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UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA LIBRARY
-*Ss
mm.
VOLUME II.
ATHENS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MOVING, AUGUST 23, 1855.
NUMBER 21
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
BY JOHN H. CHRISTY,
CDITOm AND PBOraiBTOB.
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From the Georgia Citizen.
HON. A. II. STEPHENS—A KNOW
NOTHING !
Dou’t laugh, reader, at this announce
ment, for strange as it may appear, Mr.
Stephens, on the 23d day of Febuary,
1852, did actually plant himself square*
toed upon the American Platform ! In
Dollarperaquareforthedret,andFiftyCentspersquare ; p roo f read the following extracts from
Tor each subsequent immrtion. I* ' > ,, , u .
Legal and yearly ad Trrtisemnnts at the usual rates ' an “ address delivered by the tlon. A.
Candidates will be charged $5 for announcements, i tj q .r hefnrethe Mnrvlnnrl
«nd obituary noticesexeeeSing.ix lines in length will ®-> ot Georgia, DeiOie me tUarylanO
Tie charged aa advertisements. i lnstitue in Baltimore, on the evening
When the number of insertionsisnotmarkedon and . . n njri„i. lorn
•edverlHement, it will be published till forbid, and , of tbe,23u Feb. 1852, in commemoration
'chargedaccordingly, jnfj ho, Birthday of Washington.” We
’takethese extracts from a -pamphlet
Rates of Advertising'
Transient advertisements willbeinserted at One i
Political.
36nsincea Jrnfrssianal Cnriis.
^ToHNTfTciiRrsTYr^
PLAIN AND FANCV
Book and Job Printer,
“Franklin Job Office,” Athens. Ga.
'+*• All work entrusted to his care faithfully, correctly
and punctually executed, at prices correspond-
Jsnls ing with the hardnessof the times. tf
C. B. LOMBARD,
DENTIST,
ATHENS, GEORGIA,
Rtximsover the Store of Wilson Sc. Veal.
Jan3
PITNER & ENGLAND.
Wholesale A Retail Dealersin
Orocericin, Bry Goods,
HARDWARE, SHOES AND BOOTS,
April 6 Athens, Ga.
MOORE & CARLTON,
DEALERS IN
SILK, FANCY AND STAPLE GOODS,
HARDWARE AND CROCKERY.
April No. Jl, Granite Row. Athens, Ga.
LUCAS & BILLUPS,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN
DRY GOODS,
GROCERIES, HARDWARE, Ac. Ac.
No. 2, Broad Street, Athens.
WILLIAM G. DELONY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office over the store alWro M. Morton St Son
Will attend promptly to all busiu ess entrust
ed to his care. Athens, April 6
P. A. SUMMEY & BROTHER,
Wholesale and Retail Dealers in
Staple Goods, Hardware, Crockery,
AND ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES,
Corner of Wall and Broad streets, Athens.
"WILLIAM N. AVHITE,
WHOLESALE ASP RETAIL
BOOKSELLER AND STATIONER,
And Newspaper and Magazin t Agent.
DEALER IN
MUSIC and MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
LAMPS, FINE CUTLERY, FANCY GOODS. AC.
No. 2, College Avonue, Newton House. Athens, Ga
8ignof •• While’s University Bookstore.”
Orders promptly filled at Augusta rates.
T. BISHOP & SON,
Wholesale and Retail Grocers,
April 6 No. 1, Broad street, Athens.
JAMES M. ROYAL,
HARNESS MAKER,
AS removed his shop to Mitchell’s old
Tavern, one door east of Grady & Nicb-
vlaon's—where he keeps always on hand a
general assortmentof articles in hislinc, nud
is always ready to fill orders in the best style.
Jan 26 tf
copy of said address, published by John
T. Towers, Washington City, with
which we have been favored by a gen
tleman of this city
“The other point I promised to allude
to is the subject of our foreign relations.
This is becoming a matter of grave and
momentous importance for the consid
eration of the American people. It was
a matter that the far-seeing eye of
Washington did not overlook. Hence
his emphatic and solem warning which
you have just heard—‘‘against the insid
ious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure
you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the
jealousy of a free people ought to be
constantly awake.” This was the lan
guage of the patriot anJ sage in his last
words to his countrymen. The hand
that penned it has long siuce returned
to its mother dust; but the same voice
still comes from his tomb at Mount Ver
non, and here this night, I invoke you,
for his sake, if not for your own, to
hearken to that voice. Again he says
The great rule of conduct for us in re
gard to foreign nations is, in extending
our commercial relations to have with
them as little polilici! connection as pos
sible.” From that day to this—for
more than half a century—we have fol
lowed that advice. Our motto from
that time to this, in the language of Mr
Jefferson, has been “Friendship with
all nations—entangling alliances with
none.'’ And I am proud to say that no
American—no son of Washington, not
even the most degenerate—was the first
to advocate a change in this policy. It
was reserved for the son of another and
a distant clime—a man, too, who had
abandoned his own country in the hour
of her peril to come here to leach us
how to make ours great, prosperous
and powerful. For the honor of Ameri
cans, 1 say, be it spoken, that this first
attempt to arraign the wisdom of Wash
ington on this question of our foreign
policy was made by a foreigner.—
Would that I could say that no Ameri
can had yielded to “the insidious wiles
of his influence.” But the virus has
taken effect; it is spreading through the
land; and we now hear it openly pro
claimed in many places, that it is time
for us to assume our position amongs
the nations ol the earth; that : t is time
LOOK HERE!
T HE undersigned have on hand a general
assortment of
STAPLE DRY GOODS,
GROCERIES AND HARDWARE.
which they will sell low for cash or barter
Gall and examine.
April 13 P. A. SUMMEY & BRO.
that all nations had as good a Govern
ment as we have. We should not peril
our own life in hopeless efforts to rescue
that of others. Let us not, in a fit of
misguided zeal for the liberties of man
kind, lose our own All men are not
suited for constitutional free Govern-
ernment. One of the most common of
the popular errors of the people having
the wish to be free also have the abili
ty to be free. This is a great mistake.
Constitutional liberty, or liberty regu
lated by law—the only liberty that is
worth the name—is not so easily ac
quired. If it were, we would not to-day
be the only people, on earth in its en
joyment. It is true, the people of al
most any ulfcioiJ 1 , WHto-afii'm-resolutioni
can overthrow the strongest of despotism
but they cannot build up a republic m
its stead. This requires more than
physical force. It requires virtue, in
telligence, morality, patriotism and
statesmanship. Brutus and a few as
sociates found no difficulty in remov
ing Caesar from an imperial throne.
But they did not thereby restore lost
freedom to Rome. France found but
little difficulty in bringing Louis the
XVI., to the block ; but France did
not thereby establish a republic. She
found even less difficulty in driving
Charles the Xth from the kingdom he
had so badly governed ; but she did not
thereby succeed in establishing a good
Government for the people. Louis
Phillippe had in like manner in a short
time to be carried to her Tarpeian Rock.
It is now just four years since she made
her last effort at republicanism. And
what do we now behold? Louis Na
poleon—a President King !
And so it will be. I fear, with all the
nations of Europe, until th<’re be a
change in the minus, habits, education
and modes of thinking on the part of
their people. Liberty, in their estima
tion, is licentiousness, lawlessness.—
They do not understand or appreciate
its first principles. Men, to be capable
of maintaining law and order in a free
Government, must be schooled in '.he
elementary principles.”
There, reader, what better American
principles would you have than what is
here found? Wbat more patriots
warnings against‘‘Foreign Influe ice i
What sounder views of the necessity of
change in the minds, habits, educa
tion and mod s of thinking,’, of For
eigners, before they can be converted
from a lawless, licentious people into
good American citizens ? Let the pa
triotic Stephens of 1852 be pitted
against the unpatriotic Mr. Stephens of
1855, and we all can see that the ver
dict will be in favor of the former.
Coach-Making and Repairing.
JAMES bTbURPEE,
T the old stand recently occupied by R. 8.
l Schcvenell, offers for sale a lot of superi
or articles of his own manufacture, at redu
ced prices—consisting oi
Carriages, Buggies, &c.
Orders for any thing in hisline thankfully
received and promptly executed.
_£*9*Repairing done at shortnotice aud on
reasonable terms.
H AS removed his shop to Mitchell's old we had a foreign policy. What does
Tavern, one door east of Grady A Nich- this language mean ? Is it intended by
those who use it to convey the idea that
we have gone on for upwards of sixty
years in a career of prosperity never be
fore equalled, without any foreign poli
cy? Was not the rule laid down by
Washington, and acted on by every
President from his day to this, a policy?
It was a policy. It was and is the
policy of attending to our own business,
and letting other nations alone. It was
and is the policy, the time-honored poli
cy, of non-intervention. It may not be
a foreign policy, but it is a Washington
policy ; by an osbervance of which we
have come to be what we are—one of
the first nations of the earth.
********
A T the old stand recently occupied by k. s. And, above all, lend no listening ear
Schcveuell, offers for sale a lot ofsuperi- to those who come from other countries
to teach you the principles of republi
canism. Yield not to the tempter
The fether of your country forbids. It
was in an evil hour that our great first
parents touched the forbidden fruit,
They were happy in their parad
their wily enemy came from other re
gions. Imagine for a moment the scene
when the guardian angel of that innno-
cent and noble pair took his last de
parture trom them; when he was called
Spokes for Carriages and Wagons, 1 *“
NOTICE.
T HE subscribers are prepared to fill orders
for all kinds of
Also, at tho same establishment we manufac
ture all kinds of
BOBBINS,
commonly used in our cotton factories. All
done ana cheap as can be had from
tne North. Address,
P. A.SUMMEY & BRO. Athens.Ga.
who will attend to all orders, and the ship
ping of the same. March, 1864.
f SLOAN & OATH AN,
DEALERS IN
Italian, Egyptian <k American
AND EAST TENNESSEE MARBLE.
Monuments, Tombs, Urns and Vases; Marble
Mantels and Furnishing Mnrbl-o
ty All orders promptly filled.
ATLANTA, GA.
fy Refer to Mr. Ross Crane. juueld
O A Sacks Flour for sale by
April 26th Grady ANicuolson
WANTED,
W onn „ Lns - g °od country
tLMJv/ BACON, for which the high
est price will be paid, Gush or barter. »t
Jul yS I- M. KENNEYS.
GOOD
sale by
July IV
IRON AXLE WAGONS, for
1*. A. SUMMEY A BRO.
3tn
and protecting them Hear the last whis
pers of his voice, beware of foreign in
fluence. It was thus that Washington
our deliverer, defender, and guardian
spirit, spoke to us on taking his last
parting leave. Had they heeded the
warning giten to them, they had not
fallen. May we as a nation never fall
as they did !
The right fellow-citizens, to interfere
in circumstances that might happen, I
do not mean to discu.ss. I grant that
we have all the attributes and powers of
a full-grown nation, so far as our foreign
relations are concerned. But to do a
thing and the policy or propriety of
doing it, are quite different questions.
Any man can get into a fight when he
pleases. And so can we. Intervention
to prevent intervention is very much
like getting into a fight to prevent
fiigh*. Imermeddlers with other peo
ple’s business generally come off worst-
ed. Be not misled by appeals to your
sympathy. It is not for want of pro-
fnundest sympathy for the misgoverned
tribes of the race of uiau in all parts of
the world that I speak as Ido. It was
for uo want of sympathy for them that
Washington spoke as lie did. I wish
HON. DANLEL S DICKINSON ON KNOW
N0THINGI3M.
The following letter from the Hoa.
Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York,
to the editor of the Floridian, a rabid
Democratic paper, published at Talla
hassee, will be read with interest by all
classes. Never was any intriguing poli
tician, we venture the opinion, more
sadly disappointed, than the Editor of
the Floridian. Hence, in publishing the
letter he confesses his‘‘disappointment,”
and pronounces Mr. Dickinson’s letter
“a tame and watery production.” Had
Mr. Dickinson endorsed the Freesoi!
affiliation of the Administration, in
place of thrusting it and Congress under
the fifth rib for basely pandering to the
“Foreign vote,” the Editor would doubt
less have regarded the letter of Mr.
D. very differently, and have commend
ed its “manly and patriotic sentiments”
to the consideration of the Southern peo
ple. The difficulty was that Mr. Dickin
son was altogether too pure a patriot
and honest a man, to suit the purposes
and views of the Editor. Hence, he
eschewed him as promptly as a thief
would shun a vigilant and efficient police
officer. Mr. Dickinson thought the
platform of the K* N.’s sound on the
slavery question, and* like an honest raaa
and true patriot, he bad the manliness
and independence to say so. Such a
man did not suit the views and purposes
of the Democratic Editor. He wanted
altogether a different kind of man upon
the stand; a witness who would testify
for the party, not for the country;—
Chron. S? Sent.
Albany, N. Y. June 26, 1855
My Dear Sir:—On my return to
my residence, a few days since, from a
professional engagement abroad, 1 found
your favor of a late date enquiring for
my views touching the principles of the
American or “ Know Nothing” organ!
zation. Before I found time to answer I
was hurried to tiiis place to attend the
Court of Appeals now in session, where
the business in which I am engaged af
fords little time or opportunity for corres
pondence. I will, however, as I have
no concealments upon public questions
borrow a moment from my pressing
duties-to say quite hastly, that I have
no knowledge concerning the Order to
which you allude, except such as is ac
quired from publications purporting to
give information upon the subject, and
must therefore confine myself to such
points as are embraced witbin this range.
It is generally understood and conceeded
to be a secret society or organization,
designed to act politically in the contests
of the day. Of this secret feature I
entirely disapprove, and am unable to
understand by whftt neoessiiy, real or
opposed, it was dictated, or upon what
principOTt can be justified. Free pub
lic discussion and open action on all pub
lic affairs,are essential to the health—nay,
to the very existence of popular liberty;
and the day which finds the public mind
reconciled to the secret movements of
political parlies, will find us far on our
way to the slavery of despotism. If
good men may meet in secret for good
purposes, we can have no assurance that
bad men, under the same plausible ex
terior, will not secretly sap the founda
tions of public virtue.
Whether I am in favor of their plat
form upon tlx* question of domestic slave
ry, must depend upon what it is; or rath
er, whether they are in favor of mine.
If their platform is to bo regarded as
including, Upholding or justifying such
pefeUical jnonstrMlies.asaAfef- “personal
liberty bill,” recently passed'!nto law by
the Massachusetts Legislature over the
veto of Governer Gardner, then I pro
nounce it treason of the deepest dye—
treason, rank, ui.blushing and brazen
de-erving of public reprehension and
condign punishment. If upon this sub
ject their platform conforms to resolu
tions recently publiseed, purporting to be
the voice of a majority of the convention
assembled at Philadelphia, it is in sub
stance the same upon which I have stood
for years—upon which I did not enter
without counting the consequences, and
which I intend to relinquish only with
life. I have not now these resolutions,
be.ore me, but as I recollect them I ap
prove them in substance as sound nation
al doctrine. I ignore no part of the
federal constitution, either in theory or
in practice, to court the poular caprices
of the moment, to gain public station or
to minister to the necessities or infirm!
ties of those in power. Nor, can I dis
trust the soundness of priuciples approv
ed upon full consideration under a high
sens.- of duty, because others may choose
to adopt and embrace them.
I cannot believe that any good can be
accomplished by making the birth place
a lest of fidelity or merit. It does not
accord with but is at war, with the genius
of our institutions. Th it abuses have
been practiced by the appointment of
foreigners to places of trust, before suffi
ciently familiar witlt our constitution
laws, and social system, or to which
from circumstances, they were unsuited
is probable. This however is in some
respects common to native as well as
naturalized citizens, and arises not from
a defective system but from its erroneous
administration. It L in both respects
the natural result of placing in thu hand
of the incompetent, the distribution of
public patronage
Upon the subject of natm^dized citi
zens I have been governed by con rid era
tions of justice and duly, and have de
sinned to observe.the spirit of my coun
ty’s Constitution. When members of
Congress engaged in a steeple chase, to
see who should propose earliest, git-
most, and vote loudest, to feed sufferin
Ireland from the federal treasury A few
years since, not finding any warrant
For such proceedings, I voted against tt,
and let puplic clamor exhaust itself upon
my head in denunciations. When I
learned that the foreigner who had in
good faith declared his intentions of citi
zenship, by setting his foot upon a foreign
shore, in case of shipwreck, without any
intention of remaining .abroad, lost the
benfit of his proceedings, I introduced
and procured the passage of a bill to re
dress the grievance. These principles
have governed my public conduct and
guide my opinons. The Constitution
administered in its true spirit, is, in my
judgment, sufficient for the protection of
all, whether native or naturalized, and
f or the redress of all political evils which
can be reached by human government.
X have the honor to be, your friend
anfi servant.
D. S. Dickinson.
Charles E. Dyke, Esy,
Editor Floridian Journal.
can be released only by a declaration of
my Church, as the divinely appointed
director, of conscience, that the prince
by her tyranny and oppression, has for
feited his rights, fallen from dignity, and
ceased to reign. What I claim for the
Pope as visible head of the Church is
the power to release ray conscience from
this religious bond, and to place me at
liberty to resist the prince become a
tyrant. This is all I understand by the
deposing power.
The Power, itself, everybody, not a
tyrant or a slave, asserts. The Ameri
can Congress of 1776 asserted it, and
deposed George the THIRD. THE
ONLY DIFERENCE IS, SOME
GIVE TO THE PEOPLE ; SOME
TO THE INDIVIDUAL; AND
CLAIM IT FOR THE CHURCH.
AND THE POPE AS THE HEAD
OF THE CHURCH.
The Pope does not in this exercise a
civil power, or jurisdiction, and it
GOV. JOHNSON BEGGING VOTES.
A correspondent of the Albany (Ga.)
Courier, writing from Warwick, Worth
county, under date July 26, furnishes
the following evidence of the digqjfied
self-respect of Gov. Johnson on the
stump, on the day previous at that place.
The Courier says its correspondent is
of high character for truth. He said
‘‘Fellow-citizens, Lwant you to vote
for me—I want your rotes—I have come
over to you on the Georgia Platform,
and now you must vote for me—havn’t
I made a good Governor!—hav’t I made
a deserving Governor—havn’t I made a
faithful Governor ? I’ve come all the
way down here to see you, and I wish I
could shafce hands with yon all—yes,
every one of you. Won’t you vote for
me! And here is my friend Shines—
vote for him, too, he is a good, big, fat,
laughing, jolly, good, easy fellow—he
wants your votes, and so do I. J udge
Andrews don't want your votes—he
don't belong to the right party that asks
you for your votes—I do. He has never
been tried—I have. I repeat, he don’t
want your votes, and I do—so vote for
me.
And then he went on for two hours,
disgusting even his friends.
An Eficure.—A lady, who must be
a relative of Mrs. Partington we think,
“by marriage” at least, was entertain
ing some friends with a fine leg of mut
ton at dinner the other day, when one of
her guests remarked that the mutton
was exceedingly fine in quality. “Oh
yes,” said she, “my husband always
buys till best. He is a great epicac.”
TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE.
LETTER FROM O. A. BROWNSON. •
The Warrenton (North Carolina)
News says: “We have received and
publish below, a letter from Mr. O. A.
Brownson of Brownson's Review, (a
Roman Catholic) to a citizen of this
place, who had written to Mr. B. re
questing the members of his Review
wherein he maintained the civil authori
ty of the Pope in this country. The
consent of Mr. B. has been obtained t*»
make what use of it may be deemed
proper, although it was not written for
the public eye. But as Mr. Branch has
used the lett&rin this canvass we think
it best to publish it entire.
Boston, June 12, 1855.
My Dear Sir :—I have received this
moment yours of the 7th inst., with its
enclosure. I am a little at a loss to de
termine what course to take There are
no numbers of my Review wherein I
have maintained the civil authority of
the Pope in this country, but as there
are several numbers in which I have
discussed the relations ofthe two orders-
temporal and spiritual 1—I think I shall
upon the whole, best answer your wishes
by sending them. I will therefore order
my publisher to send you all the numbers
for 1853 and 1354.
You will find in the articles entitled
Two Others” January 1852, “ The
Spirituae not the TemporalApril, and
“ The Spiritual Supreme,” July, of the
same year, the statement of my doctrine
on the subject: and in “ You Go two
far,” January, 1854, “ The Temporal
Power ofthe Popes.” April, 1854, and
Uncle Jack and his Nephew,” for Oc
tober, ofthe same year, my explanations
and defence of my doctrine.
May I ask you to read these articles
in the order in which I have named
them ? If you will, although you will
doubtles find much which, if non-Catho
lie, you will object to, I am sure you will
find no such doctrine as I am accused of
holding. The subject I treat has been
much obscured by controversy, and
am liable to misapprehension by those
who have not studied it somewhat
profoundly from the Catholic point in
view. 1 treat the subject only under
certain aspects and for Catholics, and
many of the terms I use to have in Catho
lie theology a technical sense, which
those not familiar with that theclo L
may misapprehend. I say this in excuse
of those who have misrepresented me
I claim, (and never have claimed for
the Pope, out of the Ecclesiastical
States of which he is the temporal sove
reign) no temporal or civil jurisdiction,
power, or authority, properly so called.
The only power the Pope has in this
country is his power over Catholics as
the spiritual head of the Church. It is
purely spiritual power, and can be ex
ercised only for aspiritual end, and even
then only over Catholics, for the church
does not judge those who are without.
In matters purely temporal, I, as a
Catholic, owe no obedience to the Pope,
because he has received from Jesus
Christ no authority as a temporal sover
eign over me. He cannot make or un
dertake trie rights of the sovereign or the
duties ofthe subject-abrogate the former
or absolve from the latter.
So far all Catholics, whether the so-
called ul.ra Montanes, or the so-called
Gallicans, are agreed. The dispute lies
not here. All agree that the State is
supreme and independent in its own
order—that is to say, in the temporal
order. But what I maintain is, that the
temporal order is not supreme and in
dependent, but in the very nature of
things subordinate to the spiritual, since
the end of man—the end for which God
made him, directs and governs him by
His Providence—lies in the spiritual
order, not in the temporal. Every man
who believe-* any religion at all, whether
Catholic, or non-Catholic, does and must
admit this; for it is only saying that we
must obey God rather than man, and
live for the Creator rather than the
creature. This premised, I think I can
state to you in a few words the doctrine
Ido really hold.
INASMUCH AS THE TEM
PORAL ORDER IS SUBORDI
NATE TO THE SPIRITUAL, IT
FOLLOWS THAT THE STATE IS
UNDER THE LAW OF JUSTICE;
CONSEQUENTLY THE PRINCE
HOLDS HIS POWERS AS A
TRUST, not as an indefeasible right
and therefore forfeits them when he
abuses them and loses his right to reign.
This is the common doctrine held by all
of us Americans, and all Catholic doc
tors teach, and always have taught it
It lies at the foundation of all true liber
ty, and is the only doctrine that can ever
justify resistance to the temporal powers,
The right of resistance of power, when
it becomes tyrannical and oppressive, I
take it for granted is held by every
American.
But here is a difficulty. The Church
following the Holy Scriptures, makes
civil allegiance a religious duty, and says
with Saint Paul, Rom, 1-2: ‘ Let every
soul be subject to the higher powers, for
there is no power but from God. There
fore, he that resisteth the power resis
teth the ordinance of God, and they that
resist purchase damnation t.o themselves ~
Here you see I am forbidden by the law
of God to resist the power, and com
manded, on peril of damnation to obey
Here is my conscience bound to obedi
encc, and my conscience us a Catholic
appointments, and my purpose is to say
that if you are willing we will canvass
the Destrict together—entering into
discussions on equal terms.
Please answer me by return mail, ns
I desire to make my arrangements, and
if you agree to the proposition, we can
make the appointments mutually Con
venient.
Yours truly, B. H. Hill.,
called his temporal power only because
it is a power exercised over temporal
sovereigns, or in relation to the obliga
tion of tbe subject to obey the prince,
But even here the Pope does not relieve
trom civil allegiance, for that the Prince,
had forfeited by his tyrant. HE RE
LEASES THE SUBJECT ONLY
F ROM T H E SP RITU A L OR RE LI
GIOUS OBLIGATIONS, SUPER-
ADDED BY CHRISTIANITY TO
THE CIVIL, AND THIS ONLY IN.
CASE OF THE CATHOLIC CON-
SCIENCE
The POPE IS THE PROPER
AUTHORITY TO DECIDE FOR
ME WHETHER THE CONSTITU
TION OF THIS COUNTRY IS OR
IS NOT REPUGNANT TO THE
LAWS OF GOD. If he decides that
it is not, as he has decided, then I am
bound in conscience to obey every law
made in accordance with it; and under
no circumstance can he absolve me from
my obligation to obey, or interfere with
i he administration of government under
it, for the civil government is free to do
according to its constitution whatever it
pleases that is not repugnant to the laws
of God, or to natural justice. That it is
free to do more than that, I presume no
man in this country will pretend.
I have made these remorks io aid you
to understand the doctrine of the article
to which I have called your attention.
You are a stranger to me, but I lake
you to be a serious minded man, and a
lover of truth and justice; as such I have
addressed you ; I have no doctrines or
opinions that I visit to conceal. I am a
Catholic. As such, I wish to be true to
my God, and to my fellow men
I have the honor to be, your ob’dt
er’t.
0. A. BROWNSON.
Hugh J, Davis Esq.
Greenville. July 18th 1855.
Dear Sir : I am in the receipt of
your letter of the 17th inst. Not an
ticipating a nomination for Congress,
my professional and other engagements,
made prior thereto, will necessarily com
pel me to decline making any contract
or agreement to canvass ’ the District in
the manner proposed by you. My ap
pointments have already been made in
view of my other engagements, and shall
endeavor to fulfill them by discussing
the merits of the Philadelphia platfoam
to the best of my humble ability, leaving
you to do the same at such times anu
places as you may deem proper.
Very respectfully your ob’t. sefv**.,
IIiram Warner.
B. H. Hill, Esq., LaGrange.
This is the most complete back out we
have ever seen or heard of. We never
before knew a candidate for Congress to
decline meeting his opponent, if a! re
spectable man, in discussion. Perhaps
the Judge fears he might be driven to
the wall on the Johnson and Coopf.r
bargain, and the appointment of Cow
art ; or be forced to defend these two
acts before the people, ho knows
cannot he done. “Something rotten in
Denmark,” certain.
DIS-
JUDGE WARNER WONT
CUSS.
Judge Warner the nominee of tbe
Pierce and Reeder democracy, in the
4th Congressional district, declines to
discuss with his opponent, B. H. Hill,
the political questions, ofthe day before
the people. This certainly indicates lit-,
tic confidence in the justice of his cause
The LaGrange Reporter says :
Mr. Hill, the American candidate,
confident of the correctness of his prin
ciples, aud the firmness of tbe basis upon
which be stands, has proposed to meet
his adversary when and where he may
choose, upon equal terms, and the result
of the proposition has been what will be
shown by the following correspondence,
We are authorized to state, that as Judge
Warner declines the discussion on the
ground that he had previously made his
appointments, Mr. Hill proposed to ac
cept Judge Warner’s appointments and
consider them as mutual. Judge War
ner also declined this proposition and
said he would not discuss with Mr. Hill
at these appointments, except upon his
(Judge Warner’s) own terms, one
which should be that he (Warner) should
always have the conclusion, and have as
much time as he wanted. Mr. Hill is
thus driven to make his own appoint
ments, to all of which Judge Warner is
cordially invited upon equal terms.
must be evident to every reflecting mind
that Judge Warner holds one of two
opinions: either that he is inferior to
Col. Hill in debate, and is therefore
afraid to meet him in a public discus
sion, or else he fears lest the sophistry
with which he would seek to bolster up
a bad cause, would be unmasked ; or
that the chaff which he would pass off
upon the masses as pure grain, would he
thoroughly sifted- by the searching ar
gument of our Standard-beartr. Which
is it 7
But we forbear further remarks, and
point our readers to the eorresdence.
La Grange. Ga, July 17, 1855.
Hon. Hiram Warner :
Dear Sir; Circumstances have so con
spired as to make me your opponent for
Congress from this District. It seems
also that the great issue involved in
this canvass, is the correctness or in
incorrectness of the principles of the
American party.
I believe the American platform,
put forth at Philadelphia recently, is the
safest, the best and most practical ever
adopted by a national party. Its prin
ciples ought to be discussed.
I hope you will not consider me hasty in
addressing you this note. I understand
you have eomoieuced giving out your
THE VIEWS OF A GREAT ANft
GOOD MAN.
The Anti-American Party are'.dis
posed to aid their bad cause' by giViug-
a false position to their opponents.—■'
They have endeavored to arouse the’
prejudices of sects, by asserting that the'
American Party was engaged in' a' cru
sade against religious associations, when 1
the reverse is the fact. They have giv
en the names of eminent divines without'
authority as being opposed to the 1
American Party.
We received a few days since a long'
letter from our venerable and respected'
friend, Dr. L. Pierce, with the permis
sion to make such use of it as we saw
fit. We have not room for ft entire, but
give the concluding part as expressive
of just and correct views, and pertinent!
to the spirit of the times. The venera
ble writer say3:
“But I said there were some queer
things in this p ogressive age. One is
that in this land of freedom of speech, a'
minister cannot express any political'
opinion, without being made the object
of remark, and perhaps of censure too ;
as if his being a minis'er, placed him'
beyond the influence of the love of his’
country. I don’t like this sort of pro
scription, and especially as there is often*
much in political issues, so nearly in al
liance with the morality of the ftible.’
I am willing, when ever l descend to
the miserable slang of the common'
hustings, to be rebuked, but when I only
express my views on the moral tenden
cies of the times, and on what 1 believe
to be the evil agencies at work, I must',
demur to all censure. Iam prrud of
my country, and I am, by a sort of moral
instinct,a native American. I-.canrtbt,
bo anything else. I have always liblietteu
that we had opened the door of immi
gration too wide, and would And it abso-:
lutelv necessary to close up a little, and
I am sorry to see that so many oppose'
it as an Anti-American move. For my
self, I believe the hand or God is in it
and that the principle will prevailif
not, I am, and always will be satisfied'
with whatever the God of nations may
choose for us. Happy is that people
that is in such a case : yea, happy is
that people, whose God is the Lord.
L PIERCE,
Removal of Judge K Amo he.—Trtfif
Aministration and the Abolition
ists.—The Alabama Journal says':—
The Baltimore papeis confirm the tele
graphic despatches of tlx* RmoViif of
Judge Rush Elmore from hi . official
station in Kansas, on the'safiVe charges
of those made against Gov. Reeder, of
land purchases. It seems that the Na
tional Era, the great organ of Aim-’
litionists, was aware of this determina
tion of the President --'ftme time since,
and anhouccd its satisfaction in the fill-
lowing words; SbyS this abolition or
gan :
“We are truly gratified that the
President has determined to Tenative*
Johnson and Elmore. This action of
the President will weaken the abomina
tion slavery and kno a nothing influence',
tso powerful in Kansas, planted and nur-
ured by these men.”
The question wiH n'auVrelly arise 3
how happens if that the abolition organ
at Washington knew of this determina
tion of the President before it was mt
nounced to the public f and was not this
determination made by the influence of
the abolitionists ? These are the ques
tion for tho Southern Democrats to
ponder oft.
How to make the winter pass quick.—
Give a note to the Bank tor ninety da)#,•
and Spring will come as soon as yon are
prepare^ for it.