Newspaper Page Text
der is an old-fashioned Jacksan Demo
crat. Wherever they have nominated
candidates they have taken the larger
number Irom the Democratic ranks.
Judge Cone of Georgia, who reported
the Platform adopted at Philadelphia,
is an old line Democrat. He was a
member of the Baltimore Convention in
1844 that nominated Mr. Polk, and re
ported the resolutions adopted by that
body as the principles of the Democrat
ic party. How stands the case on the
other side ? Mr. Wise confessedly
owes his election to the Whigs. Messrs.
Toombs and Stephens, Whig leaders in
Georgia, are a» the head of the Anti-
American Party, and so with Mr. Pres
ton jn Kentucky. Every where you
find Whig leaders among the the bit
terest opponents of American princi
ples, and if it is a Whig trick they have
been a long time finding it out.
There is another branch of the ques
tion which . L approach with more re
luctance, because I am afraid with
more prejudice than will enable me to
consider it dispassionately. Without
belonging to any Church I grew up in
the Methodist persuasion. It was the
faith in which my mother lived and died,
and 1 could not change it if I would.
Among the earliest bonks which fell
into my hands, l found accounts of
Cathol ic persecutions of the early Pro
testants. Of men, women, and chil
dren thrown into dungeons—stretched
upon the rack, tortured with thumb
srews, and finally burned at the stake
for the crime of worshipping 'God as
reason and conscience dictated. Then
came the “order of Jesus” with the In
quisition in its train. For centuries
every page of history is blackened by
the iniquities of that Church whose
Pontiff arrogantly claims to be the im
mediate representative of the Almighty,
and who has not hesitated at all times
to exercise powers in accordance with
that claim. Subjects released from
obedience totheir legal rulers—murder,
perjury—incest, every crime made
venial if it tended to the advancement
of the Church. 1 know it is sail that
these powers are not now exercised or
claimed. Where has it ever been
abandoned when they had the power to
enforce it! What is the use of the
Confessional if the Priesthood do not
still claim the power of forgivness for
sins committed or to be committed ? I
have searched in vain for any authentic
document which shows that they have
■ever abated one jot or title of the pretens
ions which characterized them in other
years, and characterize them now in
-other lauds. 1 have visited two coun
tries in which the Catholic religion is
established by law, and 1 found in both
the same intolerance, the same bigotry,
& — — —~ UaImaJ a ^
they are right, or how far they are
wrong. We do not propose to disturb
their public worship—we do not propose
to declare an assemblage of Catholics
unlawful, but we claim the privilege of
voting to suit ourselves. I can see no
difference in the evil tendency of the
higher law of Mr. Seward,or the higher
law of Archbishop Hughes. I do not
choose to vote for either, and he who at
tempts to force me to it is guilty of the
very proscription he condemns.
I wish I could have devoted more
time to the preparation of this letter;
but H is sufficient tc give a tolerably cor
rect idea of the position 1 occupy upon
the question to which you have called
my attention.
I am very truly and respectfully,
yours, &c. Jerk : Clemens.
J.E, Peebles, Guntersville, Ala.
>8tttl)era ‘Mtjjtnnu.
LAW, ORDER, AND THE CORETiTCTIOIt.
ATHENS, GA.
THURSDAY MORNING, AUG 9. 1855.
For Governor,
GARNETT ANDREWS,
OF WILKES.
F«r Congress—Sixth District,
For State Senate,
CINCINNATI^ PEEPLES,
For Representatives,
JOS. B. CARLTON and THOS. F. LOWE
THE WATCHMAN
WFOR THE CAMPAIGN!!
To meet the wishes of our friends, and
in the hope of aiding the great cause,
we are induced to offer our paper for
the campaign at FIFTY CENTS to sin
gle subscribers, or TWELVE copies
for FIVE DOLLARS—the cash to ac
company the order, in all cases.
ty Mr. K. M. Hitch is an authorized
travelling ageut for this paper.
Ur - M. A. Harrison is also an an
thorizod travelling agent.
19" M. Landrum, Esq., is our authorized
agent for Oglethorpe county.
|g* Liberty Council, No. 16, of the
American party, meets in their Hall, over
John I. Hoggins' store, every Friday evening
„ . » o —y » af o’clock
tluf same hatred of the* Protestant as of —
yore. Even the Dead bodies of Pro
testants are denied the right ot burial
id a Catholic grave-yard. The masses
are taught to beleive that the rotting
•corpses of the faithful would be pollut
ed by die neighborhood of a brother
whip in life held a different creed. In
Spain an assemblage of more than fif
teen Protestants for the purpose of re
ligious worship is declared an unlaw
ful assembly, and all the remonstrances
of England have failed to ameliorate
this detestable tyranny. Whai we sec
•existing elsewhere, what we know has
always existed wherever Catholics had
the power, we may surely dread for
ourselves without being liable to the
•charge of excessive timidity, particular
ly when we see the rapid strides they
are making to power and influence
-umoug us. From 1840 to 1850 the
number of Catholics in the United
States doubled, and now they exceed
two mill ions of souls. At that rate it
will not take them long to acquire all
the power they want, and when acquir
ed they will not fail to exercise it. In
the very nature of things the Catholic
must be a persecutor. When he be
lieves that every Protestant is on the
highway to hell-: When he believes
that it is charity to torture and pier® to
murder those whom he looks upon as
enemies to his God, it would be absurd
to expect mercy or look for toleration.
And her great danger we have to dread
it the prevalence of the mi chievous dog
ma that the Pope is superior to the Con
stitution, and can absolve his flock from
oaths to support it. I know how bitterly
this is denied; but if American Catholics
do not acknowledge it they are widely dip.
ferent form their brethren elsewhere.
History is full of instances where King
doms laid under Interdict, Monarclis ex
communicated, and a whole people doom
ed to Purgatory, for some real or imagi
nary fault of their rulers. We all rc-
member that a King of France was
assassinated by a Priest at the bidding
»Phis superiors. Weal! remember that
a King of England was compelled to
walk barefooted, in sackelotb and ashes,’
to the tomb of Thomas n-Becktt, nnd
that the great Bruce wandered for
years an outlaw, hunted by blood bounds
and assassins, for daring to punish a
traitor to his country within the pre-
cints of a Catholic Chuich. The best
way of judging a tree is by its fruits,
ami these fruits are familiar lo us nil.
It is objected however that the Consti
tution secures to every man the right of
worshipping God as he pleases, and that
in proscribing Catholics we are guilty of
a violation of ihat instrument. Not at
all. riie same Constitution which gives
to them the rights of conscience, secures
to me aho the right of toting as I think
bo»t. It does ni t compel me to vote for
a Catholic, any more than it compels me
to vote tor >m Altolitioni l. One may
lie just as sincere in his belief as the
oilier, and both be equally dangerous to
the country. Of that each voter must
judge for himself. There is no prop tsi-
lion lo change the Constitution, none to
pass a law inconsistent with it. The
American party undertake to show, pre
cisely as the Whig and Democratic par-
lies undertake to show for themselves,
that it is safer for liberty, safer foi the
Utllbii, safer f. r religion to place none
American Protestants in office, and
ive it to their countrymen to de-
ipoD reason and argument how far
_:t£3f The American party will hold
public meeting at the Town Hall in this place
«n Saturday night next Sevcial addresses
may be expected. The public respectfully
invited to attend.
ELECTIONS.
We regret that we are. compelled to
go to press without being able to an
nounce definitely the result of the elec
tions in Tennessee and North Carolina.
We believe, however, that Gentry, the
American candidate, has been elected
Governor of Tennessee. If so, it is a
great triumph, as his competili r, (John
son) is ten thousand votes stronger than
any man of his party. We have not re
ceived sufficient returns from N. Caro*
lina lo base an opinion upon.
BT We regret to learn, that a personal
difficulty occurred at the Madison Springs
on Tuesday night, between Mr. Cox of Mis
sissippi, and Wtu. J. Morton of this place,
in which the latter was supposed to he fatal
ly wounded.
l^The excitement in the public
mind on the subject of politics is bring
ing to light some curious historical
facts (!) not generally known.
For example : A gentleman of the
Foreign-Catholic party of Walton,
lately informed one of his friends that
“old Napoleon, with forty thousand
men, came to this country during the
American Revolution, and assisted in
the achievement of our liberties.” Of
course his K. N. friend scouted the
idea. The Democrat became indig
nant, and by way of a clincher, asked
him if he did not know that the State
ofLouisiana was named after him in
commemoration of his services in that
important crisis ! This was a “ eock-
dologeri*
Another case : At a discussion in
Hall county the other day, the K. N.
speaker haring referred to Gen. Jack-
sou’s opinion on the subject of foreign
immigration, a Democratic candidate
for the Legislature in an adjoining coun
ty said Gen. Jacksi n was not compe
tent authority, for he himself was a for
eigner !! ! and a Democratic lawyer
present on the occasion referred to. in
bis conversation among the crowd, ex
pressed great astonishment that a “col-
lege-larnt” young man should be so ig
norant as not to know that Get*, Jack-
son fled from Europe to this country on
account of religious persecution !!!
When these would- be leaders are so
grossly ignorant of all history, is it any
wonder that they sometimes ask, with
an apparent air of honesty, “what harm
have the Catholics ever done ? ”
We have the authority of Scripture
for saying that “when the blind lead the
blind b->tb shall fall into the ditch!”
and this will doubtless be the fate of
those who follow such blind leaders.
THAT SOCIAL ORGANIZATION,
(TAMMANY SOCIETY,) AND MR.’
COBB’S SPEECH BEFORE IT.
Our readers will remember that some
weeks ago, when Mr. Cobb was 'rearing
and pitching’ so furiously about the se-
cresy of the Know Nothings, we charg
ed that he himself was a member of a
secret organization in New York, (the
Tammany Society.) Feeling that this
placed him in a ludicrous attitude, he
resorted to his usual expedient (a letter)
to relieve himself from the dilemma.—
In this letter he did not deny the secbe-
sy of the Tammany organization, but
said it was not political but social in
its character. We propounded several
interrogatories to bis Excellency, which
he has not answered, and which we did
not expect him to answer—because he
could not do so without criminating
himself. We then distinctly charged,
and now repeat the allegation, that
while Governor of Georgia he made a
political speech before the Tammany
Society, at Tammany Hall, in the city
of New York. This he has not pre
tended to deny, because be knew we
could substantiate our allegation. He
need not think to hush the matter up in
this manner. Having made the charge,
and no c ne daring to contradict it, vre
shall proceed to prove it, which we do by
publishing the speech as reported in the
newspapers at the time—in order ihat
the reader may determine for himself
whether it was such a speech (political)
as we described. If it was a partizan
speech—as all men will be forced to ad
mit it unquestionably was—then the
conclusion is irresistable that Tammany
Society is a political, and’not a social
secret organization.
We leave Mr. Cobb in the hands of
the jury, (the voters of the sixth district)
and they can make up their verdict on
the first Monday in October—remem
bering that if membership in a secret
political society be the damnable crime
he represents it to be, the utmost rigor
of the law should be visited upon him,
he having admitted his membership in
what has been proven to be the most cor
rupt secret political organization ever
known in the country.
Here is the report of. the Govern ar’s
reception at the old “ wigwam” and bis
“ social” speech :
GOV. COBB’S SPEECH IN NEW
YORK.
During his visit to New York, a spe
cial meeting of the Tammany Society
was held at the old wigwam, at Tam
many Hall, for the purpose of giving a
reception to Bro. Howell Cobb, of Geor
gia. After the cloth was removed the
Gtand Sachem, Col. Daniel E. Delavan,
gave the following sentirtient:
“ Our Distinguished Guest and Broth
er—Gov. Cobb, of Georgia—his various
services in the cause of his country,
entitle him to the warm and cordial sup
port of every true son of St, Tammany.
Wc hail him within the walls of the
Great Wigwam, surrounded by warm,
ardent and enthusiastic friends.”
The toast was received with the
greatest enthusiasm and applause
Governor Cobb then said—I feel deep
gratification at the opportunity of meet
ing you this evening, and I thank you
heartily for the honor you have just now
conferred upon ine by drinking my
health. It is not proper to detain you
with a speech, but, in a few plain obser
vations, I shall be enabled to convey
all that you want to know, in relation
to the South. I will, therefore, in re
ply to the flattering remarks of the
Grand Sachem, offer a few re
flections on the histcry and probable
future of the Democratic party in the
Southern States. I need not say, in
the face of this assembly, that I am
devoted to that cause which is known as
the cause of the country and the con
stitution. In connection with those
great principles, I have long too well
known to admit of any doubt; but you
have called my attention to that more
dangerous issue which has divided, and
may continue to divide, the people of
this country, nnd which recently hung
over the republic, threatening the de
struction of the noblest fabric ever erect
ed by human wisdom. I profess no
greater sagacity than my fellows around
me; but, in the earlier stages of this
movement, I thought that there was one
line of policy’ which would save tbe con
stitution from violation and the Union
from ruin, and that policy was marked
out by the charter of democratic prin
ciples. (Applause.) Those were the.
principles that we rallied for in tbe
Presidential campaign of 1848—those on
which the democracy of the whole Union,
with individual exceptions, had stood
immovably—-those principles which
were found in the party, wherever a man
turned, East, West, North, or South—
the power, the capability, and the right
of the people of every State, as well as
of territories proposing to become States,
to determine for themselves the nature
of their institutions. (Applause.) For
cause unnecessary to be mentioned here,
the democracy were defeated in 1848,
with those principles distinctly avowed,
and streaming on the banners tben un
furled throughout the land. The history
of the political world does not afford a
parallel to what I am now about to state.
Here w;is a party defeated on eertuin
avowed principles; and yet, in the cor-
icctness and efficacy of those very prin
ciples was found the only basis for a set
tlement of the threatening issue. The
agitation was carried iato Congress, and
sectionalism ruled the hour. North was
arrayed against South,and South against
North. Every patriot felt that was im
pending danger; but, thank God, there
were patriotism and wisdom enough in
the land to meet the danger. That
wisdom and that patriotism found in the
great principle Ihat every people has the
undoubted right to decide for itself what
institutions it will have, the platform on
which the democracy could everywhere
stand. The measures of adjustment of
the last Congress were adopted in ac
cordance with those principles—the
principles of the Constitution—the prin
ciples hallowed by the best blood of our
revolutionary fathers. (Applause which
made the wigraan ring.) Whether
these principles are right or wrong, shall
I stop to discuss with the advocates of
democratic principles—with you who re
cognize but one sovereignty, and that
residing with the people ? Renewed
applause.
Fellow-citizen, I have referred to one
portion of the*principles on which the
controversy was settled. There is ano
ther. Your brethren of the South
came to you with tbe Constitution in
their hand—the pledge that they receiv
ed from their fathers, and which your
fathers solemnly adopted and signed—
and they asked you lo fulfil this pledge.
You responded in the spirit of true re
publicanism and Jrue Americanism ; and
you did redeem the pledge of your an
cestors. When we asked you to respond
to tbe demand of the constitution to de
liver up our property when it ran away
from us and came to you, your response
was worthy of those great men whose
memory shall ever be venerated as long
as the constitution is respected or the
Union lasts. (Applause.) When you
look at the compromise measures, who,
I ask, are responsible for them ? The
democratic party are responsible. (Ap
plause.) [A voice-—Yes, and we will
take the responsibility.3 (Much laugh
ter.) For one, I am willing to be re
sponsible for my own principles, being a
democrat; and I think I know tbe feel
ing that actuates the democracy. Their
principles are to be found in the consti.
tution and tbe records of tbe country,
known to all tnen. If there be any re
sponsibility, therefore, we shall assume
it. For myself, it affords me great plea
sure to do so, and it is my pride that I
have been among the first to support the
principles on which the compromise was
adopted. (Applause.) Some one will
ask me, were there none of the whig
party who advocated those mea
sures ? I answer that I have a heart
for democracy as true as any other man
in this land; but I thank God it is large
enough to admit the patriotism and the
magnanimity of those whigs who threw
aside party prejudices when tho Union
was in danger, and cooperated with us in
preserving it intact. (Applause.) These
measures passed through their assistance,
and became the law of the land—
part of the settlement of this vexed and
hamissing question.
When those bills were passed, another
question then arose, both in the North
and South, and wt|£ freely discussed—
as, inded, it was, during the progress of
these measures—What were their charac
ter and bearing? One would have it
that they were a triumph of tbe North;
another, that they were a triumph of the
South. Fellow citizens, they were
neither a triumph of North nor South,
but of theeonstitutioo. (Great applause.)
It wtu no sectional triumph of any kind,
unless a triumph of that great charter
of our liberties can be considered one.
It was in reference to this measure that
I was placed in the attitude of conflict
during the last twelve months, and that
I was elected lo fill the executive chair
of Georgia by a large majority. That
majority was given me not only by the
democrats, but a large portion-a majority
of the whigs of the State. And why ?
Because there was an effort made to de
stroy this government—an effort to have
practical secession carried out in the
Southern States, on account of the com
promise measures. When that was
known, and that both democrats and
whigs were engaged in the movement, I
offered my services to those whigs and
democrats who resolved to stand by the
constitution at all hazards. The people
assembled. You have heard of the
Georgia platform—a platform erected
by the wisdom and patriotism of the
people of my State—a platform which,
though the compromise was not, in all
things, in accordance with their feelings,
they yet declared they would support for
the sake of peace, and the maintenance
of the constitution. The Georgia plat
form, then, is to support and maintain
the compromise measures, and carry
them out faithfully and honestly in all
their .parts. (Great applause.) I tell
you that Georgia will stand by them,
nnd she looks lo you to stand by her. I
know that a charge has gone forth,—
[Here the banner ofGeorgia was brought
forward by an officer of the society from
among the banners of the thirteen origi
nal States, amidst loud cheers.] Yes, I
shall never be ashamed of that banner;
its motto, “justice, wisdom and modera
tion”—these are the principles which
support the pillars of our State,and which
have been illustrated in the platform I
have referred to.
It has been charged against me in
the newspapeas that in the course of poli
cy I pursued, I had abandoned the prin
ciples of the democratic party and allied
myself with the opposition. You have
heard the whole truth on the subject, to
night ; and if these principles which I
have avowed are not democratic prin-
ciples,then remove that banner a^for from
you as the east is from the west. But if
they are democratic princplcs, then let
that banner stand side by side with tbe
banner of New York. [Here the Grand
Sachem placed the Georgia banner be
side the banner of the Empire, amidst
loud applause.] Perhaps I do not
understand democracy. (Laughter.) I
was, however, born a democrat, cradled
a democrat, and, by the blessing of God,
I will die one. But if it be democracy
to war against the constitution,. I will
never he a democrat. I am warm on
this subject. (Cries of “Go on,” “Good
boy.”) You must recjllect that I have
been in a very warm contest, and those
of you who believe in these great prin
ciples to which I have referred, would
feel more or less warmed up, if you
were charged with deserting them when
you were conscious that you cherish
them in your hearts, and had inherited
them from your fathers before you. In
one section, I have been charged with
abandoning democracy, because I sup
ported the constitution, ami stood against
the spirit of fanaticism, which was war
ring. in the name of free soil, upon the
c<>n.-.titutional rights of my section of the
country. In another section, I was
charged with departure from democratic
principles, because I did not recognise
the heretical doctrine of secession ; and
abuse was poured on my head, because
I did not admit that Andrew Jackson
was a federalist and a consolidationist.
(Laughter and applause.)
The best pledge I can give you for
the future is a reference to the history
of the post. With neither of these fac
tions—the fanatics of the North or the
South—will I cooperate, to the abandon
ment of my principles. I have not sup
ported a doctrine that nine-tenths of the
democracy of the Union have not es
poused ; nor hare I advocated a meas
ure that nine-tenths of the democracy
are not prepared to acquiesce in. If
the course that I have pursued assigns
me a position outside the democratic,
par*/, nine tenths of the democratic
party must go outside with me. (Cries of
“we will go.”)
So much fur the past. We can only
judge wisely of the future by looking at
the past. From the history of the past
we learn this lesson-that the democratic
party were never so successful as when
they were most to their principles.—
These principles are not confined to this
country alone. They are scattered
broadcast over the earth. Therefore,
I say, atfirra your principles, and your
triumph is as certain as day. (Applause.)
Rut, if you refuse to avow your
principles, you are no longer the repre
sentatives of democracy.
The convention of the democrats of
the country will soon assemble in Bal
timore. Much has been said of the
candidates, and we all have our person
al preferences. I have mine. I. will
not say, to-night, what they are, but
will tell you what we look to in the
South : We look more to principles
than to the names of men. (Grand Sa
chem—Give us the principles of 1854
and 1848.) Yes, and all other princi
ples that you are not ashamed or afraid
to avow. Therefore affirm the finality
and faithful enforcement of the com
promise, illustrative as it is of thosedem-
ocratic principles so often proclaimed
by the democracy When these princi
ples are laid down,then put up your can
didate, and the democracy will stand by
him in New-York,and stand by him in
Georgia,and there will be one triumphant
chain of success from North to South
Fear UQt that the nrowal-o^correct prin
ciple swill drive from the democratic
fold any who are worthy of its confi
dence or able to minister to its success.
These are my principles and views in
reference to this matter; I have stood by
them in the past—I think I will main
tain them in the future.
These remarks have come from me
in consequence of a contest in our coun
try which I hope will never be renewed
Perhaps thoso so far removed from the
scene cannot fully realize what*that con
test was. It was carried on the fiercest
spirit both in and out of the halls of Con
gress, and it would seem, as if hell
were ope ned to pour forth its moral poi
son over the land. No other govern
ment in the world'could have survived
it. How long would France have last
ed? Could Rustia or England have
stood the shock ? No, nor any other
Government on earth. The victory of
the Union in this great trial exhibits the
wisdom and patriotism of our fathers
who built it upon so solid a foundation.
It exhibits the strong ties which bind
together these United States—it exhib
its the Americanism and the nationality
of the people.
I have spoken before of the rights
claimed by the advocates of secession.
When I am before any section of the
American people, 1 will not hesitate to
say that, if Georgia ever secedes from
the Union, it will not be in virtue of any
constituional claim that she sets up; but
when the government of the country
wrongs her (if that day should ever ar
rive,) she will look to the strong arms
and stout hearts of her own people to
protect her. ('Applause.) The strength
of this Union is not in its military power,
but in the hold it has on the hearts of the
American people. (Vehement applause )
Teach them to know and feel that it
is tbe Union which confers blessings up
on them, and does not inflict any oppres
sion, and you build up the strongest pil
lars on which the Union rests. But
the day that you destroy that feeling in
any considerable portion of the American
people, that day your sun goes down to
rise no more. Whatever may be the
complexion of our lot hereafter, let us
ever remember that our strength in the
future, as well as in the past, depends
on the spirit of justice with which the
ccnstitution is administered—that spirit
which around the council board gave to
the world the only temple of liberty on
earth. Let that spirit be invoked to
preserve the temple pure as it came from
the hands of our revolutionary fathers,
that so we may hand it down unspotted
to our children, and when the place that
knows us now shall know us no more,
and we are gathered to our fathers, 1
trust that your children will assemble in
these consecrated walls and invoke the
same spirit to preserve the constitution
pure and uncontaminated for their chil
dren and for nil generations.
The honorable gentlemen concluded
amidst loud applause, and then proposed
as a toast: “Tho republican principle of
Tammany in 1798—esto perpelua."
Shortly after, the meeting broke up,
all delighted with the orator and his
speech.
MR. HARRIS DECLINES.
It will be seen by the following letter
from Y. L. G. Harris, Esq., ta the
committee, that he declines the accept
ance of the nomination tendered him by
the Gainesville Convention.
While as the friend and neighbor of
Mr. H. we participate to the fullest ex
tent in the general regret felt on account
of his declination—feeling confident
that his acceptance would have insured
his election—we know that weighty con
siderations, having no connection what
ever with politics, have induced him to
decline tbe honor intended by his per
sonal and political friends.
The Executiva Committee will, we
trust, shortly be able to announce the
name of some other gentleman to be run
on the American ticket.
Athens, August 4, 1855.
Gentlemen: I am honored with the
receipt of your letter of 3d inst., inform
ing. me of my nomination, by the late
Gainesville Convention, as a candidate
for r _ Congress from this District, and
asking my acceptance of the same.
Previous to the meeting of the Con
vention, I had repeatedly announced to
those who had kindly mentioned the
subject to me here, that I could not ac
cept the nomination, even if it was ten
dered to me. I wrote to the same effect
in reply to a letter from some of my
respected friends in Hall county.
Unexpectedly to me, it was found, as
I am informed, that a large proportion
of the Convention preferred my nomi
nation, and that portion of the members
acquainted with my feelings on the sub
ject, coadurred in the proposition
finally adopted, doubtless under the im
pression, that I would yield to the wish
es of so large and respectable a body of
my fellow-citizens, expressed under
circumstances so flattering to myself.
My earnest desire has been to do so,
since it is a right of the people, almost
lost sight of by its repeated violation
to select for themselves, their own offi
cial agents. But after giving to the
subject the deliberation which it de
manded of me, and with every disposi
tion to sacrifice my own inclinations, in
order that I might servo those who have
placed me under such strong obliga
tions—yet from considerations chiefly
of a private and personal character, be
yond iny control, and which would con
flict materially with what would be due
alike to myself and my friends in the
approaching canvass, it becomes my
duty at once to apprise you that F most
respectfully decline the honoiabtepnsi
tion thus tendered to me.
With inexpressible thanks to the Con-
vention for so distinguished a token of
its favorable regard, it is to me a source
of anxious concern, that my declina
tion of the proffered distinction*may he
the cause of disappointment and incon
venience to numerous friends, the exhi
bition cf whose unmerited confidence
and ' partiality will ever be cherished
among the most gratifying reminis
cences of my life.
To prevent any misapprehension of
the motives which control me, aud to
guard against the inisrepres ntation of
the posiion ot one even as humble
as myself, I^conceive it just and proper,
that I should on this occasion declare
my concurrence in the cardinal politi
cal principles enunciated by the late
Macon Convention of the American
party. *
Grateful to y»>u, Gentlemen, for the
kind terms in which you have been
pleased to communicate the action of
the Convention,
I am, very respectfully, your’s, &c
YOUNG L.G. HARRIS.
Messrs, R. D. Winn,
L N. Montgomery, ...
E. Buffington,
^ Jacob R. Davis,
A. Erwin,
John H. Lowe,
D. G. Candler,
, J. J. McCullcch,
B. F. Selman,
C. Peeples, Committee.
Elections occurred in Kentucky
and Alabama on Monday last.
THAT MEETING WITH CLOSED
gjj DOORS.
The charge that the anti-American,
alias “dry-rot” party of Walton county
had held a meeting in Monroe for the
nomination of candidates for the Legis
lature, with closed doors—a charge
which was distinctly made in this paper
tvv or three weeks ago, and predicated
on information derived from a private
letter not intended by the writer for
publication—having been denied by an
annonymous writer for another paper,-
it is due to our friend from-whom'we
obtained the facts, and who by the'way,
is os truthful and as responsible as any
man in Walton county, to say, fhht so far
from it being true that “'ntt <Jhe will
avow the authorship of the ifettef,” he
has not only openly avowed 1 it on all
proper occasion*, but has offered, and is 1
now ready to prove the truth of his aP
legation by Whigs, Democrats, Know
Nothings or members of the “Dry-Rot’*
organization—by any sort or any nutn-'
ber of witnesses that may be demanded.-
From the diligent Inquiries which we
made in person while in Walton the oth
er day, we are prepared to prove, and
now distinctly charge—
1. That the people were requested
to leave the court house in possession of
the delegates;
2. That they retired, and the door
was shut.
.3. That one gentleman who was in
vited back by a delegate, was again re
quested to retire.
4. That the geutleman who opened
and closed the door when the Sheriff
carried in water for the privileged few
—as well as a large number of other
gentlemen who,remained dovrH stairs
and saw the transaction 1 —does not pre
tend to deny the closing of the door.
It is no matter of surprise that the
dry rot” leaders who profess to feel
such a horror for any thing likesecresy,
should be thrown into “a mess of fits'*
when exposed to the public as they have
been in this Walton county afjair. The
truth is sometimes very offensive, and if
any gentleman considers himself ag
grieved, be can at any time find tbe
writer.
A friend in Walton informs us
that, meeting a little fellow some seven
or eight years old in the road the other
day, and observing that he was carrying
in his hands a bundle of trash, which he
was diligently examining, he asked him
what he had. The little fellow replied,
“A handful of Democrats.” “ Demo
crats ?” queried our friend; “ what do
you mean by that?” Here the little
fellow, opening his hands, showed him
three or four young mice, remarking,
“ they are Democrats now, but in a few
days, when-they get their eyes open, they
will be good Know Nothings.”
That boy will do!
VSevenl
been laid over
want of room.
communications have
till our next issue for
0t7~We depart from our usual custom
by admitting the following article con
taining personal allusions—first,because
so far as we know, the gross personal al
lusion to our correspondent was unpnv
voked, and secondly, because be is, in
every respect, responsible.
Yow 1 bo Soul horn Watchman. •
Mr. Editor : Some friends have
called my attention to a letter, written
from Monroe, (?) and published in the
Banner of tbe 19th July, over the signa
ture of “ One- of the Unterrified" which
it is believed, contains a fling at roe.—
1 propose to notice it briefly and at tbe
same time somewhat explicitly. Tbe
following is tbe portion of tbe letter
which has a reference to me ;
“ Even the model letter writer of
Forsyth County—a flower born to Hush
unseen except in tbe suburbs of Cam
ming—has left the field, and fallen back
upon his post office reputation, perfect
ly satisfied to Jeave the unpleasant task
of defeating Howell Cobb to his pro
mising friend at Lawrenceville.”
The words in italics are the author’s.
His assault on ine is perfectly gratuit
ous and unprovoked; and whatever may
be the feelings of the Editor of the
Banner towards me, it does not comport
with decency, nor satisfy the require
ments of bravery, for him to allow the
use of his columns, to a third person,
to slab my reputation, when the editor
has not the nerve or the courage to ask
satisfaction of me himself. The writer
of this letter says that 1 am “ a flower
born to blush unseen, except in the
suburbs of Cumming.” The writer’s
style and rhetoric are worse than hi*
manners. I did not before know that
so small a village as poor little Cum
ming had “ suburbs Whether I am
seat beyond the limits of the little village*
I cannot say ; but my opinion is, I have
made myselffelt very far beyond Cum
ming, else so much solicitude would not
have been exhibited, in certain localt-
ties, in Cobbham, to know who “ Samu
el” was! But this smacks of self-com
mendation, and I shall now turn to the
subject immediately in hand.
I knnw not uho the author of this
Monroe (?) letter is; but I have no
doubt he is the son, or grand sun, of
some old Revolutionary lory, whom
Gen. Marion and Sumter often made
“ take water” in the swamps of South
Carolina, in 1776. The shores of Pec-
dee have often resounded with the hoofs--
of Marion’s horses, when they were
after the nasty old Briton “ with a sharp
stick,” running him from the “ suburbs'*
of some patriot’s negro quarter, with
stolen bacon or poultry on his bode,
intended for the camps of the British
.and Tory armies; and i:-: the pursuit.