness of “ playing second fiddle” to the
National Era, New’ York Tribune, and
other Abolition prints.
His genius was not the over develope-
ment of any particular faculty, hut a thor
ough balance of all thu mental powers.
His passions and intellect—his animal
and moral nature—were admirably ad
justed, so as to blend togethei and con
stitute a complete whole.
11 is manner at the bar, and in the
Seriate chamber, was always calm,
earnest and forcible; distinguished by
masculine sense, animated reasoning,
ami powerful illustration; occasionally,
by the most impassioned appeals to the
heart and feelings. His ardor, however,
was rather the earnest vehemence of
logical deduction,-than the mere glow of
thy imagination. He possessed, with but
few of the external graces of oratory nnd
but little copiousness or polish of lan
guage,the power,in anuncommon degree,
of commanding attention and enforcing
conviction. With but little wish to
gratify the fancy, he was content to sub
due the understanding.and lead it captive
at his will.
Like most men of intellectual energy,
he seized upon tiie strong points of his
subject, and pressed them with great
vigor. Despising the glittering panoply
of the knight in the tournament, like
Hercules, with his club, he entered the
areim, armed with a single weapon, and
liis adversary was lucky if he did not
soon reel under his ponderous blows.
Judge Dougherty’s mind was eminent
ly practical, ami he weighed and consid
ered .every subject thoroughly; audit
is due to truth, and no disparagemen to
iiis memery to say, that he was more
wise than learned—that he was a think
ing rather than a reading man—that liis
mind, which was always actively em
ployed, was directed more to the actual
occurrences of life, than the speculations
of the closet—that he was formed, both
by nature and by habit, more for the
discharge of active duty, than, the con
templation of abstract science; that
while others have excelled in mere book-
knowledge, few have, exhibited more
ability for the discharge of every duty,
however various and dissimilar, wheth
er at the bar or the bench, around the
council board or in the balls of legisla
tion. As it respects the internal re-
-ources and the industrial pursuits of this
country, Judge Dougherty’s information
was minute and thorough. And of all
the men I have known, i would have
selected him as b-st. qualified to fill,
worthily, the office of Secretary of the
SLAVERY IN KANSAS.
A correspondent of the New York
Daily Times, writing from St. Louis,
uunder date of Jan. 12, that after all
the efforts made by the Northern Emi
grant Aid Societies to Abolitionise Kan
sas, it is destined to be a slave territory.
He says:
‘•From Kansas and Nebraska, the
news is that a large emigration is ex
pected early in the Spring. Kansas
wwili undoubtedly be a slave communi
ty. It will be declased such as soon as
the Legislature is assembled. This re
sult is attributable to Abolition excite
ment. Had things been left to their
natural course’ free labor would have
prepouderated The Emigration So
cieties of the North have created appre
hensions on our border which have re-
sulteb in a determined purpose to ex
clude those sent here under their aus:
pices—not by force, but by
refusal to have any social or
intercourse with them. They
ganized to effect the object,
command at any moment any amount
of capital needeb, and, if necessary,
any amount of physical force.”
a steady
business
have or-
and can
Another Georgia Fugitive in
Boston.—On Thursday week, a war
rant was issued by Charles Levi Wood
bury, of Boston, U. f? Slave Law Com
missioner, for the arrest or a black man
by the name of John Jackson, ns a
fugutive slave from Georgia. The war
rant was granted on the application ol
one Fox, captain of a coasting vessel
plying between Georgia and Virginia,
lie had formerly employed Jackson on
board of his vessel, but lie made this
application in bidmlf of hia brotlicr-in-
law, as the allegro owner. Prepara
tions were at once made for the arrest
of Jackson, but he succeed in making his
escape probably to Canada.
The “ Vigilance Committee” oFBoston
aided him in his flight, after having of
fered him the alternative of their help in
the physical resistance to the officers
whicli he was determined to make if he
should remain, The fate of Sims and
Burns however, convinced him that op
position to the law was idle, and he chose
the safer plan of a hasty flight.
GP* If you wish to be appreciated,
get rich ! The poor man’s company is
not sought, his advice not heeded, his
talents not perceived ! Get rich, and
women will think you marvellous hand
some; your common place sayings will
be repeated as gems of a brilliant intel
lect ; you will be consulted as an oracle
of wisdom, invited to feasts, and elevated
to the highest positions. There are on
ly enough exceptions to prove the gen
crality of the rule, that he is only invi
ted to dinner who can afford a good one
of his own ; and yet this sordid mean
ness pervades all society, showing it
loathsome visage in all the walks of life,
and we nurse and foster, instead of de
spising it.
Pleasure may be called the short cm
to t he touib, as it shortens time, which is
the way.
THE NATIONAL ERA AND ITS
COADJUTORS.
The National Era, at Washington
City—the groat central organ of all Abo-
litioudotn—is a little fiercer in its de
nunciations of the Know Nothings than
any paper we know of. «It complains
that it has lost large numbers of its sub
scribers, who have been seduced from
its fold to embrace the doctrines of the
Know-Nothing party—a party which it
charges with subserving the interest; of
the “ pro-slavery men of the South”—
a party which it says has “ ignored the
existence of the slavery question”'—a
party which has thrown a wet blanket
upon the anti-Nebraska enthusiasm of
the North, and which, according to the
same authority, ha3 assisted in establish
ing slavery in Kansas, by defeating the
Homestead bill, which proposed, not on
ly to give every scamp who might
visit our shores a home in the new’ terri
tories, but to make him a voter also—and
nobody knows better than the man of
the Era that they almost unanimously
vote against us—the South.
For and in consideration of all and
singular these and various other like
causes, the great Abolition organ wages
a furious warfare against the Know-
Nothings. Tiffs is all perfectly fair and
legitimate. If he is honest in his Abo
lition sentiments, of course, in this free
country, it is perfectly right and proper
that he should oppose those who thwart
the workings of his party, and who en
deavor to sap its very foundations.
We have no fault to find with the
editor of the Era. But he has a host
of coadjutors here in Georgia—engaged
in the rame work—aye, a thousand
times, worse—for, as far as we have ob
served, he confines himself to argument
and fact, and does not stoop to abuse
and misrepresentation :—we repeat.'the
Era has a host of coadjutors here in
Georgia, equally as zealous as he him
self is, in their attempts to put down the
Know Nothings. They do not, like
him, claim to be Free Soilers, and
anxious to prostrate all parties which
oppose their views—oh, no! but they
claim to be the peculiar guardians of
of the South—her exclusive defenders
against the assaults and machinations of
the Abolitionists. They cannot, with
the Era, claim that they oppose the
Know Nothings, because they differ
with them in sentiment—for, if they tell
the truth in regard to their position oft
the slavery question, the Know Noth
ings are with them. These coadjutors
of the Era‘s —chief among whom we
note the Federal Union, the Macon
Telegraph, Savannah Georgian and
Atlanta Examiner—say they oppose the
Know Nothings because (we blush
for poor human nature to record it!) be
cause they are Abolitionists!!! and
this m the face of the fact that the Era,
the Tribune, Evening Post—all the Ab
olition papers everywhere—denounce
them as a “ pro slavery organization!!!”
O, fie ! fie 1 gentlemen; we had hop
ed better things of each and every one
of you. You, who professed to be so
vastly pleased” with the Nebraska bill,
to turn around now, and denounce as
Abolitionists that very party which
“ crushed out” the anti-Nebraska ex
citement in the Free States! It won’t
do, gentlemen—it will not do—to call
them that ; - call them any thing else,
but Abolitionists never!
We remember the manner in which
Mr. Van Burfen was made to figure as a
“ Norther^ man with Southern princi
ples.” It was by stereotyping that
phrase in Southern Democratic new-pa-
KANSAS AND SLAVERY.
The impression, which strongly fasten
ed itself upon our mind in the begin
ning, that Kansas would eventually be
come a slave State, under the provisions
of the Nebraska bill, is daily gaining
strength in the public mind. Even the
red-mouthed Abolitionists themselves
are beginning to regard slavery in Kan
sas as a “ fixed fact.”
J. W. How, leader of one of the Free-
soil gangs sent out by the Emigrant Aid
Society, which left Cleveland, Ohio, on
the 23d of October last, after giving a
sad account of the disappointments of
the emigrants under his charge, gives
his opinion as follows, in regard to the
adaptation of Kansas Territory to slave
labor:
“ I made a very rough exploration of
the country. It is one vast and almost
unbroken prairie, almost destitute of
timber—but the soil is of the richest
character. Water abundant, and plenty
of stone, with some evidence of coal.
“ Time and money will enable men of
the right stamp to possess the lands, sub
due and cultivate them, and convert the
country into a very garden—a farming
paradise. Men without means can do
nothing there at present. The country
is eminently adapted to slave labor.—
Wealthy slaveholders can go there with
plenty of‘ help’ and means, and make
money, by subduing and cultivating
these lands.
“ They will do so—and despite all
efforts yet making, or means yet adopt
ed by the Free States to prevent it,
Kansas is sure to become a Slave State !
“ The Emigrant * id Companies (as
they are termed) are doing very little
indeed to accomplish their object. They
have encouraged hundereds of poor
well meaning and honest people to leave
their homes and rush into the Territory,
without means to sustain themselves
there, who must suffer everything but
death, and many of them that, if they
remain—or leave the country, and go
where they can provide for their fami
lies.”
Gen Stnngfellow, a distinguished
citizen of the frontier of Missouri, bor
dering on Kansas, in writing to certain
members of Congress on the subject,
gives the following, among other rea
sons, for believing that Kansas will be a
Slave State:
reasonable hope of bettering their
condition,' that place is Kansas as a
slave State.
The National Era, the great central
organ of Abolitiondom, in lamenting
over the prospect ahead, says: “ Mean
time, as if to help forward the nefarious
scheme, the Know ' Nothing influence
in Congress puts to death the Home
stead Bill, designed to attract bona fde
free settlers to the new Territories, simp
ly because it proposed to embrace with
in its provisions the industrious immi
grant who had declared his purpose to
become naturalized, as well as the na
tive citizen 1”
Let the Era’s coadjutors in Georgia
remember this 1 and let the people re-
membei that these much-abused Know-
Nothings, so far from being leagued
with the Frcesoilers, as falsely charged
by the Democratic press of Georgia, are
actually thwarting their “nefarious
schemes” on all sides 1
“ He says that farms must of necessi
ty be made in the prairies; that the tim
ber fot fencing and fuel is scarce and
difficult :o obtain ; that it will have to
be hauled, bv means of teams, from a
distance, and in most cases from such a
distance as to render fencing too costly
for little fields. Again, he says that the
greatest difficulty is the first cost of
breaking the prairie. This requires two
hands and at least six yoke of oxen.—
If hired, it would cost at least three dol
lars per acre: but it cannot be hired in
Kansas for years, since every man there
will have his own land to break. Each
settler, therefore, must have his own
ploughmen. These things have already
driven the abolition emissaries of the
Emigrant Societies out of Kansas in
large number ; and these things show,
in connection with others stated by Gen.
Stringfeliow, the great need of slave
labor in settling Kansas.”
pers, which repeated and reiterated the
absurdity until even they themselves fi
nally came to bdieve it! Do they ex
pect'to succeed, by similar means', in
making the people believe that the Know
The Washington Sentinel, speaking
on this subject, says: “We find, in the
Richmond Weekly Mirror, published in -
Ray county, Missouri, a statement of
the sale of certain slaves belonging to
the estate of Thomas Reeves, deceased,
which shows that the value of this
property in Missouri is even greater
than it is in Virginia or Maryland.
The average price of slaves, as indicated
by this sale, is $885; while, in the
States to which we refer, it scarcely
amounts to $800. This fact is signifi
cant, for more reasons than one.” *
* * “In their bearing upon
Kansas, the faclsto which we here allude
are full of significance. Ray county, in
which those sales have taken place, is
but a short distance from that Territory;
short, indeed, that there can
he no material difference, either in the
soil, the climate, or the productions, of
the two sections of country. What,
therefore, applies to slave labor in Ray
county, applies in an equal degree to
slave labor in the Territory of Kansas.
The interest manifested by the citizens
of this county in the introduction of
Slavery into Kansas, is also an additional
evidence that they, who from their posi
tion and their experience are the best
judges of the question, consider slave
labor as of the greatest importance in
the development of the Territory.”
Many facts and opinions, going to
show that the institution will be inevita
bly established in the new Territory,
might he added to the above; but we
forbear, at present. We never have
(we believe) advised our fellow-citizens
to leave Georgia to go any where; but
it dpes strike u« that if there is any
place to which young men of small
capital and abundant industry and in
domitable perseverance can go, with
AGRARIANISM IN NEW YORK.
It is said that crowds of foreigners,
who receive their daily sustenance from
the hands of the rich—Stewart, of the
great dry goods palace, feeding six hun
dred of them daily—are not content with
getting employment nor satisfied with
food. They indignantly refuse to work
for a dollar and a half a day, and yet
subsist on public charity 1 Large mobs
collect daily, to hear addresses from in
flammatory orators, many of whom
preach the doctrine of the New England
puritans, who resolved that the earth is
the Lord’s and the fulness thereof—that
it belonged to the Lord’s saints—and
that they were his saints. In other words,
they teach that no man should suffer
while there is an abundance, and he is
able to help himself! they wish to have
a divide /
The Washington City Star, noticing a
recent meeting of this kind in New York,
says that the speakers demanded
division of the lands of the country, and
threatened to apply the bayonet to obtain
the supremacy of social Republicanism
after the fashion of French, English,
and German Radicalism, Ag
and Atheism 1 One of the speakers. Mr,
Roedel, used the following language to
the Germans pr sent:
Brethren—For the first time I speak
in an assembly like this. We have not
all the same language, but our feelings
are the same—they united us here with
the Ain-rican people. For the advance
ment of these sentiment*, we must not
only unite with them in speeches, but
also in acts. In our country we have
fought for liberty, and many of us have
lost in battle our fathers, brothers or
Here we are free, but not free
enough ; we want the liberty of living.
(Applause )We have fought in Germany
for liberty of speech and the liberty of
the press. The German press is against
us in this movement, but we need not
care for w hat those papers say; we
must act on our own hook. Here we
have social liberty, liberty of speech,
and liberty of the press ; and when we
want anything that is just, we are bound
to obtain it. (Applause.) II you don’t
know your rights yet, hunger will teach
them to you. You don’t get bread nor
wood, and there is plenty of them. At
our revolution in June we obtained
three months credit, and when we had
no bread we soon obtained
we were 200,000 bayonets strong. I
have nothing further to say than to ad-
•iseyou to put in practice the principles
of the social republic. The Tribune
said to-day, that the rich would give us a
million if they were forced to it ; but now
they will hold their money in their pock
ets and refuse to give it up. When
the wolf is hungry he has no considera
tion, and takes his food fearlessly where
he finds it; it must he the same with the
masses. Help yourselves, aud then God
w’ill help you. We must act as the wolf,'
and we do not want any auxiliaries! Let
us act by ourselves. (Applause.)
We are not at all surprised at this. It
is hut the legitimate fruit of their train
ing. What is liberty worth, if a man
can’t help himself to whatever he wants ?
This is the idea of European Red Re
publicanism. It knows nothing of ra
tional liberty, controlled by law. Its
liberty is license.
And yet, patriotic Americans, who
wish to guard the sacred right of suffrage
from pollution, are denounced by a hire
ling press as “anti-republican,” and held
up to the people as being opposed to
liberty !!! God protect this happy coun
try from such liberty as these foreign
Red Republicaus or their American
coadjutors and sympathisers would give
it! . *
Another New Paper Material.—
A paper maker of Lee,Massachusetts,
lias several samples cf paper from the
weed known as everlasting, and which
the farners have a great dread of. It is
said to be easily converted .into pulp.
The paper made from it has a yellowish
tinge, hut a smooth,firm surface. Doubt-
btless the vegetable kingdom can sup
ply many different materials, besides
straw, from which this very necessary
article might be produced.
“I can marry any girl I please,” said
a young fellow, boastingly. “Very true;”
replied his waggish companion, *‘for yrtu
can’t please any.*’ .
GEN. COMBS A KNOW-NOTHING.
From the following extract from the
speech of the distinguished Gen. Leslie
Combs, of Ky., delivered at (lie late
Convention of the Soldiers of 1912, we
should take the distinguished old veteran
to be a Know-Nothing—at all events,
the sentiments are such as every true
American patriot can most cordially en*
dorse* We pointed out, years ago, the
gross injustice of dividing out the public
lands among the descendants ofthe Hes
sians and others who fought against our
forefathers for a shilling a day, whilst
the old soldiers of the Republic were
left unprovided for, or at best, received
but forty or sixty acres of land ! The
old veteran gives this nefarious scheme of
partizan demagogues a good bit, in the
extract below.
Gen. Combs said: No occa«ion but
the present could have induce J him to
make a public address. He was sick
at heart with the thought of the desolation
pending over himself and his family, by
the injustice ofthe Congress of the Unit*
ed States. He had been here, every
winter for the last seven years, asking
for a debt unquestionably due him, and
had been unable either to obtain his mo
ney or a tribunal in which he could as
sert his rights. But to meet with his old
comrades in arms after being separated
over forty years, was a gratification too
great, not to call for his best efforts to
assert and maintain their rights. And
let who would faint or falter by the way-
side, he would be found faithful to the
last. The definitive treaty of peace
which closed aur revolutionary war, was
signed on the 3d ofiSeptember, 1783. On
the 18th of March, 1818, a general pen
sion law was passed by a grateful Con
gress in favor of the surviving officers
and soldiers of that heroic struggle.
Thirty-five years six months and fifteen
days had only elapsed. The treaty of
peace concluded at Ghent, whicli closed
our second war with England, was sign
ed on the 24th day of December, 1815.
Forty years and fifteen days have since
rolled over our heads, and many ofthe
gallant soldiers of 1812, with blasted
frames and ruined health, were'now lin
gering out their last days in penury and
want. Why should they not be provided
for, as were their revolutionary fathers?
The country was then poor and sparsely
populated. Our population has since
increased five fold. Our treasury is full
of gold to overflowing.
Then, as to the public lands—had hot
our blood and treasure won and paid for
them ? Look at the many hard fought
battle fields in the Northwest siucethe
close of the Revolutionary war, and re.
member what we did and t-uffered during
the last war with Great Britain. Sir (said
General Combs.) a son of Kentucky has
a right to speak plainly on the subject.
If the records of the War Department
shall be examined, it will be found that
Kentucky furnished more men for sacri
fice, and shed more red blood than any
other State in the Union in redeeming
the great Northwest from the dominion
of the savages—The bones of her sons
were left to bleach on every battle field
from Ilarmar’s defeat to the glorious
victory on the Thames. What right,
then.have strangers .felons, and paupers,
from across the ocean, to come in and
share our heritage, while our old defen
ders and their children were poor and
landless. [Great applause.] This country,
it is true, is the asylum for the oppres
sed of all nations, when driven from their
native lands by ruthless despotism, but
tbo«e who sought it had no right to take
our real estate and divide it among them
selves, wiihout paying for it, and to gov
ern us on our own soil. [Applause.]
Why, sir, according to the doctrines
it, because*) G f national legislation, now coming in
fashion—while the rile wretches who
desolated our seaboard during the late
war, stood by at Fort Raisin and Meigs,
and saw, unmoved, my Kentucky bro
ther soldiers massacred and burned, and
the villains who fired the Capitol and
threw in the streets the types and press
of the National Intelligencer, by a simple
declaration of an intention to become
American citizens, will, each of them,
have 160 acres of land—while thegaL
lant militia of New-York and Vermont,
who helped ta drive back the English
and their savage allies at Plattsburg, the
Saratoga of the second war of indepen
dence, and the Louisiana, Tennessee
and Ken.’ycky militia, who fought with
Jack-on at New-Orleans, receive hut
40 acres each—hardly enough fop 9
graveyard.
lie solemnly protested against all such
iniquitous measures, which were gener
ally the basis used by ambitious politi
cians to gain high places and power*
What would have been the fate of the
Congress of 181^, if, instead of pension
ing the poor survivors of General Wash
ington’s bare-footed soldiers, who march
ed across the Delaware on the ice, and
gained those brilliant victories at Tren
ton and Princeton, they had dared to
divide out our pnblic domain among th©
Hessians who fought against us?
Thank God, there was evidence?
throughout the length and breadth of
the land an uprising feeling in the
American heart to rebuke such crying
injustice. Stand to your arms, my boys$
the old soldiers of the Indian wars since
1790, and those who fought in 1812,
would yet get their rights, and. so would
the widows and orphans of those who
have died or been killed. [Great Cp-
l
>S !
■ ap
plause.]
The Mesilla Valley, recently pnrclias- •
ed from Mexico, was formally taken pos- ,
session of, on the lpt'h November, by a
military force undcii Col, Miles, who
had been despatched for that» purpose
from Santa Fe by Gek Garland. Th©
starsi .and gripes, wejpe hoisted on (lie
cotton tree, and sRjmJled by‘two 13|b.
howitzers. The inhabitants.'’|CMMd j
plumed with the chaingV*.
\'*H