Newspaper Page Text
v.
UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY
VOLUME II.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 9, 1855.
NUMBER 19
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY JOHN H. CHRISTY,
EDITOR AJ»D mo>RIETOB.
Terms of Subscription.
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ance-. otherwise,THREE DOLLARS will be charged
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Rates of Advertising.
Transient advertisement* wilibeinaerted at One
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Legal and yearly advertisements at the usual rates
Candidates will bo charged |S for announcements,
and obituary noticesoxootviingsix linos in length will
be charged a* advertisement*.
When the number of insertions isnotmatlcedon and
advertisement, it will bo published till forbid, and
tharged accordingly.
‘Iksintss null ^rnfissinnal ttlis.
J oHN II. CHRI STY,
PLAIN AND FANCY
Book and Job Printer,
“Franklin Job Office,” Athens. Ga.
♦% All work entrusted to bis care faithfully, correctly
and punctually executed, at prices correspond-
jsnlfl ing with the hardnexsof ihe time.-.. tf
IPoliticaL
C. B. LOMBARD,
DENTIST,
ATHENS, GEORGIA.
ttuomanver the Store of Wilson & Veal. Jan3
PITNER & ENGLAND.
Wholesale & Retail Dcalersin
tlroccricsjDryOoods,
HARD If ARE, SHOES AND BOOTS,
April 6 Athens, Ga.
MOORE & CARLTON,
DEALERS IS
SILK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS.
HA Ml WAME AND CROCKER Y.
April No. S, Granite Row. Athens, Ga.
LUCAS & BILLUPS,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN
DRY GOODS,
GROCKlUES, HARDWARE. Ac. Ac.
No. 2, Broad Street. Athens.
WILLIAM G. DELONY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office over the store :>1 Wnt >1. Merton & Son
Will attend promptly to nil business entrust-
ed vo bis care. Atheus, April 6
P. A. SUMMEY & BROTHER,
Wliatesalo and Retail Dealers in
Staple Goods, Hardware, Crockery,
AND ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES,
Corner of Wall and Broad streets, Athens
WILLIAM N. WHITE,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER,
And Nne.cpaprr ami .Magailer Agent.
. DEALER IS
MUSIC and MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
LAMPS, FINE CUTLERY, FANCY GOODS. AC.
No. 2, College Avenue, Newton Rouse. Athens, fia
aigtt of •• White’s University Bobk Store.”
Orders promptly.filled at Augusta rates
T. BISHOP & SON,
Wholesale and Retail Grocers
Aprtl 6 Nu. 1, dmad street, Athens.
JAMES M. ROYAL,
H ARNESS M AKER;
H AS removed his shop to Mitchell's old
Tavern, one door east of Grady A Nich
olson’s—where he keeps always on hand n
general assortment of articles in hisline, and
isalwavs ready to fillordersinthe best style
Jan 26 * tf
LOOK HERE!
T (l B ttrideraigned have on hand a general
assortment of
STAPLE DRY GOODS,
GROCERIES AND HARDWARE.
which they will sell low for cash or barter
Cull and examine.
April 13 P. A. SUMMEY & BRO
Coach-Making and Repairing.
.JAMES B. BURPEE
A T the old stand recently occupied by R. 8,
Sclicvcnell, offers for sale a let ofguperi
or articles ‘of his own manufacture, ut redu
cod prices—Consisting ol
Carriages, Buggies, &c.
Orders for any thing in hisline thankfully
received and promptly executed.
•jr-W* Repairing done at short notice and on
reasonable terms.
NOTICE.
mllE subscribers are prepared to fill orders
X for all kinds of
Spokes for Carriages and Wagons,
Also, at the same establishment we mnnufnc
ture all kinds of
v BOBBINS,
commonly used in our cotton faetoriet. All
done as good and cheap as can bo had from
the Prill. Address,
P. A.SUMMEY & BRO. Athens,Ga
who wil) attend to ull orders, and the ship
ping of the'same. Mareh,1854.
SLOAN & OATMAN,
DEALERS IX
Italian, Egyptian & Am*, lean
AND EAST TENNESSEE MARBLE.
Monuments,Tombs,Urns and Vases; Marble
Mantels and Furnishing Murbl-o
J5y~Al? orders promptly filled.
ATLANTA. GA.
CSrRbfer to^Mr. Ross Crane. junel-1
Q A Sacks Flour for sale by
0\/ April lidth dsAur ANicholsox
WANTED,
in AAA LI1S. GOOD COUNTRY
11/fUUU BACON, for which the higlt
est price will lie paid, cash or,Iku-ter, at .
July 3 I. M. KfiXNkY’S.
GOOD IRON* A ^ LB \VAGONS„/or
4, sun? liy I*. A. sv MMSY -t BU(S.
J«!y 19' 3m
For the Southern-Watchman.
The Old Backet Factory.* .
Come let us away, to the Old Bucket Hall,
And list to the speeches addressed to us all,
Hint mouldering Hall is 1»6t good enough—
This parly dc-eivrp one. of much finer stuff.
I Hope they’ll soon build them a stately
fine Hall,
With Washington, Jefferson, Adams aud all
Their true hearted sires adorning the wall,
Whose smiles of approval sheds light over
all.
With a beautiful spire that points to the sky.
And a huge spreading Eagle that floats upon
high}
ith the stats and the stripes to show to
the world,
Their banner of freedom and truth is un
furled.
This remnant of heroes who still nobly dare
To keep brigiit those names so regardless of
fear,
Green be the laurels which encircle each
brow,
Who bright keeps those pledges a-.d statutes
which now,
Maybe spoil’d by the stranger to li erty’s
laws,
Tito’ the stranger they welcome to freedom,
but pause,
E'er tjie heltnn they entrust to some unskil
ful hnnd,
Which might wreck tlu fair structure—the
pride of their land.
Yet they welcome the strange' as brother
tis true,
They greet them with frendsltip, and justice
that’s due,'
But never ! 0 never! will they give up their
right,
They’ll rule their own Country, or die in the
fight.
They say, they will build, and that before
long,
Por this party is growing surpassingly strong.
This Old Bucket Factory oft shakes with
app’ause,
As they talk of the thousands that’s join in
the cause,
They’ve built up a platform that high,
broad and long
On which this American party now throng;
It is very substantial—it never can fall,
The plan was matured in Old Bucket Hall.
I wonder what the materials arc,
Which makes this plntfoitn re ebso far?
Ah ! now the knowledge through me darts,
I guess it must be live Onk hearts,
Ol native growth, Colombia s soil,
Which foreign intrigue ean’fc despoil,
With hearts of Oak our strongest wood,
Raised high on principal that’s good.
Long may it stand the tempest’s shock.
Firm as our native granite rock, ‘
In lowering)freedom let it’nse,
Astonishing all the Antics eves.
A wondrous time they’ll have next, fall,
That shroud, that winding sheet ai^d pall,
Which all have heard so much about,
Will then be seen to wind no douti,
And then the secret will be out;
But where will be that champion bright,
Great leader of our Southern right,
A cordinaTs Cap besta suits his brow,
Tie all that he aspires to now ;
W:th Tombs in Rome he’ll soon convene,
With Pope and Priests of royal mein
The Pope’s great Nuncio left alouo.
Can scarce fitid room to stand upon,
He looks around in sad surprise,
And*in dismay bis spirit dies;
Crest fallen he exclaims aloud,
Alas! poor Howell here’s thy shroud.,
* The place where the K. N’s “ most do congre
gate” in Augusta.
Hon. Jerry Clemens—An
other good Democratic Letter.
This distinguished Southern Demo
crat has written an able letter in de
fence of the principles of the American
Party. When we see the great and
good and patriotic men of the old par
ties thus uniting in the advocacy of our
doctrine, what other ponyiction forces
itself upou us, than that we are right—
that we will triumph—that Americans
will maintain the party, the dignity and
security of this government, the only
hope of freedom on earth. We present
to our readers Mr. Clemen’s letter.—
Read it.
Huntsville, July I2th, 1855.
Dear Sir: I have not before had
time to answer your letter in relation to
the new order of Know Nothings, nor
have I now at hand all the statistics which
are nece-sary to a full elucidation of
the subject. Very possibly in the opin
ions I am about to advance 1 shall find
my elf in antagonism to yourself and
' some of those old friends to whom you
'allude. At all events there is no impro
priety in asking you to read carefully,
not for the purpose of contradicting or
finding fault, nor yet for the purpose of
implicitly believing, but to reason, to
consider, to reflect. If there is truth in
vyhat I write let no previous prejudice
dint its brightness—if there is error let
up personal partiality prevent its detec
tion and expesufe.
The violence which lias heretofore
characterized the discussions on this
subject is unbecoming at all times, and
particularly so upon a question involving
so much about which men may reasona
bly differ. I know not why I should
think less of any one for differing with
me upon Know Nothingism, than upon
Democracy. He has a right to the
maintenance of his opinions, and if he
is honest no just man will denounce
him.
It is proper for me to say that I never
was in a Know Nothing Lodge but once
—that Ido not know a single sign or
pass-word, and could not to-day obtain
admission to any Conncil in the State,
unless it was through the intervention
ofaftiend; but I endorse their plat
form and propose to defend their princi
ples. They are the principles of Wash
ington, and Jefferson, and what is of
even more importance they are the
principles of the Constitution.
When one of the seven wise men of
Greece visited the Court of Perainder
of Corinth, he was asked “ what is the
most perfect popular government ?”—
He answered “ that in which the law
has no superior.” This answer, which
contains a whole volume of truth and
beauty in a single line, is the founda
tion of the Know Notlrng creed.—
They made it in the beginning »he basis
of their platform—not designedly, for
very probably the answer of the Sage
was not remembered, but reason, reflec
tion and an earnest patriotism led them
to the same result. According we find
that every member is imperatively re
quired to acknowledge the law, as estab
lished by theConstitution, to be supreme.
Obedience to its mandates is inculcated
as the highest duty, and disobedience
is certain to be followed by expulsion.
Thus far 1 am sure the most violent will
agree with me that there is nothing t<>
condemn—that there is something to
applaud.
The remaining portions of the plat
form may be disposed of as satisfactorily,
I think, if not as briefly as the first.—
Americans shall rule A merica—In other
words—fur I mean to deal in no equivo
cation—no evasion—to cover up noth
ing, dodge nothing, deny nothing. In
other words then that native born Ameri
cans shall fill all offices of political im
portance un^er the government. I do
not mean mere money offices such as
President of a Bank—Rail Road, or
other Corporation, but every office which
gives to its holder an influence on the
legislation of the country. These are the
offices from which we are pledged to
exclude Foreigners, and this is the posi
tion I am prepared to maintain. It is
not denied that we hare enough, and
more than enough competent Ameri
cans to fill every office we have to be
stow, but it is urged that such a distinc
tion is odipus and unjust to our For
eign population. How is.it unjust? —
He has been deprived of nothing by his
emigration here. In bis • own land he
did not even have the right of suffrage.
His property wes never for an hour
secure. His personal liberty wa$ con
stantly in danger. He cou}d not write
or speak his sentiments with impunity.
He was- ground down with tuxes. A
press gang might at any moment tear
him from the bosun of his fumily, or
an oppressive landlord turn that family
houseless upon the world. All this is
changed. We have given him the right
to vote. Wo have given him peace —
We have given him security. We have
given him independence, and now be
cause we will not give him the right to
make the laws by which we are to bo
governed he forgets in his arrogant in
gratitude ihe hundred blessings we have
showered upon him, and repays the
safety of the Altar by malignant asper
sions of the Ministers to whom he owes
his protection. It is a delusion to talk
about the rights of Foreigners. Privi
leges is the proper word. We were not
bound to extend lo them the right of
suffrage. We were not bound to give
them protection, liberty, peace, inde
pendcnce. All these were voluntary
gifts. It was philanthropy in its broad
est sense. Nor is there one of the mil
lions who flood the. country who would
not have exchanged, his own land for
ours even if the Constitution had denied
them the privilege of voting. The other
advantages he obtains would havo been
sufficient, and more than sufficient to
have made him anxious for a shelter
beneath the wings of the Eagle. Where
then is the injustice ? He has all be
asked, more, much more than he would
have been willing to take. But it is
argued that exclusion from offices fixes
an odious brand upon him. Without
stopping to remark upon the absurdity
of such a position it is sufficient to say
that the brand is already fixed by the
Constitution. It is upon him now, and
will remain upon him until that instru
ment is torn out from the archives of
the nation. The second Section of the
Article prescribes that no one shall be
a Representative in Congress who has
not “ been seven years a citizen of the
United States.” He may have been
twenty or more years a resident of the
country before his Naturalization papers
were taken out, and yet he must remain
seven years longer before he can occupy
the post of a Representative. Here is a
distinction and a broad one. It is idle
to talk about degrees of infamy. ' If ex
elusion for life renders a man infamous
oper ation, and both whether justly .or
unjustly give a preference to Native'
horn citizens.
The third section of the same article
prescribes that no person sha'l be Sena
tor who has not “ been nine years a
citizen of the United States.” Here
the distinction is broader. As the office
rises in importance—as the danger aris
ing from ignorance, or preconceived
opinions becomes greater, the more
country. Nor was he alone a sufferer.
Every officer who served in the Mexican
war, not a member of Congress, or an
existing State Legislature, was in like
manner excluded, with perhaps the
single exception erf Gen. Scott, who
had received a special vote of thanks
during the war of 1812, which of itself
entitled him to admission. It will not
do to tell me that respect tor the cause of
temperance produced this astonishi ng re-
careful the framers of the Constitution 1 suit. The Congress of the U S. are
were to secure the services of native not remarkable as disciples of temper-
born citizens, until at last in the highest ance, and that, very day there were per-
of all offices Foreigners are excluded haps not six members of the Senate who
entirely. In the first sent inn of the se- i did not drink wine rtt dinner, or brandy
cond article the Constitution declares ! before it.
that “no person but a Natural born ! The Irish vote was the controlling
American citizen shall be eligible to cause—the desire to conciliate that large
the office of President,” and the"twelfth
amendment declares that no Foreigner
shall be eligible to the office of Vice
body of naturalized citizens who looked
up to Father Matthew as a superior be
ing. It was this which gave to the
Pre-ident. It thus appears that foreign- Foreigner and the Catholic an impor-
ile r-ime effect.; Both alike pre-sup
pose a difference between the Nativp
and Foreigner. Both have the same
ers are absolutely prohibited by the Con
stitution from filling the only two offices
which emanates directly from the whole
people, whose incumbents are elected
by the whole people, and who are in an
especial manner the guardians of the
rights of the people. What stronger
distinction is it possible lo make between
the Native and Foreign born citizen ?
In comparison with that how poor and
how weak is the mere resolution of a
political party that they will not vote
for foreigners? If the declaration of
such a purpose by those who are called
Know Nothings is odivus, unjust, in
famous and tyrannical, what will you do
with the Constitution we all profess to
revere? From that green and living
root they extracted the essence of their
creed. Whatever of wisdom—what
ever of patriotism—whatever of sincere
devotion to liberty and the country may
encircle them is drawn down from the
same healthful source. Strike tljem
down, and you aim a blow at the su
preme law of the land. Strike them
down, and you prepare the way for
amendments to the Constitution which
will soon have you vassals in fact, if not
vassals in name, to those who grew up
on your hospitality, and fattened upon
yonr charity. 1 am not aware that it is
customary tc ridicule the idea of danger
from foreign influence. We are exult-
ingly pointed to the fact that there are
but throe millions of foreigners, while
there are twenty millions of natives.—
These figures are not accurate, but we
will take them as they are given ust—
It must be remembered that of this
three millions of foreigners a very large
proportion of them are voters. It is the
unvarying law of emigration that much
the greater number of every body of
emigrants are males. This was the
case even in California, when the emi
gration was only from one portion of
our own territory to another. All of us
can call to mind cases in which the
head of the family alone is a foreigner,
while the wife, and children are natives'.
These go to swell the number of natives
on the census books, while the voter—
the efficient and controlling power,
set down as one foreigner.
Now let us look nt the other side : Of
the twenty millions of Americans, about
one-half are females. This disposes of
ten millions. Of the remainder at least
(wothirds are children, and boys too
young to vote. That disposes of near
seven millions more, and brings the num
ber of voters down much nearer to an
equality than is at all ngreeble, or than
our opponents are willing to admit. These
facts have not been unknown to, or un
marked by politicians. There is not an
aspiring demagogue in all the land who
has not, time and again, made himself
conspicuous as the advocate of foreigners.
Wm. H. Seward, with his cold, calcu
lating, heartless selfishness, is the leader
in this race of adulation to whatever is
of foreign extraction ; and many better
men, who ought not to be named in the
same breath, are hastening in his foot
steps. Even the veteran soldier whose
life had been passed among bullets—
whose strong nerves had never been
shaken in the deadliest conflict, when he
was a candidate, quailed before the vast
influence these strangers had acquired,
and the ‘‘foreign accent” became as mu
sic to his ear. Two public acts in the
recent hisory of the country exhibit still
more strongly the dangers of foreign in
fluence, and admonish us to check it
while we have yet the power.
In the autumn of 1849, Father Mat
thew, an Irish priest, who had acquired
great celebrity as a Temperance lecturer,
paid a visit to the U. S. He came to
Washington, and a resolution was at once
introduced to allow him the privilege of
the floor of tho Senate. This was oppus-
ed by Mr. Calhoun, on the ground that
it was lowering the dignity of the Senate,
and cheapening its honors—by myself,
and others, upon the further ground that
he had while in Ireland indulged in de
nunciations of slavery, and taken part
with the abolitionists against the South,
which I considered an unwarrantable in-
termed fling with matters that in no ways
concerned him. Notwithstanding these
objections, tho resolution passed by a de
cided majority, and Father Matthew took
his seat upon the floor of the- Senate,
Not long afterwards, Gen. Pillow, who
bore upon his person the marks of hon
orable wounds recently received in the
service of the Republic, visited Waslt-
ngton, and found, to his mortification no
exclusion for a term of years must have doubt, that tho place which had been oe-
• 1.. ? i i n .» ....... L...
cupied by a Catholic priest was maccessi-
tance above and beyond that of the sol
diery whose blood had been poured 6ut
like water on the plains of Mexico. It
was this which induced the Senate to
forget what it had been—to throw as
ide the severe dignity which had so ele
vated them in tHe minds of men, and^o
exchange the character of Roman sages
for that of servile sycophants. There
was a time when that high . body was
composed of sterner stuff. There was
time when such a proposition would
have been treated with the scorn it de
served. But that was before the Irish
Exdous. Now, if we venture to ques
tion foreign merit, it must be done with
“bated breath.” If we venture to deny
any foreign demand.hnwever imperious,
wc are threatened with political anni
hilation ; and yet I am told we are iu no
danger from foreign influence. When
the Senate of the United States has bent
before the storm, where are we to look
for that public virtue which is sturdy
enough to resist it ?
The other case to which I allude was
still more outrageous. L. Kossuth had
been actively engaged in exciting a revo
lution in Hungary, but when the hour of
trial came he shrunk from the danger he
had evoked,and flying across the frontier,
took refuge beneath tlie Crescent of the
Turk. An immense amount of sympathy
was at once manufactured for him, and
our Government, not to he behind the
public expectation, dispatched a vessel of
war to bring him to our shores. Of course
this was done under the specious name of
sympathy for struggling freedom. But if
there had been ho German votes in the
United States, I am very much inclined
to the opinion that syrapath would have
expended itself in some less costly man
ner. But rot satisfied with bringing
him here, both btanches of Congress
passed a resolution inviting him to Wash
inglon. He came in all the pomp which
surrounds the monarchs of the old world;
armed guards paraded before liis door to
keep off the vulgar populace. And we
who would not have tolerated such con
duct for one hour in the President of
the Republic, not only submitted to it on
the part of this foreign mendicant, hut
actually invited him within the bar ol
thc-Senate. He entered, with all his
guards about hint. The clank of foreign
sabres awaked the echoes in the vestibule
of the Senate, and an eager crowd of
Republicans looked on with wonderin
admiration at the pageant. If tho dead
are permitted to witness events upon
earth, what must have been the feelings
of the stern Fathers of tlie Republic when
they saw the velvet uniforms of a foreign
body-guard within the sacred precincts
of the Senate! Let us suppose them
gathered about the immortal Washing
ton, as they were wont to gather in the
days that tried men’s souls, gazing in
sorrow and silence upon the disgraceful
spectacle. There is Warren, Greene,
Sumpter, Marion, Lee, Shelby Wil
liams, Wayne, and a hundred ethers of
the mighty dead. They remember that
it was German cannon which thinned
their ranks at Mud Fort a.id Red Bank.
They remember that German shouts
rang over the field of Brandywine. They
remember that German bayonets were
dimmed with patriot blood at Monmouth.
They remember Chad’s Ford, and
Chews’ house, and many another field
where they met the hired mercenaries
that England’s gold had brought across
the Atlantic to fasten manacles upon a
people who had never injured them ; and
remembering this, they turn to each
other, with the mournful inquiry, “Are
these our Sons ? are the traditions of the
Revolution already forgotten?” Ah!
shades of departed patriots, there is an
engine of power in our land of which in
your day you did not dream. There are
a few hundred thousand German voters
among us, and every demagogue who
aspires to the Presidency, and all the
satellites that glimmer about him, are
vicing with each other in base conces
sions to German pride and German
feeling. But the picture is a sickening
one, and I turn from it. God knows it
was bitter enough at the time, and I have
no wish to dwell it upon it anew.
Not satisfied with the honors heaped
upon Ivossuth, Congress determined to
extend to him more material aid.”
Mr. Seward discovered that he was the
Nation’s guest, and introduced a Bill
assuming his expenses as a National
debt. The account turned out to ho
somewhat extravagant. This plain re
publican martyr to liberty only lived at
the rate of $500 per day. Consuming
in the twenty-four hours Champagne
in North Alabama, for a twelve month.
At that very moment there were bills
upon the Calendar of the House for the
relief of destitute Widows and Orphans,
whose Husbands had died in defence of
the country, which Congress has not had
time to attend to even to this. day. Not
so with Kossuth—he drank his wise—
eat his pates >Iefois gras and Congress
instantly footed the Bill. Do you ask
the reason ? I answer widows and
children lmd no votes. The Foreigners
who were to be conciliated by adulation
of Kossuth had many. Others will say
it was not Kossuth but his cause—that
he had been battling for freedom and
they wished to mark their appreciation
of his efforts. As a tribute to the spirit
of Liberty it might have been well
enough if we Mftd not been sb lamentably
deficient in paying that tribute to our
own citizens. When Gen. Jackson had
driven the British army from New
Orleans and rescued the country from
on%of the most terrible dangers with
which it was ever threatened he was ar
rested in the very hour of his triumph
and heavily fined for Ihe rigorous dis
charge of his duty ; and yet Congress
permitted more than a quarter of a cen
tury to roll away without acknowledging
the wrong or attempting to repair it.
He was a Native American—there was
no Foreign sympathy in his behalf—no
foreign voters to conciliate.
When Gen. Houston returned to the
U. S. with the laurels of San Jacinto
fresh upon his brow, bringing an empire
in l£s hands to lay fit our feet, no Con
gressional invitations celebrated his ar
rival. No bills were passed to pay his
expenses. He was a Native American
nnd-nothing was to he gained by lauda
tions of his chivalry or his patriotism,
When Gen Scott had concluded one of
the most wonderful campaigns ever re
corded in history he was recalled almost
in disgrace, and his army winch he had
found untrained militia and converted
into veteran heroes was transferred to
one of his subordinates. Yet Congress
offered no word of sympathy, applied no
balm to the woutuhtd feelings cf the
matchless roldier. He was a Native
American and the voice of condolence
was mute. Had Gen Shields received
similar treatment a How] would have
been raised from one end of the con
tinent to the other, and half the tongues
in Congress would have grown weary
lamenting his wrongs.
With these ftic-ts before me, and all
know them to be facts, I must be pardon
ed for maintaining that there is danger
from foreign influence, and the sooner it
is boldly met the better.
It is gravely urged as an objection to
the order of Know-Nothings that it
originated in the North, and ought
therefore to be regarded with suspicion
by the South, and this reason I have
seen advanced by such men as Toombs
and Stephens of Georgia, and Preston
of Kentucky—Gentlemen whom 1 know
personally, and for whose talents, attain
ments, and moral worth I have very
great respect. To my mind it is evi
dence of the weakness o' - any cause when
men of fair abilities resort to such flimsy
means to support it. I do not know
how the fact is, but I shall concede that
it did originate in New York, and then
I shall proceed to show that there is no
spot upon the Continent where the
peophs have suffered more from toreign
emigration or where they have more
imperious reasons for arraying them
selves against it. By reference to the an
nual report of Ihe Governors of the Alms
House, I find- there were in the New
York Alms House during the year 1853,
2198 inma’es—of these only 535 were
Natives, and 1663 Foreigners supp< rted
at the expense of city. And now
propose to use on our side the argument
of our opponents that there are only
3,000,000 Foreigners lo 20,000,030
Natives. According to that ratio there
ought to be about 7 Native* to one For
eigner in.the Alms House. Whereas
we find more than 3 Foreigners to one
Native. No wonder that a people who
are taxed to support such a body of
paupers should be the first to set about
devising means to get rid of them. Let
us pursue the record—the Bellevue
Hospital, in the same city, there were
702 American—4134 Foreigners, now
the proportion rises to nearly six to one.
There were of ojt-door poor,—that is
persons who had some place to sleep,
but nothing to eat and nothing to make
a fi r e—957 Native Adults, and 1044
children—3131 Foreign Adults, and
5229 Foreign Children or children born
of Foreign Parents. This number were
relieved during the year with money.
Of those relieved with fuel there were
1243 Adult Americans and 1801 chil
dren,—10,355 Adult Foreigners and
17,857 children. But the record is not
yet complete—let us turn to the statis
tics of crime. In the city prisons there
were during the year 6,102 American—
22,229 Foreigners. I pass on to an
abode even more gloomy than that of
the prison cell, and call your attention to
those whom God in his wisdom has seen
fit to deprive of the light of reason. In
the Lunatic Asylum there were admitted
from the year 1847 to 1853, 779 Ameri
cans—2381 Foreigners. For thfe year
1853 there were 94 Americans, 363
Foreigners. These tables might he
made more complete by adding . Organ
Grinders, Strolling Mendicants, aud
Professional Beggers, but of these t have
no reliable data, and therefore pass them
hie* to him. a native horn American, and I and Burgundy vyjiich cost more than it
"late a Major General in the wars of his would take to feed a respectable faintly
to either class. These figures are far
more conclusive thnn any langunge could
he to prove the necessity of arresting
the tide of emigration. Let every'
American impress them deeply upon his
memory. 42,369 Foreign paupers and •
invalids'; 2381 Lunatics, and 22,220
criminals taxing thte industry, aftff Might-*
ing the prosperity of a single city. Iti
that list of crimes is embraced murder,
rape, arson, robbery, perjury, every
thing which is damning to the character
of the individual, and every thing which
is dangerous to society. In our section
we see but little of the evils of emigra
tion—comparatively few come among
us, and those are generally of the best
clashes of their countrymen It is not
as a State that we suffer most but as afl
integral part of the Republic.
The crime, vice, disease, destitution
and beggary which flows in with every
tide of emigration afflicts us but little j
it is thro’ their political action; in their
capacity of voters the curse extends itself
to us. When thousand upon thousand
are carried to the polls and made to vote
in favor of any man, or any party for a
shilling, corrupting the ballot box, and
rendering liberty insecure, then we suffer
then the law of self-preservation gives
us a right and makes it a duty to inter
pose. With such dangers thickening
around us the memorable order of Gen.
Washington should he upon every mans
lips : “ Put none but Americans on
guard to-night.” In time of peace your
public officers are your sentinels. Put
none on guard whose bosoms do not
swell with exulting pride at the mention
of Bunker Hill, of Monmouth, of Sara
toga, or of York Town. Put noneon
guard whose national traditions arc not
confined to our own commonwealth. Put
none on guard who can dwell by tho
hour upon the eloquence of Daniel
O’Connel, but have never heard the
name of Patrick Henry. Put nor.e on
guard who turn with cold indifference
from the story of Niagara, or New Or
leans, to boast of Marengo, or Leipsic,
or Waterloo. They do not love 3*our
land as you do—they will not watch
over it with the same absorbing interest.
Oppression, not choice has brought him
here, and though he may feel a certain
amount of gratitude for the shelter he
has found he still looks back to the green
fields of his childhood—lie remembers
every stone upon the luglnvays-he reads
the history of his native land, and par
takes in the pride of its great events—
in his heart of hearts he feels that there
is his home, and there his holiest affec
tions are garnered up. Fear, necessity,
common sense, myy keep him here; but
he loves not the land of the stranger—
cares nothing for its former glories—
sheds no tear over its former disasters.
With what reverence can the Ger
man regard the name of Washington
when he remembers that his pathway to
freedom was strewn with the dead bo
dies of German mercenaries? What
exaltation can the Briton feel in the fame
of Jackson when he remembers that it
was won by trampling the lion banner
in the dust ? It is not in human nature
that they should feel as we do, and we
are false to ourselves when we put them
in, power, or give them the direction of
the law.
Perhaps no party in this country has 1
ever been the subject of so much invec
tive as the American Party. All the
depths of the language have been soun-'
ded to fi-h up degrading epithets to be
applied to men whose sin consists in
loving their own blood something bet
ter than that of the stronger. Prac
tices which are in daily use by other
parties suddenly become heinous nine'
when resorted to by the American?,
and Editots in the excess of their zeal
not unfrequently fun into the most ri
diculous inconsistencies. I have seqn
o-e column of a newspaper giled with*,
denunciations of the secret fi ature of
the order, while the next not only pur
ported to give the principles of the par
ty, but even the very forms of initiations.
One'thing. is certain, either these forms'
were forgeries, or all the indignant de
nunciations of sccresy with which wc'
have been favored were hypocritical
pretences in no ways creditable to those
who employed them. All parties ob
serve more or less secrecy in relatii nr
to certain portions of th ir t xlicjo—^
The secrets of a Democratic C in tis
arc as prof; und as those of a Know
Nothing Council, and the will of ev< ry
member is more complete’y suhjertem
to the control of the majority. A Know-
Nothing, alter his party have made rt
nomination, may abandon the « rdcr^
and then rid himself of all obligation to’
support it, hut a Democrat u lie- has once
taken part in a Caucus is held in h*»nor
bound to abide"the decision of that Cau
cus, no matter how distasteful it may
be. If the term “Dark Lantern Party”,
was applied to the midnight plottings of
those who manufacture in Caucus ami
Convention-, Candidates, without con
sulting the will of the people, it would
be much more appropriate. The State
and the National • Councils having re
moved the injunction of secrecy, tlr t
reproach is disposed of; in point of fact
it never existed. Their principles were
known from the beginning, ami he
must have been ignorant indeed who
had any doubt of the aims and purposes
of the order. But it is alleged that it »»
a Whig trick gotteu up to injure the Do
mncr/tcy. Such arguments are thte
j usual resort of weak men, who when
with the single remark that I have.uever [reason fails attempt to enlist prejudice
seen a Native American who belonged in their behalf The head of the Or
ff .