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L- -,r» •’L.i.atmm
Address of the State Council
OF THE AMERICAN PARTY,
A 3 £ I : M B L T. L I! T. V F.NU S AT XACO.V,
TO THE PEOPLE OF *iE0R«IA v
The American Party presents to the.
People their candidate for the Execu
tive Chair, in the person of the Hon.
CAR NETT ANDREWS, of Wilkes;
and a programme of their Principles.
Of the farmer, ifhiay be proper to say.
that he is an able, honest man—a true
and an agreeable gentleman. His
character is known to the country, and
it i< neither necessary nor in accordance
with our principles to deal in extrava
gant eulogy.
Of our principles we might say much,
hut must content ourselves with little.
They constitute the basis of a recent
organize ion which it has been fashiona
b!e to denounce as violative of the con
stitution of the Union, and treasonable
to the Slave institution of the South—
as loving darkness because its deeds
are evil—a< ashamed of its principles,
and afraid to avow ‘ its purposes. Its
working machinery has been secret,
that its beginning might be inaugurated.
It was a condition of its being, that it
should for a season hide its life. Yet
its principles have been known, nod if
not heretofore known, are now pro
claimed. It meets the light and con
fronts its foes. It casts its principles
broadly over the land—invites the scru-
tinv of the wise and good, and defies
alike, the criticisms of honest dissent,
Suite nod nation, has reduced the ac-
'ionof both to a l.uniiiating struggle for
the loaves and the fishes. Each charges
the other with fraternization with the
°* ,he North'; each
claim* for itself allies and sympathisers
upon- the slave question among its
Northern associates; both are unwilling
to forego the advantages ofa national
connection; whilst Freesoilism grows
daily more arrogant and aggressive—the
Union has been hurried to jhe verge of
dissolution, and the future of our country
wears unmistakable portents of disaster
if not ruin. No sensible man now be
lieves that the South can rely upon
Northern Whigs or Democrats for the
maintenance of her constitutional rights.
Whilst all this is true of these parties as
such, the great body of the people are
true to the Constitution—true to the civi
lization and Christianity of the age—true
to right, honor and justice. Amid the
wild uproar of parly conflict'—quieted
by party triumphs or stupefied by party
defeats—their voice has not been raised,
or if raised, not heard. The patriotism
and sound sense of the people have been
in abeyance. They now assert their
control. The people ask to be heard.
They unfurl their banner—it is the ban
ner of the Constitution, and the rallying
cry is Americans shall rule America,
The proportions lately promulgated
by the State Council express their opin
ions concisely, but clearly and forcibly
stated, upon every question of general
and the adroit perversions of dema
gogues and office seekers. To begin at
all was heroism—to prevail will he all
_ ....
importance. In submitting them to the
consideration of tbe voters of Georgia,
the hope is entertained that they will
command the approval of every lover of
but miraculous. Standing in opposi-' pure morality and sound statesmanship,
tier, to all other Parties, Party leaders j Of them it may be said, generally, that
have sus tended their conflicts, and put i whilst not one jot or tittle of the peculiar
aside their prejudices and hushed the rights of our section is comproraitted,they
clamors of long embittered Party pas- \ nre strongly national and conservative,
sion, to cruah it. Old resentments «ro j What is dear to patriotism in the plat-
smothcrcd—old doctrines are postpon-. form of any party, at the South, they
ed or ianored—the most violent anta- contain—whilst they embody principles
gonisms have been harmonized, and ( which no party has heretofore ventured
strange alliances formed; that a power , to avow »
in the State arising the independence of | “ We are hut of yesterday, and know
officeholders and aspirants for office, | ‘tlligence, the knowledge of statesmen
by di -solving the charm of Party do- ,» verily nothing, and what they do know
mination. And therefore arrayed against should teach humility. Well, therefore,
it, are the stereotyped usages of a great! doKS their programme of principles open
and prevailing Party, and of a self teli- W . 5 M> the recognition of the Divine sover-
.-.:it, vanquished, yet struggling minority , e *g n, y- and an acknowledgment of that
—Democracy stimulated by the pres-; distinguishing goodness which from the
tige of success, and Whiggery nerved beginning has marked our career as a
by the mortification of defeat Arrayed . « at *<)n. Disclaiming all pretension that
against it, are all the casts of politics— lbe American 1 arty t * religiously better
the intolerance of official station—the than others, yet it is a fact worthy of
rankIu3tof official aspiration, as «r<*ll note, 'hat * 1 avows its dependence upon
ns the associations and Party habitudes y™- They concede, in terms, what it
of the people. Aware of the inequali-, believed no po.itical party Slnce tbe
tv of the contest upon which it enters, Revolution has expressly declared the
it is nevertheless undismayed. It relies sublime truth, that Christianity isi * an
upon the power of virtue and the" in- i clement of our political systena, and
vincibifi y of truth. It must prevail if yiat the Bible is its source. As ours
patriotism is might but a p**me—if rero-. ,s eminently a government of opinion,
lutionary memories are not extinct—if and as opinion is only re-iable as a poli-
tlie Constitution is any thing hut an |>cal element when enlightened, they
antique scrip—if religion retains Us , »™ sl ^ the education of youth is an
purity and American history be not a obligation of the State. .Ar.d as f ee-
fiibitr 1 dom °P in,on ,s indispensable to civil
' The necessity of such a Parly was 1 auJ religious liberty, they equally insist
found in the departure of the Govern- ‘ «** P»Wic scl ‘« o1 ? sl,al1 be , comm ? n to
m^nt from its primary constitutional " WIl hout distinction- of crped or
course—in the increase of Executive pyrty*-and free from, any influence or
pawer and patronage—in the deter iora-. direction of a dcnommational or partisan
lion ofthe representative character—in character.’ Thalrne conscience may
tha absence from the councils of the N a- be free to .interpret the Bible for itself,
ticn and Stales of wise and good men, they protest against its exclusion from
and the presence there of noisy braw- . schools established by the State. 1 hus
lers and mediocre statesmen—in the would they combine secular and sacred
prevalence at the North and West of, instruction without intolerance, and
Fattions originating in the wildest vi- diffuse religion throughout the body
sions of radicalism, or in tbe mo-t re- P°htic, without a union of ecclesiastical
volting tl.ories in morals—in irrever-! a,,d political power. What a contrast
cnee for venerable names and establish- do tl,ese catholic sentiments exhibit to
ed princibles -in insubordination to' tl,e action ai,d P oli< -7 of tlie Romish
the Laws—in disregard of the obliga-! church, which, by the evidence of every
lion of treaties—in the want of ability page of its history, has wielded an iron
ami prudence in the national represen- despotism over the mind and conscience,
tution at Foreign Courts, a d in the '7 fostering ignorance, and withholding
combined assault upon the Slave institu- ( lbe Bible from the people!
tions of tbe South, of Fani isism and ( As we recede from the Revolutionary
political selfishness. The e evils in day, the example of the Revolution be-
great part originated in and arc sustain- 1 comes less and less influential. We
ed by, a prodigious influence operating arc prone to undervalue the principles
directly through the ballot box, and in- in which that great event originated,
directly through its demoralizing action t'ie valor that achieved, and the saefi-
upon the Whig and Demo ratio Parties. ficcs that consecrated it. The stern
We ine.’O ll e voting power of the va-t virtues of that glorious era are I eld to>
body (wi'oreignrs who have come among slow for this progressive age. The
us since the revolution, and whose an-1 simplicity and purity of our Fathers are
nually increasing accessions threatened ridiculed as weakness or denounced as
to overwhelm the infix e population, f maticism, and the republic which they
. From no existing Party could the arrest constructed in lihod and baptised in
of these evils be hoped. On the con- tears, is considered by many as illy
ir try, the actual condition of Parlies 'adapted to the wants, and a reproach to
was calculated to inflame them. After the illumination of this generation. The
years of I eroie contest, the Whigs are maxims of Washington have lost much
beaten upon all the o’d issues between of their authority as rules of political
them and the Democratic Party. The conduct : and only a few months since
Democratic Prrtv, victor upon a thou- an impudent foreign r, a pauper by con-
sand fields, reigns supreme. They "Cession and n guest by charity, dared to
possess the Government, State and Na- arraign <oe/t him, the revered of all na
tional—they wield the power of office tions, at the bar of American opinion,
—they shape the policy of the nntio ». * for ignorance and,folly. And the na-
foreign nod domestic, and flushed with tions of the earth saw with amazement
succcs ', anil responsible to nobody, that some were found base enough and
they are uu-ihleatid unwilling to restore weak enough to countenance the charge,
the Government to its original purity The mission of the American Party,
and simplicity. Success inspires arm- among other.things, is to restore, the
gance and irresponsibility engenders government to the strength and purity
pride. No wonder then that iu por- 1 of its early days—to reinstate the au-
tions of the Union they haie become ( thority of its framers—to inspire rever-
deploraMy corrupt, end every where ,ence for historic names, and respect
regardful lua’n'y of the means and ap- | for revolutionary virtue; and thus to
plinuccs of retaining power ! Alibis establish anew’the Constitution of the
moment we beh 11 a great people ruled , Union in the hearts of the people,
* by cliques, caucuses, and conventions j reverts to first principles, and it remem-
- by an associated Few—tint in t* «.* j bers first men. It looks at our system
name of tbe people supp e sing the very i of government not so much in the light
beginnings of resistance to their domi- of its present relations to the wjrld, as
mtio:i, and busied ever and anon with . in the light of the principles aud sacri-
the c mvenient child's play of adjusting j-.fices upon which it started, The sour-
Platforras to suit the varying state of ces ofour civil aud religious liberty it
the times. 3 j finds in the Reformation, h > great
Where in the hi.-tory of Free Govern- English Revolution, and.in tint majestic
tneul has a triumphant anduver-s.vjtlling j truth which Christianity—Protestant
inaj >j-ity been found capable uf reform ? i Christianity^ -alone reveals, that all
On the other hand, the Whigs, disdain * men are equ d.
ing responsibility because out of pow Naiinns »»
wrong or cupidity sanctify rapacity.
The man or the naliorith&t stoop* to a
violation of these precepts, stands con
ed by the moral sense of the civi-
vforbt, and by-the rules of private | i
W e therefore hold that the
ent shall abide the faith of trea-
respeetthe rights *of other State^,
with unswerving .determination
t respect for her own rights.
Charged with the trust of our own
institutions—holding in our hands the
destiny of tw’enty-five millions of people,
and responsible for the happiness of the
teeming additional millions destined
soon to inhabit this broad land; with
ample scope and verge for an empire
wider and grander than Imperial Rome
in her palmiest day; it is our duty to
develop our own vast resources—»to
guard and perpetuate our own liberty—
and to stand aloof from the conflicts and
complications of Europe. Surely we
have work enough to do at home. Our
obligations are sufficiently strog to task
the energies of the greatest minds—the
ends to be accomplished sufficiently
great to satisfy the cravings of the most
lofty ambition—and the motives to ac
tion pure enough and strong enough to
prompt the most energetic exertions.
Our vocation is to watch the fires
that burn on the altar of A mericati free
dom, content to know that its light is a
beacon to the nations. Whilst moving
apart in the high sphere to which Provi
dence has assigned us, we are not in
different to the struggles of opinion
against prerogative, and of popular
right against despot ism elsewhere. We
are propagandists of republicanism, not
by direct intervention, but by the prompt
recognition of free governments wher
ever they exist de facto, by fearless pro
mulgation of our own opinions and
policy, and above all by the example of
a great and united people, secure and
happy under the operation of demo
cratic institutions.
In regard to the relative power of the
States and National Governments, it
is sufficient to say, that we recognise
“ the rights of the several States as ex
pressed and reserved in the constitu
tion:” and insist upon {I a careful avoid
ance by the General Government of all'
iaterfirence with their rights by legisla
tive or executive action.” The Con
stitution limits tlie power of the Gener
al Government—its powers are such and
no more, as are expressly granted, and
as are necessary to give effect to express
grants. AIL the balance of power and
right belongs to the States, or is reserv
ed to the people of the Stales. In the
legitimate exercise of their respective
powers is found the admirable virtue of
our Federative system. Encroach
ment by either is equally to be depreca
ted, and to prevent it, tlie exercise of
doubtful powers should be carefully
avoided. As the constitution is tie
rule and measure of the rights and ob
ligations of the Federal and State Go
vernments, obedience to that—sacred—
prompt and profound—from all depart
ments and officers of both, is the only
guarantee of order and permanency. If in
die expansion .of territory—die com
plications of interest, or because of our
varying relations witli foreign States,
that instrument is fou/id by experience
to be insufficient; then wc say, let :io
man, or officer, or Party, or department,
v'o’ate its provisions, or stretch its
limitations to caver the wants of the
hour, but let the amending power be in
voked.
The immigration oT paupers an
felon i should cease. Our
due first to the poor of our
try, and if in our abounding prosperity
our resources of benevolence exceed
the home demands, then tve are entitled
to select other objects of our bounty.—
Enforced charity can lay no claim iq
merit, and the old world has no more
right to burden us with her paupers,
than to constrain us to pay the cost of
her wars. Neither natural generosity
nor de obligations of Christianity, re
quire the American Union to become
the alms house of the Nations. As
poverty is too often attended with dis
ease and deprivation, the advent of pau
pers is not unfrequeudy marked by the
diffusion of pestilence physical and raor-
Much less are we willing that our
country should become the Botany Bay-
of all humanity. The criminals of
Europe are sent to to us by a systematic'
policy. Desperate from guilt and ripe
for illegal adventure, they prey like ob
scene «birds upon our communities.
The influence of thrir presence readies
the sources of our wealth—the peace of
families, and the purity of our politics.
The American Union sprung not
from the Revolution, like Minerva
privileges are withdrawn—when the
nion becomes the instrument of wrong
ud oppression, why then, if that melan
choly day should indeed qoii** 1 haying
exhausted theargn
our arms.”
The institutions >
endangered by the
eigners, and one of
I our country are
Dting" power of for-
lie ends of the New
is subordinate to tbe paramount allegi
ance which be^Qwes^tQ the head of the
Catholic Churfcli.
The Romish priertliood know no alle-
ce but that which they owe to the
—•all else is subsidiary!. And
are' oaths of allegiance to the
party, is to procure such modification of
the Naturalization Laws as will restrain
that power, and place the power of rul
ing America in the hands of Americans.
We do not propose to interfere with any
existing right of citizenship. Obedience
to' the laws lies at the foundation of our
creed. So long as they are unrepealed
we shall obey their behests. That the
existing Naturalization Laws are evaded
by frauds and made nugatory by con
struction, is not a matter of question.
Such as they are, they are but the pre
tence of a limitation upon the elective
franchise. In the race after votes, the
politicians have striven who shall first
relax them. Foreigners are the favor-
U.nion, with men who believe that they
con be any time discharged from its
obligation, or Absolved for its violation,
With unconditional consecration and
invincible zeal, they are, the world over,
the servants of Rome. The claim of
the Pope is that he is the vicegerent of
God—the successor of St. Beten, and
infallible—that there is but one church,
and all who do not edhere to it are
heretics—that all temporal power is
subordinate to that of the church—that
kings, emperors, constitutions, legisla
tures, and all peoples, are rightfully
subject to His authorito. These pre
tensions have cast down thrones, reared
the Inquisition, lit up the earth with
the flames ofmartprdom, and have come
hither also, to subside and rule thi»
ties of National and Slate Legislation.' nat>o»- The master curse of all bumani-
Privileges have been conceded to them *y is the Romish hierarchy. They deny
which native citizens might ask for in ,he right of private judgment—they
vain. Knowing the weight of the foreign patronize ignorence, lest intellect and
vote, Parties—Legislatures, Executives i conscience should question their supre-
and a largo portion of the party press, macy they withhold the Bible from the :
have stooped to conciliate it, until prac- ' people, lest the people should learn their
ticaiUy. the moment an emigrant 6ets miserable impostures at the hands of
foot .upon our soil, lie is invested with God—thay enforce obedience through
citizenship. An emigrant lands at New the terrors of excommunicatian ; and
York, and in ten days he is in Knnzas. when that fails, they have been wont,
The day he arrives he declares liis pur-, through long centuries, to turn the re
pose to becomes a citizen, and that done cusant over to the secular arm to be
he goes to the polls, and by’ the elective burned ; and if the secular power de'
franchise takes part in making a consti- dines to act, weal then? Why, then it
mlion for Kansas. Is he a safe deposi- i s °f the pale of the church, and fire
tory of the power ? What does he know an *l sword, and bulls, and anathemas,
of our institutions ? What interest has and revolution, are let l.»ose to accotn-
he in the Government. His associations plish its overthrow. A convenient means
are with the fatherland—accustomed to [ of enforcing States is to absolve sub-
a government of the sword and the bayo- jects from their oath of allegiance. It
net, what can be know or feel of subordi- is the ally of despotism, as iu Italy and
nation to law ? of the authority of con- Austria—it paralises free government as
stiiutions—of an enlightened public sen- in Mexico and South America—it ar-
timent—of the responsibility of citizen- rests civilization, as in Spain and Portu*
ship? Relieved from despotism with gal. It commands the will of its mem-
lawless rebound, his only idea of liberty . bership, by the magnificence of its out-
is to do what he fists. No wonder that ward array, by the splendor of its ritual,
thenainesof foreigners occupy such large and by the fear of its curse acting upon
space on our criminal calendars. The ( s-upersition.
danger to our institutions becomes alarm- j He who denies these propositions is
ing when we reflect upon the numerical ignorant of liiitorv^qr willingly falsifies
strength of the foreign vote—yet more i t . t h e .se things be so then we ask, is
alarming when we note its power of can- ; t an unreasonable demand that foreign-
ct-ntralion. and even terrific when we ad- er3 be deprived of the right t«» vote until
vert to the fact that the larger part of it 1 t b ey shall have been in tliecouutry twen-
is not voluntary but is wielded by cun. , yK)ne yea , s ? We think not. We are
ning Priests and political ecclesiastics- pledged to resist the aggressions of the
What this power wiH be, may be learned | Catholic church, and we reist the promo-
from the fact that the immigration may j t ; on to office- of all persons who are not
of Pennsylvania has ratified it. Now,
if it be the- objedt, as it unquestionably
is, of the Southern States to maintain
|he Union, whilst tjiey maintain intact
their 8fiiviMBKi«htsl when, in all coming
time is it to be expected that any organi
zation will command such elements of
power to effect these great ends ?■
Sound on tlie question which, with us is
paramount to all others, and upon on all
others liberal and conservative, it is dif
ficult to imagine that it will not be accepta
ble to the people of Georgia. Upon it,
all parties can, if they will, unite, and
upon it, we believe the suffrages of the
people will concentrate. It is rich in
the promise of future good, and offers
the means of solving the problem of the
age, to-wit: how shall the Union be pre
served, and at the same time, the rights
ofthe South be maintained. It preter
mits any expression of opinion «s to the
power-of Congress to establish or pro
hibit slavery in the territories, free upon
that subjeet. So ought it to be left, be
cause, opinions on that suhject, even at
the South, are different. But it express
ly declares that Congress ought not to
legislate upon the subject'of Slavery
within the territory ofthe Uuited States,
and that every interference by Congress
with Slavery, as it exists in the District
of Columbia, would be violative, of the
spirit arid' 'intention ofthe compact by
which .the State of Maryland ceded the
District to the United States, and a
breach of the National Faith. It “abides
by and maintains the existing Laws up
on the subject of Slavery, as a final and
conclusive settlement of that subject, in
spii it and in substance.” Thus affirm
ing the Compromise measures—the legi
slation in relation to the territory of
Kansas—the Fugitive Slave law and the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. And
it asserts in unequivocal terms the doc
trine which all parties at the South
hold to, to-wit: the doctriue declaring
that Congress possesses no power under
the constitution to legislate upon the
subject of Slavery in the States where
it does or may exist, or to exclude any
State from admission into the Union,
because its constitution does, or does not
recognize the institution of Slavery as a
part of its social system. Consistently
with and in addition to these things, we
stand upon the Georgia Platform. What
more cau be asked of any Party ?
We respectfully submit our candidate
and onr principles, to the patriotism and
intelligence ofthe people of Georgia
foreigners we mean all foreigners. Catho-! power', civil or ecclesiastical. If, there-
lics from Ireland and Italy—Infidels ' f ore> a member'of the Catholic church,
from Germany—Protest »nts from Pi us- ; native born, dees not in fact hold civil
sia and Sweden-—Jow6 from the er.ds ^ allegiance to a foreign power, civil or
of the earth and Idolaters from China. ! eoclesiasiic<'l, lie may be supported for
The right of all States to prescribe the | 0 ffi C c as any other native. If such an
terms of citizenship is not questionable, Q ne desires our suffrage, the burden of
aiid the prescription of terms is, so far I'proof lies upon him to show that he holds
as -we know, universal. It was so j n o such allegiance. This has been call
among the Jews—at Rome; in England et ] unconstitutional. We deny that it is.
the power of Parliament is invoked to
naturalize a foreigner; with us Con
gress is expressly clothed with the power
to establish a uniform rule of naturali
zation. We are not content with any
effort to correct abuses under existing
laws; we desire that the laws may be so
framed as that no foreigner shall be al
lowed o vote until he has resided in the
country 21 year?, wc would subject him
charities arc j to the civil probation to which our cliil-
r own coJtKi dt en are subjected. It is absurd that an
educated native is incompetent to vote
at the age of 20 years and 3G3 days
whilst an ignorant foreigner, an imbe
cile, in political capacity, may vote as
soon as he arrives in the country. Such
a law is no hardship to the fo: e’gner—it
will operate prospectively. We owe
J.| u nothing ; if he Ikes not our terms of
«i izenship . in God’s name let him stay
away. It hits been said that the result of
such a law would create in cur midst a
degraded caste—a mongrel condition of
freedom and slavery combined—without
the dignity of the latter and the security
necessary to the former.. The history
of civilized States negatives thowssump-
fion—reason negatives it—our consti
tution which requires & naturalization
law at all denies it. Our Franklins,
Washingtons and Jeffersons did not so
think. Our experience denies it; for the
unnaturalized foreigners in our midst
are not, whilst serving their probation,
more degraded than after naturalization
Such castes are found in every civilized
State of the Union. How c.in men oc
cupy a degraded position who are pro
tected in their persons—in character—
Mntjjeru Mrlpan.
DISTRICT CONVENTION.
The American Party of this District ha*
been satisfied for sometime past of the
necessity of a convention for the nomi'
nation of a suitable gentleman torepre-*
sent us in the next Congress.
Mr. Cobb has been left in the field
“ solitary and alone” long enough to
show his hand,” and having clearly
demonstrated, by his recent pilgrimage
through the District, that he is zealously
co-operating with Foreign Jesuits iri
their warfare against American Nation
ality and Protestant Civilization, and
denounced the American Party, without
having been attacked by it, in the most
approved style of blackguardism recent-'
ly introduced by his foreign backers—>
it is high time that the American party
—abused ar.d insulted by him aa it has
been, although composed in a large de->
gree of his former supporters—should
place a candidate in the field worthy of
their confidence and support. In taking
his step, Mr. Cobh and bis new-made
friends can find no just ground of com-*
plaint against his former admirers, whom
he has denounced in the choicest hillings-
gatefcrom one end of the District to the
other. He cannot now expect them to
stultify themselves by voting for liim af
ter he has wantonly, maliciously and
without provocation, outraged their feel
ings and misrepresented their motives.’
There being no question in regard to
the necessity of a Convention, all that
remains to be settled is the time and
place of meeting. After consultation
with friends, and in accordance with
their advice, we suggest ggy" Gaines-
vii.i,Ejg?j as the place, and ^’Tuesday
the 24th inat. jJ gPj as the time for holding
tne convention.
It is deemed desirable that every
council in the District should send dele
gates, and not only so, but that there
should be county delegations to repre
sent the outsiders— the friends and sym
pathisers of Hie movement who are not
members of the order, but who adopt its
principles.
UW, OfiDII, A-rtD fHV C’dNSTtTUTION.
luve maintained a sturdy resistance to
their oonquuors. Their yffurts as a
p irty have been limited of late to dar-
Nations are no more exempt from th?
obligations of honor, honestyiiiid mora
lity, than individuals. Fidelity to con
tracts can never yield to the demands of
l.ut spasmodic efforts to unseat the policy, without ignominy. Justice is
- »co , Thus it is that the absent e the first attribute of nationality. Neccs-
eat, issues upon old principles sity, the plea of tyrants, lias no place in
the two great parties of tie Free States; and interest cannot justify
cord is found in the history of the Re
formation, and the history of England
from Magna Charta, to the sailing of
the Mayfliwer, as well as in our own
Cob ninl history. Its principles ir.-
spired the genius of John Milton, and
were written with the blood of Hampden
and Vaue. Our fathers carae to the
New world to escape from King-craft
and Priest-craft—Years pf training
prepared a people for Freemen—British
tyranny brought on tbe revolution-'hen
came the conflict—the. confederation—
the Constitution, and Io! the American
Union fair as the Moon—clear as the
Sun, and terrible as an/army|with Ban
ners. We read its value in the price
that was paid for it. We love it and
shall maintain it, for it is the source of
our prosperity, our protection against
Foreign Power, aud the guarantee of
our future greatness. We shall main
tain it against intrigues front abroad
and factions at home—against conflicts
of interest and of policy—and against
sectionalism and fanaticism. We shall
forbear aud compromise, so long as the
exercise of these virtues involves tlie
abandonment of no vital principles;
r jther than hazard its disruption. We
right of voting,
luntarily assumed.
or do we propose to shut our doors
n the world, but that we continue to
the asylum of the oppressed of all
nations. Let the victims of civil and
ecclesiastical tyranny come. What we
mean to say is, that with our consent
they >hail not rule the land. Sujierad-
ded to all other disqualifications, so far
as the Cath'olie foreigners are concerned,
is the subjection ofthe Catholic people
to their Priests. The number of Catho
lies in our Union has been variously esti
mated, from three to four millions, and
three fourths of the immigration is Catho
lic. This large body is governed by
their Priests and Bishops. When it
suits their purpose, they direct the whole
voting power of that communion upon a
Single* point, and in the close division of
parties, they determine elections. And
who are they that grasp thus the ruling
power ofthe nation ? They are the ap
pointees and servants of Rome. Arch
bishop Hughes of New York, derives
his commission from the Pope, lie is
amenable to him ; he is required to re
pair to His Holiness once in three years,
to report and to receive instructions. lie
questions, when agitation serves only to
deprecate the agitation of sectional owes no allegiance to auy other prince
Slate or potentate. He may have taken
exasperate. But when constitutional it is true, the oath a N‘jgiance here,
right > withheld, and constitutional but that, by the faith and usage of Rome.
The Constitution of the United States
declares “that no religious test shall ever
be ' r quired ns a qualification to any
office or public trust under the United
Statesand further, “ that Corigress
shall make no law respecting an estab
lishment of religion, or prohibtifng the
free exercise thereof.” These clauses
deny the right ofthe government to in
terfere, by legislation or otherwise, with,
the right of pri vate judgment. The
prohibition is upon tbe State. We de
precate any such interference.; we abhor
test oaths; and we detest the very idea
of a State religun. We invoke no leg's
lation—wt ask no governmental iiiteor-
ference.We simply as citizens claim the
right ofchoice amongst men for office.
That right is secured to us by the Con
stitution. As citizens in the exercise
of the elective franchise we say, that in
our judgment the fact that a man is n6t
a native, and if a native, the fact that be
holds allegiance to a foreign power, is
good ground to’decline to vote for him.
Wepiefer native?. We have a right to
discriminate amongst men. To carry
out our preference, we liave^he legal
right to combine and to use any means
not forbidden by law. And in relation
to offices tilled by appointment, we hold
that the appointing power should be
governed by the same principles. Who
shall rise up and deny to us the right of
making pur choice of men to rule over
us, to depend upon their religion or their
allegiance to a foreign power? It is
curious to note that this objection comes
from those who by all the machinery of
party,in secret and in pnblic.m6ved heav
en and earth to excludefrom office those
who differ with them in opinion. We
leave the Ct.tho’ic to think as he pleases
and to worship God how, and where,
and when, lie pleases. His religion we
leave to himself and his Maker. If be
wants our suffrage For office, for reasons
satisfactory to outlives we simply say
to him, we prefer a native and aProtes-
tai.t. The very thing that is charged
upon us we are laboring to prevent
that is, a union of ecclesiastical with poli
tical power. We behold iq the United
States a great voting power in combina
tion with a great ecclesiastical power,
and both wielded by a priesthood respon
sibl'e to a|foreign power. That combina
tion we shall resist, us dangerous to our
institutions, byall means that are eonsti
tutional and legal.
The Platform which we present to the
country on the subject of slavery, is high
er and broader than any that hits ever
been reared by any National Party, It
commends itself tu the patriotism of the
South, and will be vindicated by the
enlightened friends of the Union in every
section of the nation. Neither the Whig
nor the Democratic Party has at any
time heretofore, iii any National Con
vention, taken as high grounds—^ground
which concede to the South all which
she ciin rightfully claim. The Pliila
delpl.it Platform received the sanction
of the representation of < ightce i States
in that body, including the great StatoJ
o'" N^w York, and the American Party 1
ATHENS, OA,
THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 12. IS55
l?©r Governor,
GARNETT ANDREWS
OF WILKES.
OT.Mr. R. M. Hitch is ail authorized
travelling agent for this paper.
cr Mr. M. A: Harrison is also an au
thorized travelling agent.
M. L.VXD3CM, Esq., is our authorized
agent for Oglethorpe county.
THE WATCHMAN
FOR THE CAMPAIGN!!
To meet the wishes of oar friends, and
iff the hope of aiding the great cause,
e are induced to offer our paper for
the campaign at FIFTY CENTS to sin
gle subscribers, or TWELVE copies
for FIVE DOLLARS—the cash to ac
company the order, in all cases.
COUNTY MEETING.
We are authorized to give notice that
the American Party of Clarke county
will meet in the court house at Wulkins-
ville, on Saturday, the 21st instant, for
the purpose of making nominations for
the Legislature.
AH persons frieudly to the Great Ame-
rican Movement, are earnestly and cor
dially invited to attend.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We trust we shall be pardoned by our
correspondents for* any apparent neg
lect they may have suffered at our hands
during our recent absence or con
finement from sickness after our return.
We trust to get affairs “straightened
out”~a little shortly.
We hate opologies, but it is due
to ourself to inform the reader that wc
have keen prevented by indisposition
from giving our usual attention to the
Watchman this week.
We publish this week, to the
exclusion of much editorial matter, the
Address of the committee of Abe late
Macon Convention to the People of the
State of Georgia. We hope every mat;
and woman in the State will give this
document a careful perusal. Lei
them weigh well its facts and argu
ments, and then, free from partizat
prejudice, and determined (God helping
them) that they wJH.do their whole duty
as clifistiam and patriots, let them press
steadily forward in defence of Ameri
can Nationality and Protestant Civil
ization.
SdF*The Fourth was celebrated by* tht
students in college, and by an oration ai
the Town Hall, to tbe Athens Guard.-
and citizens generally, by W. G- Delony
i * v *'*'*i*\ J -'
FOREIGN NEWS.
The latest arrival is ihat of the Ame
rica, which reached Halifax on the 4tli.
Cotton had declined slightly.
This arrival brings important, though
meagre, intelligence from the seat of
war, The French and English had
made a combined attack on the Russian
works, and been repulsed with great
slaughter—jhe English loss being 40'J0.
Mr. Cobb in Jackson.—We under
stand, from reliable authority, that an
actual count disclosed, the fact that but
142 persons could be drummed up to
listen to the vile abuse and gross
slander of the American party, by tl e
“Pope’s Nuncio” at Jefferson last Satur
day—and 75 of the number believed to
be Know Nothings!! The people of
Jackson will not soon forget his last two
preceding political missions to- that
county—first as o Union-saver, and then
as Governor, to beg the people to vote
for H. V. Johnson, charged by Mr. G\
and hi*, friends, at <Jne time, as being one
of the most dangerous disunionists in the
State—in order that he, the said Cobb,
might be elected U. S. Senator.
In Franklin, we understand^he num
ber was estimated at only 200!
JUST AS WE EXPECTED !
Our readers ’no doubt haye seen the
story of the Know Nothing Council en
tirely broken up at Tuskcgee,Ala., which
several of the Foreign Catholic organs
of this State,have copied from the At
lanta Examiner. Of course, nobody ac
quainted with the true character of
the-e reckless sheets would attach any
importance to what they might publish
on any subject, but as some persons,
not so well informed, might be disposed
to give credence to their “ cock and
bull stories,*’ we make the following ex
tract from a letter to the editor of this
paper, written by a gentleman of Tus-
kegec.
Alter admitting that some office-huut-
crs (who ought never to have been ad
mitted) have withdrawn aud their places
been filled with helper men,! our infor
mant says,
** For the information ofthe Atlanta
Examiner, the West Point Beacon, the
— —and other small-calibre
journals which are so fond of publishing
“grabbled extracts,” permit me to state
that we have some fifteen hundred vo
ters in Macon county, of which number
eleven hundred are Know Nothings;
and if Watts don’t beat. Dowdlc in this
district, they may have my hat. 1 ’
We have cautioned our readers time
and again to beware: of the stnteinciHs
of these foreign sheets. When native
AmeriqnrtColor# and give
aid and comfort to the foreign enemy,
we have no confidence in any thing
they may say. All these stories about
: withdrawals arc lmiifbogs. “ Sam” is
I this^ minute gathering strength moije
lSdieY!l*|A Ut-