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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 183?-1864 | View Entire Issue (June 26, 1850)
2 ed audience. Debates in The Nashville CONVENTION. Eighth dat—On the question as to wheth er the amendments presented by Mr. Mcßae, of Miss, should be adopted and made part ot the address, a warm controversy took place, which was participated in by Messrs. Mcßae, Gordon and Colquit, Messrs Gordon and Colquit taking strong ground against the a mendments so offered. Gen. Gordon said the address was none too strong in the character of the phraseology used, that every thing ha been done in the’ Committee which appeared possible to make it acceptable to all, and ne was against any further attempts to modify or soften the terms of it. . - Mr. Mcßae read at length the portions of the Address proposed to be stricken out, wi the amendments proposed by him in lieu o them,—said that the Address ought to go to the wor'd with entire unanimity on the part ol the Convention, if it were possible—that it was his object, if it could be accomplished, to pre vent having any protest go out along with it and insisted that any objections on the part of those who were disposed to go further than was indicated by the Address, had better take the shape of “addenda," than compel men to weaken the strength of that document by any thing like a regular protest. Mr. Colquit, then took the floor. He said the resolutions were tame enough, in all con science. We in the South, he said, have for years been engaged in planning schemes for party aggrandizement, and it was time for this to cease. Men should speak out what they felt. Let the rights of the South be really in fracted, and be did not know the Southern State or the humblest man in the ranks who wonld not come up and face the politicians He was willing to have margin enough incor porated in the report to suit the views of gen tlemen who might wish to address the people, but he was for decided measures. He would advise every Southern State to go to moulding bullets, canting cannon, and filling their arse nals, if need be, inorder to defend their rights. Was he a Disunionist ? The Union, he would say, could not be destroyed, but he was not for tame submission ’ The Union was dear alike to all, North and South ; and if the peo ple North loved the Union as he did, it would be preserved. But every nian. woman, and child, South of the willing to die for their rights. It resolve itself into this, at last —if did know how much to ask for of this controversy, and he could get what he so desired, the Almighty knew he would ask - by a humorj" ous story in substance—that a fellow in Geor gia bad purchased a new pair of “gallowses ” and wished for an opportunity to display them. Ata muster therefore, he pretended he wished to fight [in order to get a chance to pull off his coat.] But it proved to be a fight sure enough and the mover in it got whipped. Mr. C. hoped the Delegates had not come to the Con vention to show their ‘■gallowses'.’’ He did not want any dodging either, and he hoped that every delegate would lake the responsi bility and come out over his own name in what he did. He was briefly and handsomely replied to by Messrs Meßae and Stuart, of Mississippi, anJ Judge Hunter of Alabama, having secured the floor, on motion, the convention adjourned to half past fnur o'clock. Aftzrsooh Session.—Judge Hunter tiav * ing the floor, p oceeded to reply to the re marks of Mr. Colquit. He regretted the ne cessity which called for a reply, but he could not avoid answering the charges of pusillani mity and cowardice conveyed in the speech of the gentleman from Georgia. Men rose here to talk flippantly of their love for the U nion, whilst raising their hands to tear it to tat ters. He would ask was there no other man here but himself devoted to the preservation of the Union ? Was it to be expected that the Convention would adopt views which not one in ten or one in fifty of the people would sus tain? He came here with a heart full of the spirit and the temper of compromise, aud he accepted the resolutions without a word of dissent although they did not fill his ideas ful ly; although they did not agree with tho posi tions assumed in all of them. He stood there as the sole representative of his Congressional District, and as such he was willing, notwith standing his objections, to take the Resolu tions presented by his colleague. But did the Address correspond with the Resolu tions—was it based upoh it 7 It should have beam fitted for the Resolutions and was it so fitteil ? No it was not I They had gone in the Address beyond the limits of the Resolutions. He would say to the Author of the Address, whoever he might be—that it was calculated to work evil at home—to inflame the passions of the people. Although there were no: ma ny here who agreed with him, yet there were more perhaps, than gentlemen might think ; and the: who differed had the courage to de clare themselves. Before he would see Disu nion carried out.he was against the Address and for the “Compromise'’ a thousand times over. [Stamping in the gallery in approbation.] There, said Judge H., was the voice that cheer ed him on—that would continue to cheer him on. He disagreed with those who drafted the Address, in relation to the portion tha related to California especially, and the Address char acterized the Compromise of the Committee of thirteen as a comprehensive,scheme of eman cipation. [Here Gen-. Gordpn explained that this portion had been atricken out. Judge H. accepting the 'explanation.] Other expres sion* and portions of the Address were objec tionable, other positions were overstated. Such ration was calculated to exercise a bad influ ence at Washington and to awaken the pas sions of the people, which he considered to be wrong. He would pay his humble tribute of admiration to the gentleman from Mississippi , n<.l.l H , ~„.i..„, > ■■■■■WW'rnCTomproinue a thousand times in pref erence to Disunion. Mr. Winston, of Alabama, said he arose to express his dissent to nearly all that had fallen from his colleague on this occasion. He had heard too*much about the Union—the glorious Union! but when it became an instrument of oppression, then it became infamous. He did not care for the demonstrations—the stamping in the gallejues, it did not move him. His health would not permit him to make a speech, but coming as he did, from the same State, he could not be silent. Mr. Boykin, of Alabama, arose to rebuke the spirit which had been evinced in debate. He came here not to aid in vexing the ears of gentlemen—not to breed dissention among the people, and he must therefore enter his protest against alt this. This body was a de liberative body. It was composed of the most dignified and able men in the South, and it was letting down the character of it to go into inflammatory debate. Almost all ages of the world had presented similar acenes. When men were subjected to great grievances it had always been customary to assemble together to get redress. It was so with the conscript Fathers of the Revolution, and the same spirit of conciliation which marked their action should characterize the action of this grave assembly He was determined to stand by the rights of the country, and he took for granted thatyrrina facia every gentleman present was in favor of sustaining the rights of the South, differing only as to l h e best method by which that end should be attained. He would notice briefly some of the points of difference in the Address. He thought the mode of argument adopted open in some respects to attack, and consequently and unfortunately to overthrow. He referred particularly to that part in relation to California. Men in and out of the Conven tion differed in respect to this—the highest le gal lore in and out differed tn relation to this question If we went on in the manner pro. posed to declare the inadmissibility of Califor nia to enter the Union, we might be at issue with the Congress of the United States. In stead of putting objections on constitutional grounds, other and as he considered weaker grounds were assumed—that the action of the people there was irregular and revolutionary If wo stood upon the right position, we were impregnate—if we opposed the admission of California on other and weaker grounds we might fail. That then ought to be left out of the questions discussed, as he believed. The Address stated that Congress, in adopting the constitution of California, adopted in effect the Wilmot Proviso. The people of Califor nia had adopted that constitution, right or wrnna Uo .t ..1 a ■ i wrong. He believed then, that the Address was liable to attack and successful attack too. To sustain his position, Mr. B. quoted Mr Calhoun's speech made in 1837, proposing to admit Michigan, and he thought that the sug gestions <>f prudence and the spirit of concili ation should dictate the leaving out of the por tion he had referred to. The distinguished gentleman from Virginia, (Gen. Gordon,) had admitted that the difference was bnt tr>Hia. that the substitute offered was essentially the same. If things could be harmonized it was the duty of all to concede something to that end. United here, we should go home united ; and be was in favor therefore of the substitute offered by the gentleman from Mississippi. The Convention ought not to attack specifics! ly plans before Congress. There were gen tlemen here who were like the gentleman from Alabama, who had declared he would go for tha Compromise a thousand times before he would go for Disunion, and why then attack the compromise plan of Mr. Clay, and fail to attack that of Gen. Taylor or that of Gen C«M r He came here not to discuss the plan ot this man or of that man, but to discuss great constitutional principles. There was a large portion of delegates here from the diffe rent States tn favor of the Compromise of the Committee ot Thirteen, and was it prudent or proper therefore to hurl a shaft at al! who sus tamed that plan 1 Nothing ought to be done here to dtvtde the Southern people. If men wno were here now—men distinguished for bc run they would won’d so h’m*"* 1 fo,d lh,,r arms qttietlv, but the neo’nU a* beture -Xis rolhL-m gentleman here They X^ M CO b". W . ] ddre u be created, and he implored the chwou,d “°t t® d " r,d * •* members— not to lurn'them M u fn> ? ,hW P ,O ctea!e dtsrord at home Mr Pickens regretted the necessity of tre«- passmg for a few moments on the attention of the Convention. He hoped there would be more harmony than appeared. The gentle man trom Alabama, by tn/ereace. charged upon the Convention plans of Disunion. [Mr. Hunter explained—be did not intend to be so understood ] His friend from Georgia (Mr. C olquitt) had been arraigned lor some of his jennments What reason had the gentleman SS K thT.;" ■"7“ 7- UM—VW.iiw.u,, hw person tbaniusheel. Why did not the gen' demon point to the viewsof other men who had a made aggressions upon public rights? Until tl lately the ship of State had sailed smoothly it along with nothing to endanger the rich treas- ii ure with which she was freighted. How had - things changed? Some strong hand must v grasp the helm or she wonld be driven upon the most dangerous breakers —“O’er which a the sorrowing sea-bird had sung.” Was the v Union to be saved by timid resolves —to be c saved by measures engendered by foul and I, leprous fanaticism ? He was here to save the t Union, and he would not give a fig for your e Union without the Constitution What were a the principlesof the Resolutions of'9B ? That i the Union of the States was a compact—that 1 each State acceded to the compact. What ' follows ? Why that each State, in the last re- I sort, has the right peaceably to secede from the t Union. If the Convention dispersed without i unanimity was not each State compelled to I act for herself? if all were united, did any | believe the Union wonld be dissolved ? The I people of the fifteen Southern States look to us to declare their rights and attend to their in terests. With all acting together, the Union 1 never could be dissolved. Take a middle or half-way course, and it might be. There were some States where men dare not make these questions a mere matter of party. Act togeth er and there was no need of an appeal to arms. We could appeal to public sentiment—to the people, looking boldly to secession as the last remedy to sustain our rights. This was con s rvative and would make the government pause. Give us a Union protecting our rights, and we would spend the last drop of our blood to defend it. He could not bow to the god of fanaticism with its leprosy. He called this a conservative body, but if we could not pre serve our rights, he was compelled to appeal to a reso;t to arms, which the gentleman from Alabama so much dreads. The remarks of that gentleman were so much the reverse of all with which he coincided, that he was compell ed to speak. He apprehended we were about to set in motion here principles of the highest importance. Did you ever, Mr. President, in leaning over the bow of a steamer in the Mississippi think of the little rivulet far away amongst the hills, over which the hunter care lessly stepped, and from which the wild deer drank. Follow it out,and what was the mighty result, witnessed ? It might have beeu observed that South Carolina had taken but little part in this Con- vention. They had met here at the invitation of Mississippi, a younger but gallant State. She had led on a greatoccassion aud she would lead again. Let her place her line again ever so high, and they of South Carolina would be with her. They asked for nothing more than was honorable—they would have nothing less. Mr. Gholson spoke at length in favor of amending the Address, and took occasion to define and defend the position he occupied With p jpiqi M i| f j t jy»'t'mPiinu l U[ 'il' in wwX' Compromise bill was passed would gentlemen be willing to dissolve the Union. Mr. Newton, said he had not intended to speak on the occasion- His colleague and friend (Mr. Gholson) had asked, however —if in case the Compromise Bill was passed, would he be willing to dissolve the Union? He had no right to put such a question. He himself was not, however, for timid counsels, any more than for rash ones. What was the fact with regard to the proposed Compromise ? Why, five out of six of the proposi ions were in favor of the North. Was that a compro mise which proposed to take for a single free State nine hundred and sixty miles on the shores of the Pacific, cutting us out forever from all the commerce of Asia and that quarter of the world, and confining us to our own shores here at home ? The day had passed when he knew the distinctions of party, in common parlance, and South, there ought not to be any distinctions recognised between Whig and Democrat on these questions. He had fought for Whig principles with all the ardor of his nature; but he could tell party leaders that party ties were broken, and the) must look to the people hereafter for guidance. He came from the county which was the birth-place of Washington, and in that county they recog nized no distinction of sentiment upon the questions which had brought him there. He yet hoped that his friend and colleague and himself would go home to co-operate in meas ures, notwithstanding the slight differences of opinion now existing between them. Remarks of Mr. Gholson in the Southern Con vention—Mr. Gohlson of Virginia said that he did not rise to make a regular speech. The position which he and other members of thisconvention occupied had not been fairly staled. Gentleman speak of timidity. That which some call timidity, is often evidence of great moral firmness. It is easy to go along with the current—it is more difficult to oppose it. He knew that he was in a minority in this body, yet he trusted he had the firmness to pursue that course which his judgement ap proved. He was happy to hear from the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. Pickens,) that the course of that State had heen misunderstood— that it was conservative. In much that had fallen from that gentleman, he concurred. To oilier portions of his speech he could not subscribe. He was for taking firm ground— for uniting the South; but he was opposed to assuming a position, which he did not believe a majority of the Southern States would, or ought to sustain. He had been axions to pro duce concert and harmony, and with that view had been willing, that the resolutions re ported by the committee should be adopted. He would have made no opposition to them, but he could never agree to the address now under consideration. He regarded it in every respect, as unwise and imprudent—calculated to distract, not to unite the South The amendments proposed by the gentle man from Mississippi he considered as of no importance. The argument remained sub stantially the same. You could not mistake the object of the argument. It would be no more necessary in order to understand that the address referred to the •• Compromise ” to say so in words, than it would be to write over the picture, “ this is a horse.” If gentlemen insis ly to do so directly. He dissented from the address. Gentleman say they are anxious to leave here united. Then thay had it in their power to do so. The resolutions take ground as high as any Southern man need occupy. It is unnecessary to enforce these resolutions by any argument. The argument will distract Besides who can undertake to say what form, the plan of adjustment before Congress, may assume ? He did not propose to discuss that measure. But if he agreed with gentlemen, that it was open to all the objections urged by the address, he should still regard it unwise to issue it. Gentlemen should recollect, that this Con vention does not represent the whole South. The address declared in substance that by the acceptance of the Compromise, the rights and honor of the South would be sacrificed. There are numbers of distinguished men—as true friends as the South ever had, who enter tain dliferent opinions—who hail it as the of fering of peace. There are several Slave States, which from public indications, are ready to accept it. Why then place, er at tempt to place, the South in a position from which she may back out? Suppose the compromise bill, with such a mendments as may be adopted, becomes the law of the land, does this Convention mean to declare that this Union is to be dissolved ? If so then he declared that in his opinion, the South will not sustain them. He called upon dele gates here to answer the question. Will the South resist the compromise bill, if passed ? He appealed to the delegates from Alabama, from Florida, from Mississippi, from other States, and askrd them, to tell him, will the people ot those States resist? He appealed to his own colleagues, and asked them, if Virgi nia is ready to dissolve this Union, rather than acquiesce in the compromise if it become a law? If gentlemen are not ready to answer, that resistance is to follow the passage of the measure, why, he asked, publish such an ad dress ? Sir, lam timid. I wish the South to take no hasty action—to make no hasty resolves—but to consider —ponder and weigh well every measure, before its acts. Let die Soutli keep herself in the right, and let this Convention assume no ground in which they will not be sustained by the great body of the Southern people 1 desire never to see the South placed in a situation from which she may 5o compelled to take a step backward." Mr. President. lam one of those who de sire to use every effort under heaven to pre serve the Union. 1 trust—l believe it may be pre erved—-preserved without the sacrifice of Southern rights or honor . I agree that firm- ’ nees is indispensable— but sir, moderation is not less s>. I love the Union—love it for all that is glorious in the past—or bright in the i future. 1 love it because ofthe blessings it has • conferred upon the civilized world. 1 shudder at the contemplation of its destruction. 1 dare not calculate its value. It has blessed the in habitants of earth, while its influences have ex tended to Heaven. Strike down this Union, and the trembling thrones and tottering crowns of the old world will again become steady. Despotism, that has been quailing before the inarch of free principles, will again rear its head and fasten the chains that fetter the minds and bodies of men. He would pause, before he would take any step involving the perpetui ty ofsuch an Union. He loved the South more than the Union, and would never agree that she should be sub jected to shame or humiliation. He loved the South as he did his own hearth and tireside, and gentlemen would fl nd when the necessity came, which ho prayed a kind Providence might forever avert, that those whom they may now regard as timid, will be found the first where danger calls. Let no man think that the South—any part of the South will ever yield to the arrogant pretensions ofthe North ern fanatics. We must have peace, security and equal rights, or this Union cannot endure. It was an Union of equality into which these States entered, and that man deceives himself, who thinks that the South will submit to see the Constitution, which formed die terms of the compact, perverted and abused, and in stead ol continuing the source of protection and blessings, converted into an engine of wrong and oppression. Every man in whose bosom there is a Southern heart is resolved —determined to stand by Southern rights— our duty to ourselves, to our children requires it. But still he was m favor of moderation— conciliation, and then should justice be denied us. South Carolina. Georgia, Alabama, Ten nessee, \ irgmia and all the South could to gether rise upiu defence of their right ’at all hazards and to the last extremity.*' He re peated that the amendments offered by the gentleman from Mississippi did not change the Ot a^r ess—they did not make it acceptable to him. Remarks 0f Bmrly tucker said that it gave lunch pleasure to have opportunity now of addressing the Con ventton. and to remember that when he did so belore. it was for the purpose of allaying ex citement. It was not for one in whose veins ume had chilled the fire of youth and weak ened the force of imagination, to call down the | applanse of gallerias. l>«» he wished to speak the words of truth and soberness, those becom- I in* his years. He arose to answer hiscolleague < from Virginia, (Mr. Gholson.) who had asked i —in case the Compromise Bill was passed, would he be willing to dissolve the Union. He was prepared to answer that question ; and when he had answered it, his colleague would be about as wise as he was before. His colleague was an able lawyer, and would hard ly put such a question into a bill, He should be willing to have the Compromise Bill pass ed with amendments, if they would let him amend. If it was asked what he would do if it passed without amendments, the gentleman himself could not answer the question, and he was nSt prepared to answer it. It was because they saw there was danger and did not know the extent of it, that they were there. He had not Mine here with foregone conclusions. He had tne declaration of Virginia—that she was prepared at all hazards, and to the last extremi ty to resist the adoption of the Wilmot Proviso. The California Bill differed from the Wilmot Proviso as the man who burns down a house differs from the Burglar. It would be for the Legislature of his state to say what action should be taken in the last resort:—On that paint he was not prepared to answer He said that he was prepared to speak mod erately. If the Address reported had been such as was proposed by others he should have voted for it although he should try to persuade others to think as he did. He was for peace and harmony. He was not sorry the debate had been gotten up, for each gentleman present owed his best thoughts to the Conven tion. The debate had however, taken a very discursive character. It had brought up almost every thing relating to these questions. He re peated he was prepared to speak soberly. Some had spoken as if there was danger and apprehension of strife He saw nothing of the sort from the manifestations here. He spoke not only without fear, but with a hope of joyful expectations. In his temper of mind he was prepared to put away all manner of “wrath aud doubting,” but unfortunately this temper was peculiar to himself. A sense of danger not visible, seemed to pervade the minds of many, and he knew too much of the laws which govern mind to know that such could act properly. He wished to show the peopleof the south that they had nothing to fear. If he saw a boy running into the water at the sight of his own shadow, he would say —Stop, that is not the devil. He would tell a revolutionary anecdote interesting to him. The late Judge Johnson said that during the Revolutionary war. he was attracted to a com pany attached to Washington s corps—a corps ■ that always bad plentyoffighting to do. Capt. Manly took charge of him, kept him on his right, and charged him to stay by him. They met on one occasion a parly of the enemy’s dragoons about equal in numbers, and on both sides chock full of fight. He found himself opposed to a rtrrnjiiii y upon him at a rattling pace, expecting to ride over him and cleave him to the saddle. But striking with great force, his adversary parried the blow, and he, finding himself in danger of pitching oyer his horse’s head was constrained to cling to the mane. In his fear, expecting moinentarily to feel the blow of his antago nist’s sword upon his head, he tried-to draw it with instinctive fear under the cape of his coat, when a blow from Manly's sword scatter ’ered the brains of his foe and relieved him from the danger. He had ever since believed that men were very incapable of proper rea soning under the influence of fear. Mr. Webster, for the alleged purpose of preventing Disunion, had put forth the “raw head and bloody bones” dictum, that no se cession could be peaceable. Mr. Webster— tor their purposes were different—had sought to make it appear that in case of dissolution, wars would ensue. What did these calm words of Mr. Webster’s mean ? They could have no other meaning, but that if any portion of the South tried to relieve itself by secession, it would be followed by coercion on lhe;part of the North ! What was this but a menace, a mere brutem fulmen. You must lay down on your face and suffer your pockets to be picked or we will cut your throat ; which, being in terpreted, means the Compromise ! He un derstood —for he could notread speechesnow a-days, they made him sick—that Mr. Clay and Mr. Cass, that “northern man with Southern principles” said the same thing. A formida ble triumvirate ! All triumvirates were formi dable ! It was the position of men Eke unto Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus! Caesar and Pompey, had Crassus to hold the straws whilst the game was played. Gen. Cass was made a cat’s-paw and did not know what he was there for any more than Lenlulus did, acting tor Anthony and Augustus. Defend him from triumvirates—from the plans of men coming from different quarters, all for themselves, and the ‘devil take the hindmost.” There was mis chiefbrewing ; and one of them will be thrust aside, and never more be heard of. Augustus had his province, Anthony his, and they left something in the hands of the stakeholder to be played for. “When rogues fall out honest men may come by their own.” What had these men in common ? Had they not been vituper ating each other for years ? He did not know what Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster had between them, but he thought Mr. Webster knew why Mr. Clay had not been the candidate of his party repeatedly. “While the grass grows, the steed starves : What said the pro phecy some four thousand years ago ? •‘Dan shall be a serpent by the way—he shall bite the horse’s heels so that the rider shall fall backwards.” There was not a man on earth whose heart bowed down more reverentially in the presence of true greatness than his own, whilst he abhorred man worship. It was nat ural for man to look up, to seek for some thing between him and divinity—to make an idol of almost anything 1 Under the healthy . influence of this passion, we raised our eyes to j Washington. Others looked up to some bull, Apis ! Some in the political church found it a in Clay, some in Cass, and some in Webster ! j In Mr. Clay he did see something to admire, in 3 Gen. Cass something, about Mr. Webster — f nothing. He could understand why they • should reverence Clay, but in the “god like” . as they call him at the North, he could Ml flfiQ 7 debauchery and prof- * ligacy he could not see anything to command i admiration. There was Cass ! When Achilles r was going to the Tfirojan war, he received from J the oracle what meant one thing, or another, i The Nicholson letter was such a thing! It ’ meant somthing for one side, —a different thing for another. He was glad that his friend , had stricken from the Address Mr. Clay’s name, for he would have nothing personal in t that document. He was sorry to wear out his poor voice in talking of these matters. He had said that i Mr. Webster’s menace was a mere bruitm fat men I He would put a case. Suppose Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana, should form a Southern Con federacy? Suppose they, driven to it, should | be compelled to secede ? Where was the power on earth to lift a hand against it? i Wou’d New England ? Every one knew that her necessities for cotton would compel her to be quiet. Every body knew that she had taken from the South some seven hundred millions of dollars, and had not left it to ba idle. She had realized it—had put it in factories, ships, and palaces. What became of these, with the cotton cut off? Her marble palaces would be open for those who chose to occupy them like those of Venice, and her merchant princes would skulk in obscure corners. Every man in England, was interested in this question too, and we should have her capitalists swarming over here. The impossibility of having any resort to violence was plain. If New England interfered, England and all the world would cry out, slop ! to enable the South to go on end make cotton. What would coercion do? Could the South be coerced back into the Union? Could you get back South Carolina if she should go out ? The attempt would be such suicidal folly as was never heard of! You might as well say, that if Orpheus had been the only man in the word, the women would have killed him. He did not believe that Tennessee and Kentucky would permit their Northern neighbors to cross their territo ry to attack their Southern friends ! The mo ment that secession takes place,—the mo ment a breach is made, —that moment the word Union loses its charm. Suppose North Carolina, on this question, was met with an invitation to join the Union, would she not stand by her sister States ? He begged leave to suppose a case. Virginia is crowded in the tobacco market by Kentucky and Missouri .’ Suppose such a Coufedaracy—that Clay could keep Kentucky, and Benton Missouri! The Southern States would only have to make some slight commercial concessions tu England to gel five or ten cents knocked off of the duty on tobacco, and Kentucky and Missouri s could not sell a pound in the English market. I People understand these things! But sup a pose the Confederacy embraced all the South $ ern States, a country from the Chesapeake to r tile Gulf of Mexico and the Rocky Mountains; j and what could she want? There would be a homogeneous population—ties of blood, and a harmony uninterrupted- No nation has , ever existed with so magnificent a prospect, as i would be presented by this view ol the case. What would be wanting ! .Any thing in com > merce—manufactures ! Virginia included 5 coal and water power in abundance. What i could they want ? Suppose this thing done ? Where would be Pennsylvania ? She had , now to sustain herself against the competition of all New England, and was always crying out about the Tariff Yet she had the South ’ ern market. Take away the Tariff, and she , goes to the markets of the world, in opposi tion to New England, and she would at once be the workshop of the South; and instead of , being on the margin and contending for the markets with New England and New A'ork, she would have it all to herself. There was Ohio, Illinois and Indiana• What Ohio would do he did not know—she was a sort of nondescript. She had industry, skill, wealth, commerce, and all that. But when you go ashore at the •• Queen City,” you would think she was imported from Germany. There was a little of the Irish brogue to be sure. She had all the elements of greateness, but she was • a problem. One ofthe most beautiful features of the slavery system was that the association of the whites and blaks had elevated the latter. Associations between equals would generally elevate one class at the expense of the other. Our system had made the negro pretty much of a gentleman ! The Ohio man has nothing to elevate but the hog. and he cannot make any thing of him. There was one thing Ohio reminded bin of—it was a green and standing pool—aye, a cess-pool. He was conscious that he had tired the pa tience of the audience. A tired man speaking to a tired audience, was like a tired man riding a tired horse .’ He had not said a tenth part of what he had meant to say ! He came here with his mind charged, and he might as well attempt to drain Lake Erie through a goose quill as attempt to bring out all in his mind through his speech. He had said nothing of compromises, but he would say he was sick of tnem. We had always lost by them, and they had all come from the same quarter. Some of the agitation might have been gotten up for the sake of the credit of pacincaion. But he was too much | fatigued to speak, aod would close. , Remarks of Judge Wilkinson— Judge Wil- s kinson, of Mississippi, begged the indulgence c of the convention whilst he made one or two \ suggestions. He spoke for the purpose of I harmonizing matters in debate —to find out i where they were, so wide had been the latitude i of discussion. Like the venerable gentleman 1 from Virginia, he would vote for the Address, or any thing which would promote harmony I and make all agree when they left here, al though he did not agree with all it contained. There were gentlemen here believing that when the time comes for the appeal to the ultima ratio— to secession, or whatever it might be < termed, they would not be justified in oppo sing the Federal government unless the con stitution was openly and directly violated. He took higher ground, although he would yield something to the prejudices of those who dif fered with hm. There were great cardinal principles of ethics, reserved rights, the right of political justice, for instance. This right had been repeatedly impugned. If it was im pugned by the admission of California or in any other way, he was disposed to resist it. Are we to be deprived by the great code ol political ethics of our rights, because certain rights were not named in that instrument? Let the Address, if it be necessary, be remand ed to the committee. He would like to see it re-cast, although he could receive it as it was. But it had been compared to a bed quilt, and there was something apt in the comparison. It ought not to appear with a piece of broad cloth here, a piece oi there, and a piece of damask in another place. He would vote for the Address in either of the forms, but he should prefer to see it re cast. He could not take his seat without thanking the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. I ic kens,) for the high compliment paid his State yesterday. Like two stars, if the time should ’ ever come, when they should jostle in their or bits “ chaos would 'have come again.’ He was not there to praise the Union, much less to disparage it. Ithad wrought its benefits. It ’ it had covered us with glory, the North had clothed itself with power. Grass was growing in ' the streets of Charlestion, Norfolk and Savan nah, and in hie own State, in those residences once the seat of a generous hospitality, “ the rank grass now waves, and the fox looks out of i the windows.” He should not specify the mode of resistance. He had listened with much pleasure to the gentleman who had last occu pied the ears of the convention. He had mentioned Ohio—her conduct towards her . old and indulgent parent in her aggressions up i pon her! She was indeed compelling that parent to drink of the standing pool. i Remarks of Judge Goldthwaits. Judge Goldthwaite of Alabama, said : he felt some i delicacy in occupying the time of the Conven tion, as his delegation had already occupied a i good deal of its lime. If he did not feel the , necessity of harmonizing, he should not think r of imposing bis remarks M""." 'lgw. iuiU mi'iri s- tut? 'llllflessity ol creating tho greatest effect both al home and abroad. He did not mean— that to produce that effect there should be the sacrifice of any right principle, or the establish ment of any wrong one. He differed some- I what from the sentiments conveyed in the Re ■ solutions and Address ; but believing that the Resolutions reflected the views of a great majority of those present, he went forthem He believed that in relation to the principal points, there was no difference of opinion. He proposed to review some of the poii.ts re lative to the evils specified. It could not be disguised that the civilized world was leagued abroad against us. Revo lutionary France had, the first thing, set free three hundred thousand slaves, who had vindi cated their claim to freedom by rapine and murder. England had done the same thing, and other nations of Europe, the same also. The whole of continental Europe with the ex ception of the weaker powers had taken the same ground, and on this continent we had seen in the last few years, fourteen States deliberately instructing their Senators and Representatives in Congress to restrict slavery to its present limits, thus endangering the safe ty of the institution. We had seen more.— Party ties at the North had been sundered and scattered to the winds in favor of this action. We had seen the Compromise, when passed in the Senate, promptly repudiated in the House; and the mean, infamous, and con temptible party whose members a few years since were mobbed in the houses and churches of the North, was now countenanced, its views adopted in the pulpits and in the philosophy of the schools, and sanctioned by men high in position there. Circulated largely by their presses, their views had been felt even in the territories of Nebraska and Mineeota. Whilst our slaves we. e increasing, our territory was decreasing ; and although the period could not be defined, the time would come under this condition of things, when we should have to give up our properly. Seeing this is so, we must prepare for this action of the North.— The only true principle is. to rivet on the minds of the North the idea that if this was perse vered in, the effect must be ultimately to dis solve the Union. It should be done tempe rately, but firmly : and it could not but have a good effect there. What the effect of the Union had been, was well shown by the vene rable gentleman from Virginia. It has given importance to the trade of the North—has contributed to their eminence. No one could well doubt but that the same benefits might be made to result to the South. It had been cus tomary to depreciate the resources of the South ! No country ever was richer in all the resources which constitute wealth. We had mines of lead and coal. Once separated, strong hands would bring these resources into action. Let these truths be duly impressed upon all that this condition of things might occur, and the North might cease its aggres sions. Did any suppose that the mere abstract question of slavery, would fall with more force on tne ear of the North than a question of interest? It was not their interest to let that idea have any weight, but let the idea he had advanced once be impressed upon them, and could it be doubted that it would have its effect. He knew that the horrors of Dissolu tion, as mentioned by the gentleman from Virginia were held up before us—were pour to arouse our fears. He could see no reason why secession should produce war either in relation to the navigation of the Mississippi or the division of the public lands. Suppose it did. Suppose it produced not only war, but famine and destruction. Suppose the fertile fields around this beautiful city were deluged in blood! Is that any reason why we should ignominiously submit and put off the evil day ? Would gentlemen be willing to avoid war upon the terms put up ,n us by our Northern brethren—terms involving degradation and disgrace ? He would pursue that course which should prevent all this. The only objections he had to the Resolutions were that they did not go far enough ; but as they were adopted —believing that the utmost harmony was ne cessary to our success, he was willing to see them adopted. The same committee had reported an Ad dress, and Delegates from his own amongst other States had differed with each other in relation to some of the points presented. One gentleman from Alabama had said the Address was not in strict conformity with the Resolutions. He thought, with all due defe rence, that in this he could not be sustained. So far as his colleague was concerned, he did not think there was so wide a difference as might be imagined. He would sacrifice much for entire harmony. There was one princi ple which should enter into this report. It should be a just exponent of the opinions en tertained by this body. He did not ask gen tlemen to sacrifice any constitutional principle! If thev would examine the amendments pre sented by the gentleman from Mississippi, they would find they could adopt the Address with out any sacrifice of constitutional principles. If the report did not compromise the constitu tional opinions of gentlemen, it appeared to him they could occupy the grounds taken in it together. It was their duty to have harmony, if poss.ble. He had neglected to name another strong in dication of public opinion at the North. He doubted not but that the action of this Con vention would be denounced as harmless. In Alabama they pledged each other largely to support no one who would not go against the Wilmot Proviso. But when the contest came, the National Guards were at once converted into Swiss Guards, and men rallied in favor of a man known to be opposed to the South by his votes in Congress. He said this with fee lings of mortification and regret. As to the Report, he had said he did not think it went far enough, although he believed that some feared the language was vituperative If it was so, he wished it to be stricken out. To show how our efforts had been viewed hither’o. he would read from the proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society of .Massachusetts for the year 1849. [Here Judge G. read some passages, sneer ing at the "gasconade” of the South, and com menting upon her supposed “weakness.”] Judge S. continued The tone of the pro ceedings for 1850 were not far different, in their comments upon the Southern Address, and the Address of Judge Berrien. [He here also read some passages to illustrate what he had said.] Did gentlemen suppose then, that the Report went far enough ? He did not think it. and he believed that in consequence it would fail to have the effect anticipated. Al though be so differed. he was ready to give his vote for the Resolutions and Address, be lieving there could be no wrong in that much concession. He put forth no peculiar views here. He did not believe he should ever go derangedin favor of the Union. It was true that bis pulse might beat faster—that his blood might flow more quickly when Yorktown, Monmouth or Trenton were mentioned ; but no longer than when the constitution was pre served was he in favor of that Union. Remarks of Judge Sharkey.— Jadge Sharkey took the floor, lie said he was not much accustomed to public speaking, and should prefer a conversational tone, as he had no store ot flowers to offer, but should deal in matters of fact In the first place he asked permission to de clare that he should vote for the Resolutions, although I e intended to go against the Address in whatever shape it was presented; at least in relation to that part which treated of the compromise. He might have said, hitherto, that he was in favor of the compromise, but yet he should go against it. He was one of the origi nators of this convention, which movement commenced with a small meeting in Mississip. pi without dictation from any quarter. That meeting called the October convention. I: was charged that it was gotten up by those who were in lavor of Disunion, and that those who , favored it were guilty of treason. He started ‘ from home with fear and trembling, not know- j mg that he should meet a man here. Under these circumstances ha would have taken any j compromise at all. But he found that the spark of public patriotism burnt bright and ’ strong, and he again therefore took his stand. 1 He did not fear a charge of inconsistency, for J his reason was given to sude him in such cases. c He was against the Report and he cared not what name sanctioned it. He held it to be im politic to pursue a course calculated to throw off men, and that Report was calculated to di- i tJ vide us. We should not arm those who were | ® opposed to us, and when you armed the oppo- d sition you armed the abolitionists. He would ' I admit that the Report was able—that it was j well writien—a good argument for Congress; < but what was an argument there, was no argu- ’ ment here. He was in favor of the amend I ments. He asked that the portions proposed i to be amended be once more read. [Mcßae here read the portions alluded to by Judges.] Judge B.continued- The compromise Bill was discussed as a grievance : the oilier was a plain straight-forward stricture on Congress. He came here to discuss grievances, hut not to discuss the Bill in question as such, until it was carried out. The Address could not set up the Bill as a grievance—it was our own pro position to some extent, and we could reach it by the usual channels of legislation. The convention sat for a higher purpose —to do that which could not bo done by ordinary legisla tion. It was when the people could not have redress the ordinary means, that they must try others. Mr. Rhett here said, that the Address did not treat of the Compromise as a grievance—the Compromise as yet was no grievance—it was not passed—it had no existence. Judges, here read another portion of the Address. He said that when Congress propo sed to exclude slavery from California, it was an evil to be reached by extraordinary means. When we could have redress by tho ordinary means of legislation, it must be resorted to. Evils should not be set up and combatted. The Compromise Bill has not yet passed. Does anyone believe it will pass? Why then dis cuss a thing which may have no existence. If_ we went on thus the Bill might be put an' end to in Congress, and the Address then would amount ”to nothing. The abolitionists might say to us, they were as much opposed to the Compromise as we were, and would as sist us to put an end to it. They were discus sing matters here which might be put an end to at any time. He was not sent here toadvise Congress. It was for the people to advise then members. They were on higher grounds—to make the issue with the Northern people. If the evil is in Congress, the power is not here tapirrest it. The North does not present the Compromise’Bill as an issue—it is our own. The opposition is so deemed there, that he considered the proposed measure as at an end. He did not believe itwould be unconstitutional to admit California —other gentlemen might differ with him; but they ought not to send forth debatable matter. He believed Congress had power to admit California. It was con tended in the Address, that it would be uncon stitutional ; and yet it said that it might be as sented to. How could we assent to it, if it was unconstitutional ? Why, too, discuss the Compromise Bill in the Address, when it was not in the Resolutions? The one ought to be based and the convention ought not to thing ,pn ffhigh ’ “ttrrrnSti and unless tire proceedings of objectionable matter, you may call conventions forever, but it would be like “calling spirits from the vasty deep,” they would not “come.” The Compromise Bill had never been an issue before the people of Missis sippi. and he did not feel that he had any author ity to act upon it If it was agrievanco, it was a grievance supplied by people of all portions of the country, North and South, by some of the people of Mississippi, and some of those of Tennessee, as well as by members of Congress. Whether in what he had said, he had expressed his views exactly, he did did not know ; but he would say to all in conclusion, that this should be a convention of compromise. Remarks of Gov. Hammond.— Gov. Ham mond said, that as one who had acted in trying to get the Address through the Committee, he perhaps ought to speak, and he should endea vor to answer objections in the calm temper and spirit which had characterized the address of the gentleman who had j us r . taken his seat. The Committee had had a hard duty to perform in the great mass of matter laid before them. He did not feel disposed at the present stage of the question to say what should be done. The ■ole object at this time was to unite the South. What was to be done—what looked to ? Why to the action of Congress on the Compromise Bill now before that body, as the remedy for all the wrongs suffered by the South. It was of no consequence who permitted it—men of the North or South. Every thing dear to us i was at stake, and were we to stand trembling on the verge of ruin, awaiting the pleasure of i this or that member? The Committee were anxious to conciliate all, were anxious to put it in such form as that all might be pleased; but no proposition could be advanced to which some men would not have to give way, and after twice considering all the matter brought i before it, they had presented what was now be • fore the Convention. He was never more as i tonished than he was to hear a gentleman of > the wide reputation of the gentleman from Mississippi, say that it was unconstitutional to :■ .*. i... ci’ examine into a measure before Congress. Os i what grievance do we complain! Was it not the legislation of Congress which had driven us to this? It was the privilege of any mem ber to examine the measures of Congress, and [ to attempt to arrest oppressive legislation. Judge Sharkey explained. He only meant to say that when ends could not be obtained i by ordinary means, other means must be resort i ed to. Gov. H. resumed. The explanation does not alter the matter. What were we attempt ing now ? Simply concentrating public opin ion to influence the ordinary legislation of i Congress. It would be perfectly constitution- I al to denounce the legislation of Congress if we disagreed with it. All had the right >o do ’ this. He was astonished at the obliquity of in tellect evinced by the gentleman, and he could not account for it, unless it was caused by the fears with which he had started from home, and which must have clouded his intellect. Was not the Chairman of that Compromise [ Committee now writing and eliciting letters to and from all directions, to try to influence public opinion ? He did trnt until now, un derstand the position of his Mississippi friends. , This had furnished a key to it. He could not tell until now what they were driving at! He did not see it in Committee, but he saw it now, and with amazement. He could not imagine - great art exft nt. Judge 3. again explained. He did not wish to send outa report to condemn men. Gov H. If they deserve condemnation, con demn them. He was for no master, Northern or Southern ; and it made no difference wheth er he was Northern or Southern, if he was a master. He was for the principle libres homo —as was said yesterday. He did not care who was the author of the Compromise, so it was wrong. He now understood how the matter was. They would discuss abstract principles, and not measures. He thought we were here to discuss the application of principles to measures. If absttactions must be discussed, merely, we must recommit the Resolutions A good deal had been said as to what they came here for. They were not here to trail in the rear of public sentiment, they were the leaders of the South —the appointed leaders—not to hunt up public opinion at grog-shops, courts, mills, &c , but to act, and act as leaders They had been sent here with a generous confidence, and the high duty was devolved upon them to point out the way—to lead the people in the way to equality and in dependence. He would say. that although he came here with no apprehensions as to what would be done, he did apprehend a small meeting. — But now his apprehensions were reakered to the winds. Nine Slates had met together to consult upon the rights and interests of the South, and it was utterly impossible for any fragment to divide itself oft’upon any pla - form so insignificant as that presented. We had nothing to do but to march forward in one unbroken column to equality in the Union, or independence out of it. Emm the, New York Commercial Advertiser 22d inst. Death of Jacob Hays.—Our obituary re cord to day includes the name of an old and faithful servant of the public, Jacob Hays, for nearly fifty years high conslaole of the city of New York, and for a large portion of his ear lier life one of the most active and efficient police agents of this or any other country. Mr. Hays was born in New Rochelle, West chester county, N. Y. in 1772. His father was a prominent Whig of the Revolution, and had been one of the soldiers engaged in the ill-fated expedition of Gen. Braddock. Jacob at an early age attracted the notice of the officers of the portion ofthe American army then sta tioned in Westchester Co., and by his zeal activity and intelligence, was frequently of service to the Whig cause, in the course of that eventful period ol border warfare. In 1801 he received his first appointment in the police department from the hands of Ed ward Livingston, then Mayor of the city. It is acunous coincidence that this appointment was made at the earnest request of Matthew L Davis, whose deatii upon the same day with Mr. Hays, is also recorded. He was subse quently appointed high constable of the city, and annually re-appointed to the office by er ery su&cessive Mayor. He has also held for many years the s&wef sergeant at anus of the Board of Aidermen and crier of the Court of Sessions. To the peculiar department of the public service to which the labors ot Mr. Hays were devoted, few brought greater natural qualifica tions. and no one ever met with more unquali fied saocess. His very namebecame a terror to evil doers, and the expression to “set old Hays upon him,” passed into a proverb as a synonym lor an arrest. His memory of per sons was wonderful, and we have heard it asserted that he never forgot the countenance of anyone who had been brought to his atten tion. He always contrived, by some means known only to himself, to be correctly inform- ed as to the movements of professional depre dators on society, and upon the commission of a crime seldom erred in his designation of the offender, or failed to bring him to justice. In the day of his prime, Mr. Haye prided himself upon his personal knowledge of the class whom it was his business to watch We remember hearing him testify one day in a criminal case to the effect that there was scarcely a rogue in the city with whom he was not acquainted. Thereupon, the opposing counsel—we believe it was the late Mr, Price, then one of the leading lawyers tn criminal practice—made him a low bow, and compli mented him npon bis most extensive and highly respectable circle of acquaintance. Those persons who knew Mr. Hays only as a faithful, sagacious and vigilant officer, would scarcely believe how kind and amiable was his disposition in private life. Os domestic habits, affectiouate and cheerful, he was devotedly at tached to his family, and leaves on his depar ture many friends,"by whom he will be sincere ly mourned. For many years past, Mr. Hays has taken but little part in public business beyond that required by the discharge of the duties of the offices he held. He has thus in a measure be come forgotten, but there are those among us who can, and doubtless will, furnish a record of his eventful life, which would be of passing 1 interest. Dhth of another old Resident. —Mat- 1 thew L. Davis, an old and well known citizen of New York, died last evening at the resi dence of his son. Matthew D. Green, at Man- hattanville, in the 84th year of his age. Mr. 1 Davis was a printer, and at the time of his I death the oldest of that calling in the city. He was a man of cultivated mind, and of great na tive strength of intellect. He took an active interest in political affairs, and imparted his views upon them to the public in the vigorous letters whioli he communicated to the daily journals. The most noted series of these was that which appeared some years since in the Courier and Enquirer, under the signature of “The Spy in Washington.” He was also for some years the American correspondent of the London Times, his letters being designated as from a “ Genevese Traveller.” To the permanent literature of the country, the most important contribution by Mr. Davis was the “ Memoirs of the Life of Aaron Burr.” cpTTI? WT’T’TTT V 11l W JbJuJXXa I CHRONICLE & SENTINEL. BY WII.MAM S. JONES. TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE. DAILY, TRLWEEKLY <fc WEEKLY. Officein Railroad Bank Buildings. DAILY PAPER,perannum (aentby mail,) 8? 00 TRI WEEKLY “ ‘ J«" WEEKLY PAPER _ _ ‘ . ~ AUGUSTA. GA.: WEDNESDAY MORNING,.* JUNE 36. - -■■■■- To County Officers. For the information of all County Officers we publish the following act passed by the last Legislature, directing in what papers they shall insert their advertisements: An Act to authorize and require the Sheriffs, Coro ners, Clerks of the Superior and Inferior Courts and Courts of Ordinary in the several counties in this State, to advertise in certain newspapers. Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in Ge neral Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authoi iiy of the same, That the Sheriffs, Coroners, Clerks of the Superior and Inferior Courts and Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary of the several counties in this State, are hereby authorized and required t® ad vertise their sales, citations, and proceedings of their respective Courts in some newspaper published in their counties respectively, and if there be no such paper published in the county, then in the nearest newspaper having the largest or general circulation in the county ; and no such officer shall change the advertising connected with his office from one paper to another, without first giving notice of his intention to do so in the paper in which his adveitisements may , ,11H„ lj" «i re Uy afor&aid! That alfdeputiet of Sheriffs officers herein mentioned, shall advertise in the same paper in which their principals advertise. Sec. 3. And be it further enacted by the author ity aforesaid, That all laws and parts of laws mili tating against this act be, and the same are hereby repealed. Approved, February 22, 1850. Free Trade. Willard Philips has recently produced a treatise contrasting the advantages of protec tion, as compared with a system of free trade, which seems to be attracting considera ble attention for its ability and sound practical views. He is said to take bold and high ground in favor of the protection of American labor, and urges with great force the duty of the go vernment to protect the labor of its citizens against that of foreign countries. He notices very pointedly, one of the most usual glorifi cations of the free trade advocates —thus: “ Free trade triumphs greatly in beating down mechanics; as if to get articles made by them cheap were a great national blessing. Thus, a writer in a recent Edinburg Review, makes much gratulation that the reduction of the British tariff of duties on gloves and linen, had reduced the price at home, and augmented the exportation. Now, if the reduction had any influence whatever upon the price, (which it probably bad not,) it must have been by reducing 1 the pay of the already miserable makers in London, and in the north of Ireland. Thus the writer, in p effect felicitates his school and the British Empire on , the enhancement of the misery of the miserable. ' Free trade had, as he imagined, given that fortunate people gloves at a penny or two cheaper, and put ’ Irish damasks on the tables of the ‘ Czar of Russia,’ 1 and the kings of ‘ Denmark,’ ‘Saxony,’ and ‘Swe- I den 0 the ‘ex-king of France,’ and even ‘Queen I Victoria.’ This is the sort of glory, real or imagina ry, on which free trade plumes itself. f An illustration of the same thing may be ' sound, says the Baltimore American, in every ( step that England has taken, of late years, in l" * -- 1-A ■ ■ ... V. . nil I. * the progress of that free trade policy which her Statesmen and theorists are so fond of extol lingas liberal, generous, and enlightened. She abrogates her duties upon breadstuffs and pro visions, and claims to have shown thereby a parental solicitude for her laborers and oper atives, while conferring at the same time a great boon upon the agricultural interests of free commerce. She calls upon other nations to admire her magnanimity and to behold and ap preciate the glories of unrestricted trade. But there is no intimation given of the fact that every penny ostensibly given to the labor er in a British factory, by the diminution of the price of food, is exacted from him again in the diminution of his wages. He cannot get be yond the subsistence point; nor is it intended that he should. Manufactured fabrics must be made cheap that England may supplant the fabrics of other countries, and have possession of foreign markets ; and for this purpose the cost of manufacturing must be kept at the lowest possible scale, at the expense of the poor laborer who cannot help jbiinseif lf_be. _ - - m i Jtfpij; rmmerly, he gets less money to buy it with. This general fact applies to every species of manufacturing labor in Great Britain, whose dependence upon foreign markets for the dis posal of her fabrics is such that every other consideration connected with her domestic policy must yield to the overpowering necessi ty of that. If the workmen in her mines, col lieries and iron manufactories can be subsisted ten per cent cheaper by the free admission of grain, flour and provisions, her landed interests must get along as well as they can, in order that the iron interests of the United States may be overwhelmed by the profuse introduction of British iron into our country. Once having obtained control cf our market she will be able to repay herself abundantly for the sacrifices in curred in the effort. Henley’s Magneto-Electric Telegraph. —The triumph of this new Telegraphic ap paratus, as tested by a commission of the French government, has excited quite a sensa tion among the savans of Paris, and if the fol lowing description may be relied on, proves conclusively, that like every thing else, Prof. Morse’s discovery, must give place »o other and great improvements, simplifying the ap paratus and cheapening the expense of the establishment and consequently the cost of transmitting intelligence. Such a discovery as Mr. Henley's is described, will certainly be a very great desideratum to those who have to r avail themselves of the use of the Telegraph, and we trust it will be soon introduced in this i country. “ A striking experiment has just been made under ’ the direction cf the French Government, to test the efficacy of Mr. Henley’s Magneto-electric telegraph, , which is worked without batteries of any kind, and at a fraction of the cost of the Voltaic system. The line of rail way assumed for the trial was that from Paris to Valenciennes. At the Paris end the di -1 rector-in-chief of telegraphs for (he French govern- I ment, Mons. Foy, superintended; while at Valen- I ciennes were present the Ministerof Public Works, i Count ShekendorlT, the Prussian Ambassador, M. Mossy, the Chief Engineer of the Belgian Railways, Baron hevaux, M. Queleltt. and M. Gabra, Chief Engineer ofthe Belgian government; the three lat- - ter being members of a commission appointed by the - Belgian government to report on the subject. The distance is 180 miles, being the longest telegraph line in France. After a most satisfactory series of trials on the single d ; etance, first with full power, and afterwards with one-twentieth of the power, the wires were connected so as to treble the total length of wire, making 540 miles to and from Paris and back —the magnetic message being communicated through the first wire, back by the second, through the third, and back again by the earth. It was not anticipated that the magnet could possibly work through this enormous resistance; but in fact, it is alleged it was worked as distinctly and rapidly as when only made to traverse the 180 miles with full power. The ordinary telegraph, with battery pow er used by the French Government was then put in requisition; but not the slightest effect was produced. On the single distance, even a signal was sometimes not obtained for several minutes, owing, it is said, to the same fault in the batteries, although the offi cials were exerting themselves to the utmost. The government officeis and thers inspected the working operations frem 10 to 3 o’clock, and expressed them selves thoroughly satisfied with the success of the trial.” Charleston Commission House* It will be seen by reference to the adver tisement of the Messrs. Gantt and W. R Huff, that they have commenced the Facto- rage and Commission business in Charleston. Mr. Huff has long been a resident of Augusta, and will bring to his new business experience, tact and ability. The Messrs. Gantt, we learn, are gentlemen in whom every confidence may be placed, and the references of the house are of the highest respectability. Sentences.—Hamilton and Trawick, the counterfeiters, were yesterday sentenced, the former to eight years, and the latter to seven years confinement in the penitentiary. Population of California.—lt may be in teresting to some of those who have been so vociferous against the admission of California, because of their alleged want of population, to learn that the number of passengers that ar rived at San Francisco, California, by sea. during the year ending April 15, 1850, was 62,223. Os these over fifty thousand w*ere Americans. Eleven thousand were foreigners. To this must be added the immense immigra tion by the overland route, which alone num bers its tens of thousands. What then be comes of all the slang and fustian we have heard about Indians. Negroes and Mustizoes, who are incapacitated for free government ? During the week ending sth instant, there were 24 deaths by cholera at St Louis. The Nashville Convention Debates. As a part of the history of this body, we com mence to-day the publication of the debates, as we find them in the Nashville Banner, on the adoption of the address submitted by the com mittee from the several States represented, and shall probably conclude them to-morrow. This done, our readers will have been placed in pos session of the most full and detailed reports of the proceedings that have reached us, and will therefore be in possession of ample materials for forming correct conclusions. If, however, they can account for the sudden change which has come over the spirit ot the dreams of the majority, in reference to the virtues of the Mis souri compromise extended to tho Pacific, their skill in the art of divination will perchance as tonish the magicians of the East, and afford themselves some light. . Prior to the Convention we were wont to : hear tho advocates of tho measure denounce the Missouri Compromise as a degrading con » cession on the part of the South, and yet we find the Convention commending it an the only • just measure of compromise to the Southern o people. Verily, consistency is a jewel. u o : Correspondence of the Chronicle i; Sentinel. Washington, June 16, 1850. The official statement of the import of raw • cotton into England for the year 1849, and ol the export of cotton goods during the same year, furnishes facts worthy of profound con- it sideration. It is not altogether a question ol II dollars and cents to the cotton growing States whether their great staple shall be mainly man ufactored at the South, in England, or else ;9 where abroad. The loss of profit on the card n ing, spinning and weaving of cotton ata grea e distance from the fields where it is grown, ii indeed a serious misfortune; but the injury done by the impoverishment of tilled land, and continuous emigration, entailing political as well as numerical weakness on the deserted States, is an evil of much greater magnitude. The import of raw cotton into Great Britain in the year 1849, is officially returned as 6,745,259 cwt. At 112 pounds per cwt. the quantity was 745,469,008 pounds. Dividing the whole amount manufactured into 45 parts, and 25 are exported to. foreign countries, and JJO are consumed onjfte. ly in England and the Dinted States, increases with remarkable rapidity. The former export ed last year 1,335,644,751 yards of cotton cloth; and 149,502,495 pounds of cotton yarn. Esti mating the pound sterling at $5, and the value of the cotton fabrics exported was $134,453,- 970. To this sum we must add four-fifths as much more to get the value of the goods con sumed at home. From these data it will be seen that the goods made in 1849, were worth $242,017,146. The London Quarterly Re view, from which I copy the official statement, says that “The most remarkable feature in the history of our export trade is, that the increase of quantity of goods exported is prodigiously greater than the increase of the money value of our exports.” Cheap, heavy fabrics for the millions are in the greatest demand—precisely the kind of goods which the South can best manufacture. I find that the one hundred and fifty million pounds of cotton yarn exported, was worth in England an average of 22 cents 4 mills a pound. This is the business for the South. Believing that the climate best for the cul ture of cotton, is as well adapted to the eco nomical feeding of the human family, as to clothing them, 1 can see no reason why Geor gia will not one day have a larger population than the Slate of New York. After studying the climate and agricultural capabilities of each, I am free to say that, assuming the soil to be alike, the Southern State has the advantage full 50 per cent iu the mildness of winters and length of summers, or growing seasons. This advantage is the gift of Providence, and. in the end, will be as decisive as it is enduring. The South will certainly have a dense popu lation; for God has given it a climate of vast capabilities. Looking at the natural increase of our species on the planet, their power and , - --- r , r -- desire to consume Cotton, Sugar and Rice, and the facility with which these staples may » be produced, it is hardly extravagant to pre dict that the day is not distant when all the slaves in the Union will be worth more to make 1 these crops, than for any other purpose what - ever. If so, they and their posterity may be t well provided for, without doing injustice to any one. There are thousands, nay millions 5 of laboring while persons whose interests are > almost forgotten, while those of the negro re . ceive unusual attention. 1 desire to see an in creased demand for the honest labor of poor, white persons, so that they can enjoy the bene -1 fits of a higher standard of physical and social . comfort, and possess rhe means to educate } their children. Let the rich planters and other capitalists place wealth creating machinery in 5 their hands, encourage skill, talent and indus try, and these laborers will enrich their em- I ployers, build up the State, and greatly im s prove the character of the community in which they live. 1 While tens of thousands of citizens in the i cotton growing States lack profitable employ j ment, think of the supreme folly of sending 150,000,000 pounds of cotton to England to be spun and exported again, and at the same 1 time sending there American corn, wheat, •_ bfi#lf Xiork. hjAUAX* cliocbu and .finr , spinners to eat, when performing work that ought to be done in Georgia! Will a bushel of Georgia corn make more bread, or a bag»of f Georgia cotton make more thread or cloth, for i being sent 4000 miles before either is applied to its legitimate use ? Certainly not. Just now there is considerable “noise and confusion’’ about the Capitol in this city ; but I look forward to the time when the South will have a majority in the popular branch of Congress. Its manufacturing advantages are only beginning to be appreciated and develop ed. It is not very difficult for labor and science to renovate poor soils any where ; but in what way shall they operate to shorten the cold winters, or lengthen the short summers of the North? Sunshine is not less an element of wealth than of vitality ; and the mean tem perature of the planting States is such as will command a dense and prosperous popula tion. L. The Compromise in Baltimore—A call for a Town Meeting this evening io Monument square is published in the Baltimore papers. The American says : “Its object is to further the speedy and final settlement of the “ques tion of the day,’’ by the formal and deliberate expression of the public sentiment in favor of the passage of the Compromise Bill before the United States Senate. The meeting is called without distinction of party, and we learn will be addressed by the Hon. Judge LeGrand and Charles 11. Pitts, Esq., and probably by ther gentlemen. Wilkes Railroad.—The Washington Ga- K zette of the 11th inst bays. We are gratified * to state that the work goes bravely on, that if » we are not already “out of the woods,” we =* have arrived at a point where vve can see out. The energy and public spirit exhibited by our r eitizens in carrying forward the enterprize is worthy ofall commendation. The list stands I his morning at $164 JOO. j The New York papers state that Messrs. Howland & Aspinwall have just contracted for lite construction of two more large steam , ships for the California trade and to run in con nection with the Oregon, Panama, Tennessee, ’ South Carolina, &c. These vessels will regis ter 800 tons. Population of Massachusetts.—The re f turns of the Assessors in Massachusetts, as far as completed, show a very marked increase in population since 1840. The Worcester zEgis publishes a list of thirty-eight towns, in all of which except one the increase has been considerable. The town of Lowell, which in 1840 numbered 20,792 inhabitants, has now a population of 32 620, being an increase 11,829. The next highest increase has been in Roxbury, which now has a population of 9,221 more than it had in 1840. The total ex cess of population of the thirty-eight towns over that of 1840, is 87,499. Memphis and Charleston Railroad The Huntsville Advocate of the 19th inst. says: Col. Garnett and his brother, Theodore S. Garnett, last week passed over the route from this point, through Jackson county, Ala., to the Nashville and Chattanooga Raiiroad at Crow Creek, and returned to this place by Winches ter, Tenn., New Market, &c. Each route will be found entirely practicable. The Colonel leaves this morning (Tuesday) for Memphis, and will examime the route by Decatur, Tus cumbia, &c., on the south side of the Tenes see ; and, on his return, will pass on the north side of the river, so as to examine both routes. Thesurvey proper will then commence from Huntsville. The work is to go on vigorously to a com pletion. Gov. Jones has done well in getting stock; Mr. Millsis in the field. Now is the time for the friends of the road to be active. Money alone is now wanting. The road is entirely practicable—the route all favorable. And this enterprise is daily growing in impor tance and its availability becopiing manifest. There must be no such word as fail. The work can and must be done—must go on to a seccessful completion. Let no one hesitate or doubt. The growth of Milwaukee, one of the Lake cities, has been quite remarkable. Twelve years ago its population consisted of 700 in habitants. Now, the population is about 20,000. In 1845. the exports of wheat were 95.510 bushels, and of flour 7,550 bbls. In 1849, the exports of wheat were 1,148,807 bushels, and of dour 201,942 barrels. During the present year there has been a large in crease. Sixty thousand immigrants have arrived at the port of New York since the sth of April. Chattanooga, The Editor of the Savannah Republican has been rusticating and luxuriating for a few days in North Alabama, East Tennessee and upper Georgia, which has furnished him themes for several very interesting letters for his journal upon which we hope to draw hereafter. From his last we extract the subjoined sketch of Chat tanooga, which we rejoice to know is so fast rising into commercial importance, and will ere long hold a very commanding position in 1 that State—second only to Nashville and Mem phis. i Chattanooga, June 14. 1850. > This place is fast attaining the importance to which it is ultimately destined. The completion of the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad will give it r a other step in advance. That road will cross the Tennessee at a point known as Long Island, twenty seven miles, by hind, below here. For the mere -* matter of crossing, there are places enough, but this is the nearest one which satisfies the conditions as to grade, &c. The contract for grading this distance is already given out, and it is not known that any B contingency can arise which will materially retard i. the construction of the entire work. I will add in this connection, that the East Tennessee and Geor- e gia Railroad, (110 miles,) from Knoxville to Dalton, y is in a most healthy state of progress. I saw Mr. Smith, one of the Directors, this morning—you meet n people from all quarters here—who says that the iron for the first forty miles from Dalton, will be pur chased and received within two months. I expect that arrangements can be made to receive the iron at Savannah, and transport it over the Central and Macon and Western Roads. Other things being kV equal, this route would be preferred. This road will be the best one in the South —rails 64 lbs. to the ” yard, resting solely on cross-ties two feet apart from e centre to centre, with eight inches bearing, and mud sills beneath the ties. The first 40 miles is already graded, and an excellent bridge is already built >f across the Hiwassee river. Forty miles more are in s active progress, and the iron will be soon ordered. ’ The bonds of the State of Tennessee, bearing an in tercet of 6 per cent., are relied upon for the purchase 5- of Ihe iron. Such bonds are now at 4 per cent, pre- j. inium in Tennessee. I speak of these things tu show the readers of the Republican how rapidly and how surely these works are advancing towards their corn- is p’etion. Os the Memphis and Charleston Railroad, ... more hereafter. HIUIV IH-ltanvi. 1 return to Chattanooga. This place has been 1 ' well started, (if I may use such an expression,) and i its business is conducted on sure and judicious prin- f cipies, without any want of intelligent enterprise on ' one hand, and without reckless extravagance on the { other. The character of those engaged in the pur- 1 suits of commerce and trade is a good guaranty of ' 1 prudent and healthy growth. The principal com- J > mission houses here are B. Chandler & Co., J. F. 1 , Brooke & Co., Wilson, Bryan, Gaines & Co,, and £ J. G. Didlake & Co. The following keep the most I > ample assortments of country supplies : Newton & 1 Lucas, Macaulay & Hooke, W. S. Townsend, E. E. 1 J Worley, G. W. Haskell, (formerly residing in Sa- * ' vannah,) M. B. Parham, J. F. Brooke Co .A.D j wßom". I I 1 find these gentlemen most favorably affected towards ’ ’ Savannah, and fully apprised ot the great • which our citizens have made to secure a communi- ’ cation with them. ’ While speaking of this place I may not fail to add • that Mr. Montgomery keeps a neat house, where the j traveller finds himself most comfortable. The table set forth by Mr. M. is excellent. Mr. Alexander is also spoken of as an obliging and attentive landlord. 5 A new brick hotel of some fifty fire places has just been completed here with ample accommodations.— Chattanooga boasts of two well conducted pipers, of ‘ opposite principles of course—both of them being the ! ardent friends a d supporters of every useful im provement. I speak of the Gazette, edited by Mr, ’ Parham, and the Advertiser, edited by Mr. Ford. ? Plank Road Meeting in Athens* ; Ata meeting in Athens, on the 15th inst., composed of citizens of Clark county and dele gations from the counties of Jackson, Madison, Hall, and Habersham, the following preamble , and resolutions, reported by a committee, were p adopted: “ Whereas it is deerred important to the prosperity and welfare of Athens, and the counties therewith I connected in its trade and industrial pursuits, that j decisive measures should at once be taken to con struct a good Plank Road from this place to Clarks ville—and that whatever may be said of the perma nen’ wealth of this or any other place, it is a demon strable fact, that without a thriving and active trade, " no place can long remain prosperous or even sta- > tionary ; that to remain the latter, in common ac ceptation, is to retrograde and to full into decay—we 1 are satisfied that all tho legitimate means at our y command should be employed to stimulate the trade to this place and the inlerioi, by opening avenues of j communication —by enlarging production—increas a ing the number and value of marketable commodi j ties—and by lessening the freight upon articles of such bulk as will not now bear transportation on 8 common roads. To do this, good roads are not only 1 essential, but such roads and such heights as the im- • proved methods of transportation in this day will • render necessary to bring into fair competition with t more favored regions, the heavy products from the 3 country above us, a Rail or Plank Road is, we think, i looking to tins end, essential. We are satisfied that the former cannot be justified at present, upon a cal eolation of what would be considered anything like remuneration for outlay; that the latter can be bu’lt, g and will pay remunerative profits, we are convinced; that one ought to be built forthwith, we are as well B satisfied. Be it therefore, Resolved, IsZ. That a committee 0 of three from each of the counties of Habersham, 3 Hall, Jackson, Madison and Clarke, be appointed 3 to ascertain the best possible route for such a road, B and the probable amount of stock which can be cal culated upon in the different neighborhoods through which said road may pass—either in cash, or as sub scrip ion to said work in labor and materials. ’ Resolved, 2nd. That a committee of three be ap- I pointed to communicate with the citizens of Lump* kin. Union, Rabun and Franklin, and request them 5 to call meetings in those counties r»spectively, to r ascertain what they will do in reference to the con -1 templated improvement. Resolved ‘3rd. That a committee of five be ap pointed to ascertain the amount of stock which may - be subscribed in and about Athens and Clarkesville, I also to ascertain as definitely or as near as practica ble, what amount of assistance can be expected from the Geo. R. R. & Bk’g. Co.—the Steamboat Co. of Geo., the Iron Steamboat Coa, the cities of Augusta f and Savannah, and the Town Council of Athens. ' Resolved, 4th. That some competent person be ’ charged with seeing and addressing the people along 1 the route, on the subject of such road ; said person to • be one of the committee under the first resolution. ■ That nc arc glad to witness the 1 praiseworthy efforts of our fellow-citizens of Hab- I ershatn in this enterprise, and are willing to meet f and give them our hearty co-operation in building . said road. [ Resolved, 6th. That the committees report to the meeting at Clarkesville, on the 4th of July next, and > through the public journals of this place, the result of their labors. L The report was advocated by C. Dougherty, A. Hull, Jno. W. H. Underwood aud U. Peeples, Esqrs., with their accustomed {energy and ability. Mr. Hull concluded by moving—“That Clarke . County be pledged for twenty miles of said Road,” I which being readily seconded, was unanimously » adopted. Hon. C. Dougherty, moved that books now be - opened for receiving subscriptions, and that they re main open until Ist July proximo—which motion prevailed. it was then moved and carried, that a delegation of thirty, be appointed to represent this meeiing at the Clarskesville Mass Meeting, on the 4th July next, and that this and all the other committees be appoint ed by the chairman. The chairman, then, on motion of Doct. R. D. Moore, proceeded Co appoint the committees. Our Minister to England—We learn from the English papers that at a dinner given by the Lord Mayor of London to Lord Gough, the lately returned Governor General of India, the Lord Mayor having proposed the hea’thof their excellencies the American and other for eign Ministers, Mr. Lawrence, the American Minister, acknowledged the compliment in the following terms. He said : He felt he was placed in a difficult position, in having to answer not only for nimself but for the other foreign ministers. He would, however, confine himself to his own country and present his acknowledgements and thanks 1 for the great honor they conferred through hirn r on the people ofthe United States. They bad > laid his country and himself individually under great obligations by the hospitality they had extended to him and the other representatives of his nation on all occasions, but he was pe j culiarlv gratified in being permitted to pay his respects to a t reat military hero, and they must remember that military heroes in all limes had commanded the admiration of mankind. They could on that occasion do more than admire i the triumphs of Lord Gough, they could offer him the respect of their admiration that he was no less distinguished for his prowess in war than for his high moral virtues and his well founded religious sentiments. The people of England, while they honored the hero, always respected the man. It did not become him on that occasion to enter into a history ofthe campaigns which had been alluded to, or the battles which had been fought by Lord Gough but he could not do less than offer him his tribute of admiration and esteem as a citi zen of this country, and at the same time a citi zen of a country connected by blood with that which he represented, for the successes which he had achieved. He was not here merely as an Ambassador and Agent for a great country, but as a Min . ister of Peace. He came there to tell them that the Anglo-Saxon race on the other side of the Atlantic sympathised with everything that . was good and great in Great Britain. He re joiced that he was here on such an occasion as the present. This was one of the most bril liant exhibitions he had ever witnessed in his life, and it was right it should be brilliant, it was right the homage of admiration should be paid to a man who had brought so much hon or to his country, it was right that such a nation should so reward those who served her ; it was right she should reward those who per formed important services, either in the mili tary, naval or civil departments of the Govern ment, arid he knew of no nation that so sub stantially evinced its gratitude for great ser vices, whether of the army, the navy, or the civil departments, as Great Britain. He saw men around hirn whose march was on the mountain wave, whose home was on the deep. He saw there many who had supported that flag—he had almost said tri umphed for a thousand years; but if he did uot admit their merits, the history of the coun try, from early time, what it had done, what it was doing, still would command his admira tion and respect. He begged again to thank the Lord Mayor for the opportunity he had afforded him of being present at this bril liant and interesting scene, and the company, for the manner in which they had received his name. Great Demand for Emigrant Ships.— The Liverpool dock quays are now crowded with emigrants, (chiefly Irish) awaiting vessels to carry them across the Atlantic. The demand for ships in this trade has recently been so ac tive that numbers of Liverpool vessels have been put on. Hitherto the business has been chiefly confined to American bottoms, but ow ing to the crowd of emigrants daily arriving at the port, the vessels of both countries at present in our docks are inadequate to meet the demand The consequence is, that for some days back the rate of passage has been considerably raised, and will remain so until the arrival of other vessels from America.—Liver pool paper. Despatch.— Letters from St. Petersburg,da ted May 23. were received in Boston on Wed- I nesday evening, by the steamship Canada, I eighteen days only being required for their I transmission. Adjourned Plank Road Meeting, At the City Hall, Augusta, Ga., \Sth June, 1850. Thomas W. Millir, Esq , Chairman; Geo. W. Morgan, Secretary. Minutes of the last meeting read, and confirmed. Communica tions from R- D. Moore, A. Hull, Jno. H. Mor ton, Jno. C. Lumpkin and E. L. Newton, Com mittee, appointed by the citizens of Athens, Ga.; and from Joshua Hili. Jas. H. Willy, and N. G. Foster, Committee appointed by the citizens of Madison, Ga., were received, read, and on motion laid on the table. The Committee appointed at a previoua meeting presented, through their Chairman, the following report, which was read and unan imously adopted : Report of the Committee appointed at a Meeting of the Citizens of Augusta, Iblh June, 1850. Your Committee, in discharge of the duty confi ded o them, have carefully and respectfully con sidered the communication of the gentlemen who represent the meeting of the citizens of Clarksville and its vicinity. The pi ejected improvement is worthy of the highest commendation; and indepen dently of all selfish motives, we cannot but heartily wish it success. Yet, in the present circumstances of our city, we do not believe that it is expedient for , the City Council to participate in the undertaking. A large amount of Augusta capital has already been L employed in the performance of what seems to be i our appropriate share in the task of promoting com- I mercial intercourse. Our Railroad, by furnishing , the main channel of communication, facilitates the I execution of all auxiliary roads like the one pro , posed; and the duty of patronizing the latter ap , pears to belong, in an especial manner, to smaller . towns and villages, which are either on the Railroad , or in its vicinity, since these must be, in general, the t principal gainers by the work. , In the region traversed by the Georgia Railroad, there are numerous localities where the inhabitants ’ desire some improved mode of B it. If we now furnish a precedent of acquiescence, we may expect soon to be pressed bjr claims of co s operation from various other quarters. With the most flourishing finances, we could not afford con _ tribulions to all, or even to a considerable proportion; and where the. claims are of a similar nature, we 1 should only incur odium by attempting to discrimi- nate. Moreover, we have been compelled by circum stances, to engage in a costly enterprize, designed to encourage our domestic industry. We have no rea son to be dissatisfied with our progress. The Canal promises the happiest results, both to ourselves and to our fellow citizens of the interior, united with us by trade; but it has demanded a large expenditure, and is not yet complete. We must be prepared to furnish any additional sums, which may be necessary tn perfect and consolidate a work, so intimately connec ted with all <ur future expectations. For the present therefore, it seems inJispensable to husband our re sources, by abstaining as far as possible from other engagenenis, lest we should ib'x-c of primary iinp-jriance, or to provide /rfv* n taxati hi burdeni'oiue, as in itself to whole policy. < Jiark e y n’v.'.r l {'var to applicable to the proposed construction Roads in the City of Augusta. It would be a very expensive undertaking, if extended over any conside rable number of streets ; and it must, after no great lapse of time, require a thorough renewal. In the same pecuniary point of view, it is worthy of en quiring whether this novel mode of transportation, might not in fact, have a direct tendency to diminish the public income, and produce an unfavorable modi fication in the course of our trade. Apart from its expensiveness, many of our citizens doubt its expe diency. They believe that its very noises would render it a nuisance ; but above all, they entertain apprehensions of its operation on the health of the community. The effiuvion of decaying vegetable matter, is generally admitted, to be one of the princi pal sources of disease, in a warm climate: with a soil like ours, the process of decay must very speedi ly commence, in masses of timber laid on the sur face. If it is the uniform experience, of newly set tled districts, that the decaying trees, which have been cut down in a clearing, produce autumnal fever; what reason have we to hope, for exemption from the influence of similar causes ? We think that in any event, the City authorities should take counsel of those professionally qualified to advise, before adopt ing any measures which may affect the paramount interest of the public health. The main thoroughfares of heavy transportation, should be kept in good condition, but if possible, with out recurring to costly expedients of doubtful policy. Should it however be supposed, that the existing state of public opinion, requires some trial of the Plank Road ; we recommend that at the farthest, it be not, for the present, extended beyond what is ne cessary for a fair experiment. It is manifestly advi sable, to postpone the establishment of any general system, until we possess more ample resources, and more satisfactory grounds for determining the best mode, in which they can be employed. Wm. Cumming, Chairman. On motion the meeting then adjourned. Thomas W. Miller, Chairman. Geo. W. Morgan, Secretary. Eloquent Sentiment. —Mr. WEBSTERcIog ed a brieT speech, in the Senate on Monday on the amendment offered by Mr. Socle to e the Compromise bill, with the following truly , eloquent and patriotic sentiment. It is worthy » of the man, the age and the crisis, and deserves 1 to be inscribed in letters of gold. Hew re e freshing after reading the narrow, contracted, » sectional harangues which but too frequently disgrace the Halls of Congress, and - tile patriot, to turn to the Mich a sentiment as this—a wii! thriil the heart of every patriot ’ > a- broad • n'jugh U> take Atiiera an Union. 1 ,et it be read enlarged patrjO “ Sir, my obj-ct i- peace. .My ' ' ! o!<•'.<■ I.*, n : !•> iinkc u Igßp \ ■ 1 ‘ ( ’I ■ l :■ 'lp- -i,. :;> <- ■ e i. .i, s.s t;i ! irnLC \ t \>' I ?m aszainst agitators North and ' ■ ariJyfc-y'- ’ 1r w 11 ' • lauia;’ \t kn< w no locality ,n America. th H is m My heart, my sentiments, my judgment, me that I ehall pursue such a course as shall : the good, and the harmony, and the Union of the ’ whole country. This I shall do, God willing, to the ’ end of the chapter.” The honorable Senator resumed his Beat - amidst general applause frojn the gallery. > The English and Cotton. —The London Times in the course of an article on the cotton crop glya. ' that cotton the English must have, and India is the 1 place to get it. We had i een under the impression t that they had for the last ten or fifteen years been making the most desperate exertions to procure the indispensable article in India; but we haven’t heard i yet oft heir endeavors being attended with success. It is evident however that the English are coming to their senses and are now willing to believe in the 4 existence of frosts, crevasses, floods, worms, and con sequent short crops. Their pockets have enlighten ed them. — Picayune. We are not aware that any physiologist has ever defined the affinity between the brain, and that very sensitive nerve, the pocket, it would doubtless prove a very curious and instructive , investigation.—Chron. & Sent. Paris Beggars.—A family which lived in great luxury—giving dinner parties twice a week, the wife young and pretty, the young children educating for elegant life, visitors of theatres, ect., ect.—was discovered to be sup ported by the most abject beggar of Paris. He was in the habit of coming in late, pleading business which kept him absent from his family all day, but very well-informed and gay with friends and acquaintances when at home. He was arres ed while at the door ofa case, pretend- ’ ing to have been dreadfully wounded in a bat- . tie in Africa. J| It is said that the General Post Office De partment will lose nearly three hundred thou i sand dollars this year, under the “credit sys tem.” allowing the deposit of unpaid letters. A suit has been brought by Nathaniel Childs, late Teller of the bank of the State of Missou i ri, against that Institution, for defamation, false imprisonment and malicious prosecution. He has laid the damages at SSO 000. The Pittsburgh Gazette says:—The Ohio and Pennsylvania road (leading westwardly from Pittsburg,) is under contract to Massil lon, on the Ohio Canal, and its rapid construc tion and early completion are put beyond the hazard of a doubt. Eighteen months will not roll away before the cars will ran from this city to Cleveland, Canton, and Massillon. The population of that portion of the State of Ohio knows as the Miami country, is offi cially estimated at 488,971, being an increase of 43 per cent, in ten years. The Cincinnati Chronicle remarks : The Miami Counties comprehend in round numbers, 6,500 square miies; and contain about half a million of people! This is a den sity of 77 to a square mile, much more than ~ that of the State of New York, which is about 56 to the square mile. This District will prob ably contain, in twenty-five years, a million of inhabitants, at which time (no extraordinary providence interposing,) it will present the ex ample of the most rapid and prosperous growth of any people on earth, Indeed, such is the fact now. For no part of the United States of equal extent, has reached half a mil lion in sixty years. The Overland Emigration.—The follow ing is an extract from a letter in the St. Louis Republican, dated Fort Laramie, May 14. Up to the present date, as well as can be as certained, nine hundred and fifty men, and two hundred and fifteen wagons, have passed this place for the mines. Last year at this time not a person had made his appearance. All represent that the emigration of this year will be double that of last Should this esti mate prove correct, over 50,000 persons and 12,000 wagons will cross, or rather attempt to cross the mountains this season. There has been but one death on the road thus far, S. W. Jurden, from lowa. A man was brought in to-day with one of his legs bro ken. Maj. Sanderson, the officer in com mand, renders every assistance to the emi grants that lies in his power, so that all, unless their wants are too numerous, go on their way rejoicing. A letter dated Fort Kearney, May 22, says: Generally speaking, the grass is still poor, but we have had a rain and it is pouring finely now. It is estimated that there are four thou sand teams ahead of us, and three thousand behind us. The Nicaragua Route.— The New York Ex press says that the steamer 4 Director, built by the Nicaragua Canal Co., to run on the river San Juan, will be ready to take her departure in a few days The steamer 4 ‘ Orus will ply on Lake Nicaragua, under the name of “ Nicaragua,” as soon as their transit commu- - nications are on the route. These arrangements will cause a great change in the C.ltfornia trarel when they ar. I comple .
