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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 183?-1864 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 6, 1850)
2 a criminal character to rouse that spirit into a terrible manifestation of its omnipo tence. A fanaticism in favor of the Union can be awakened, whose devouring flames will scorch and burn, and annihilate in their fiery march —every vestige of sedition and abolition —every trace of treason —every refuge of trai tors. GREAT UNION MEETING IN NEW YORK, ON WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 30. From the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, 31sf ult- The Union Meeting.— The meeting at Castle Garden last night was one of the largest and most respectable ever held in thia city. At the opening of the meeting the immense hall was densely filled. Aa early as six o’clock most of the seats in the gallery of that large edifice were occupied, and a number of persons were standing in the centre of the floor, which, by seven o’clock, was as full as at any former oc casion in our experience. Round the front of the galleries many patriotic sentiments were exhibited in large characters, and a portrait ol General Washington was placed, with the American flag, over the platform occupied by the Committee of Arrangements, surmounted by a scroll bearingthe words: •• Owe Country, One Constitution. One Destiny.” Directly opposite over the centre of the circular gallery which was also festooned with flags, was this inscription : *• That I long since determined to stand or fall, survive or perish, live or die with those who would maintain the integrity of the Union.”—Dickinson. And on the front of the gallery were ban ners bearing the following extracts from the speeches and letters of eminent statesmen: *• Liberty and Union ! Now and forever—One and inseparable.” ** The Union. It must and shall be preserved.” ** We know no North, no South, no East, no West, —but one common Country.” “The Union first. Party Interksts afterwards.” A fine band ot music was in attendance, and at proper intervals performed national airs. The Meeting was called to order by Mr. Nicholas Dean, in behalf of the Committee of Arrangements, who nominated for President of the Meeting—George Wood, Esq. Mr. Nicholas Dean then mounted the plat form amid the general applause of the assem bly. Silence having been obtained, Mr. Dean said— Fellow-Citizens:— We have met together to night to take counsel upon most grave subjects, —to advocate the supremacy o.f the Coiixtitu and Laws* ‘and to pledge ourselves, • atoll hazards, to support the Union of these States. We have been, and are yet passing through a most perilous period of our history ; to avert some of its dangers is our present pur pose. Tnat Constitution under which we have lived in tne full enjoyment of all those privi leges which have marked our progress as a people, and which has conferred upon us *• liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” has been attacked in the halls of national legisla tion. and a rule of action said to be drawn from a source above, and beyond that instru ment, —avowed, and sought io be enforced Are we prepared to listen patiently, and ap provingly, to such treasonable doctrines ?—to surrender our civil and political rights to the protection of fanatics—to the keeping of vis ionary theorists—to the custody and control of disunionists—to cast at their feet to be trod den on, and defaced, that Constitution won through long years of toil, of peril, and of suffering—consecrated by the wisdom of our revolutionary fathers—and approved and cer tified to us by the greatest uninspired name that the universe ever looked upon—the name of George Washington ! Fellow citizens; conservatives of all parties; let this night witness that there is yet a re deeming spirit strong enough, and broad enough, and active enough, to preserve intact this glorious depository of human freedom— this magnificent record of unsurpassed patriot ism. To that end are we now met together, and in obedience to the instructions of the Commit tee of Arrangements, I now nominate, as President of this great Union Safety Meeting, George Wood, Esq. All those who are favorable to that nomina tion will please to say aye. This was followed by a shout of aye, upon which Mr. Dean said : Gentlemen, I am glad to say that the nomina tion has been carried unimously. Mr. Wood then took the chair, and Mr. Dean said that by the instruction of the com mittee he bad to propose the following gen tlemen for Vice Presidents and Secretaries : [We omit the list. Forty Vice Presidents and eight Secretaries were appointed.] Mr. Wood said that the difficulties under which the nation now labored, and which led to ’’-is agitation, had their origin about sixteen yc ago. The doctrines were then first ad vai. ed that slavery was of itself unjust, and ought to be put down wiihont any regard to the consequences which might ensue, or to the results thereof upon the prosperity and hap piness of our sister States at the South, where that institution prevails. This agitation has now grown into a most aggravated and serious difficulty which may terminate in the dissolu lion of the Union, and extinguish forever that bright example which we, as a people, have hitherto set to all the Nations of the world, and under which we have enjoyed so much pros perity and happiness. The Institution of Sla very was first introduced here when we were in a state of pupilage, and it may require a long period to elapse ere its abolition can take place.y ■' in finrr vefylTaS Trom the beginning of the world, and that it has been endured in all ages to the advantage of the citizens in the early existence of Nations, has aided in their ad vancement to prosperity, and without doubt contributed to the promotion of national in dustry. We find also that if it has been atten ded with evils in this country, they have been allowed to take their course and have chosen to take their own time for their extinction. Fifteen years ago <he doctrines were first pro mulgated that slavery was a sin to be abolished all at once. That is not a true doctrine, nei ther was it the doctrine of our Revolutionary Fathers! (Loud cheers and cries of No) The idea that it was a sin like murder or rob bery, and ought lobe routed out and punished, never entered the heads of our countrymen who led us on in the patlis of victory and freedom. It was the Abolitionists who said it ought to be abolished as sinful, and this too without regard to the consequences which might ensue. Now we must consider wheth it will be most conducive to the happiness of mankind to abolish it all at once, or to devise means (or its gradual extinction. The idea that it is sinful iu itself is repugnant to the best feelings of a large proportion of our peo ple. f Cheers.) We. know that it is useful and we know also that it must be a work of time to abolish it, and every country wherein it exists must be the judge of that time when it shall be expedient to do away with it. We say then, the Southern States must be allowed to judge—(Cheers)—of the proper time for its removal from among them. The idea that it is useful, we say is prevalent, and although there are men who differ from us. yet their opinions are not to be allowe i to prevail over those of the majority of mankind. If a man was to contend that ths reputation which Homer. Virgil or Demosthenes had acquired was undeserved, we should tell him, that the general sentiment of mankind had allowed them that reputation. and that he could not set up his individual opinion in contradistinction to the opinion of the world at large. Apply this to the doctrine of slavery. The general sentiment of mankind is in its favor, and the only question is, will ils sudden aboli tion promote the happiness of those countries in which it is existing- Our revolutionary fathers took this view of the subject, and that they were right, we may be convinced by see ing what has been the effect of the sudden abo lition of slavery in the British West India Isl ands, and we may then consider whether or not it might be attended with the same prostrationot trade and commerce in the South ern States as we have seen in the British Colo nies. There can be little doubt but it would, if we were to adopt the doctrines of the abo litionists, and say that slavery was a sin, to be abolished at ail hazards, thereby exposing our fellow citizens at the South to all the co rue queuces which must ensue, if the doctrines which prevail (cries of no, no.) with them, which are advocated in the midst of our com munity by a small majority, are to be carried into practice (Cheers.) We are aware of the extent to which these doctrines have been carried, and of the agitation which has been kept up in a portion of ibis and ot the Eastern States, and of the necessity of taking some measures for the purpose of putting it down. It was commenced by flooding the National Legislature with petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. This was an abuse of the right of peti’ion, as much so as if a wight was to persist in thrusting a case be fore the Courts which had been decided against him. By this and other menus the agitators have succeeded in alienating the North from the South, and the South from the North, and it became necessary at the last session of the Na:ional Legislature to make an attempt to put it down, and after weeks and months—threat ening violent disunion—measures were pass ed by Congress which, it was fondly hoped, would forever put an end to this unfortunate subject. The object of calling thia meeting is to obtain an approval of those measures, and a disapproval of tnat agitation. It' thia agitation cannot be extinguished, it will lead to a dissolution of the Union, to the destruction of ail our hopes, and to the shut ting out from the world example of our Republic, which has hitherto promoted the general happiness of mankind. (Hear. hear, cheers.) Having now said ail that is proper on taking the chair, I have only to add that you will be addressed by other gentlemen on these topics, wb.ch involve matters of such vast importance and intense interest as the dis solution of the Union ; and I must say mat we must ali rise above the billows of party, as our ft refatbrrs did in the days of the Revolu tion when they were led op by that great man who lives enshrined in all our hearts. We must look io the preservation of the Union and the great interests which that Union mv oives. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Robert C. Wetmore then read the fol lowing letters 29th 1850. My I’Mr Sir : —A mo«t painful doine».ic af flictton num me l» decline your kind 1 uon to attend * ••Union Meeting” of :be citi zens of New York, at Castle Garden to mor row evening. But 1 approae its patriotic pur po«s and st tnpaihtse warmiy with the move ment. I thank vou tor the complimentary manner in which you are pleased to ailtide to tnr hum ble effort, tn the Senate, and assure vou. that. 1 lone since determined to st-nd or fall, survive or perish, live or die ” Wlth w(lo wou!d maintain the integrity of tt>« Union an! u,. bold the genial spirit of our country 's Cons tunon Be pieaoed to present my best regard, to. the patriotic assemblage, and believe me sin cerely. Yours. D. S. Dickinson. To F. S. Lathrop, Esq., Chairman Commit- i tee . Franklin, N- H.,Oct, 28th 1850. Gentlemen :—Nothing in the world but re gard for the state of my health prevents me f-m accepting at once your invitation, and as suring you of my presence st the “Union Meeting” at Castle Garden, on Wednesday evening next. I rejoice to know that such a meeting is called ; 1 rejoice to know that it will be attended by thousands of intelligent men, lovers of their country, party men doubtless, but abject slaves to no party, ard who will not suffer either party clamor or party discipline to dry up within them all the fountains of love and attachment to the constitution of their country. The voice of such a meeting will be heard and respected ; it will rebuke disobedi ence to tho laws, actual or threatened ; it will tend to check the progress of mad fanaticism ; it will cal! men who are honest, but who have been strangely misled, back to their duty, and it will give countenance and courage to the faithful friends of Union throughout the land. When the commercial interest of the great metropolis of the country speaks with united hearts and voices, expressing its conviction of the great danger, to combat with it and over come it, the example is likely to rouse good men everywhere; and when the country shall be roused,the country will be saved. I concur, gentlemen, in ail the political prin ciplea contained in the resolutions, a copy of which has been sent to me; and I stand pledged to support those principles publicly and privately, now and always, to the full ex tent of my influence, and by the exertion of every faculty which I possess. The eminent men whom you mention, and with whose names you have done me the honor to asso ciate miue, are well wor’hy of the praise which you bestow’ on them I shall never forget, and I trust the country will never forget, the pa triotism. the manliness, the courage manifested by them, in an hour of difficulty and of peril. The peace measures of the last session are: —the Texan Boundary Act, the Act for es tablishing the two Territorial Governments of New Mexico and Utah, the Act for the Aboli tion of the Slave Trade in the District of Co iumbia. and the Fugitive Slave Law. This last measure, gentlemen, is not such a measure as I had prepared before I left the Senate, and w hich, of course, I should have supported if I bad remained in the Senate. But it received the proper sanction of the two Houses of Congress, and of the President of the United States. It is the law of the land, and as such is to be respected and obeyed by ali good citizens. I have heard no man whose opinion is worth regarding, deny its constitutionality, tnd those counsel violent resistance to it, counsel that which, if it take place, is sure to lead ro bloodshed, and to the commission of capital offences. It remains to be seen how far the deluded and deluders will go on, in this career of faction, follyand crime. There were honest and well meaning mem bers of Congress, who did not see their way clear to support these great and leading meas tires of the last session. You are quite right in saying that the motives of these gentlemen ought not to be impeached. Bu» the measures have been adopted, they have become laws, constitutionally and legally binding upon us all, and no man is likely to oppose them. No man in at liberty to set up, or affect to set up, his own conscience as above the law, in a matter which respects the rights of others, and ths obligations, civil, social and political, due toothers from him. Such a pretence snps the foundation of all government, and is of itself a perfect absurdity ; and while all are bound to yield obedience to the laws, wise and well-disposed citizens will forbear from re newing past agitation, and re kindling the flames of useless and dangerous controversy If we would continue one people, we mus. acquiesce in the will of the majority, constitut tionally expressed ; and he who does no mean to do that, means to disturb the public peace,and to do what he can to overturn the government. Gentlemen, I am led to the adoption of your last resolution, in an especial and emphatic manner, by every dictate of my understanding, and I embrace it with full purpose of heart and mind. Ils sentiment is my sentiment. With you, I declare that I “range myself un der the banners of that party whose princi ples and practice are most calculated to up hold the Constitution, and to perpetuate our glorious Union.” Gentlemen. I am here to recruit my health, enfeebled as it has been, by ten months of excessive labor, and indescribable anxiety. The air of these my native hills renews my strength and my spirits. I feel its invigorating influences, while I am writing these few lines ; and I shall return shortly to my post, to dis charge its duties as well as I can, and resolved, in all events, that so far as depends on me, our Union shall pass through this fiery trial, without the smell of smoke upon its garments. I am, Gentlemen, with very sincere regard, your obliged fellow-citizen, and obedient servant, Daniel Webster. To Messrs. F. S. Lathrop, &c., Committee. o pledge ourselves, the Union of these J. W. Gerard, Esq , then came before the meeting. He said he had co rue at the call of his country, to meet those who had here as sembled, regardless of party bonds, to concert measures for the safety ot this glorious Union. Their action would be heard and felt all through the length and breadth of the land, it would be hoard iu New England to the top of her highest hills, and would carry aid and comfort to every corner of the glorious £outh. Their voice would be heard all along the seaboard, and every merchant and every sailor would join iu the cry raised here, for the Constitution and the Union. Nor would it die away until it had crossed the Rocky Noun- F.rrrv mtwtnf’tin top wottM hear it, ami every valley would join in the glorious shout raised here to-night, for the Union, the Compromise and the Constitution. Sixty years ago this Republic was founded upon compromise, and by compromise alone has it since been preserv ed. Our fathers proclaimed the Union to be one and indivisible, and adopted the kingly eagle as the emblem of our destiny. And well has the progress of our country justified the selection. The warriors and statesmen of the North and the South have rivalled each other in their struggles to promote the growth and the greatness of their common country. The object of the meeting to night is to en dorse and carry out the peace measures of Congress. For ten months the abolitionists of the North and the disunionists of tho South, blocked the wheels of legislation, until such men as those whose letters had been read to night threw themselves into the gap to calm the troubled waters. These men would be sustained, no matter to what party they be longed, or from what section they came. Still there were spirits, who would rather “rule in Hell than serve in Heaven. ’* who were still determined to renew' the strife, that they might rise on the scum to the surface. These con siderations had given rise to three resolutions, the first of which would approve the first class —the second would condemn the others—and the third would recommend the execution and support of the Compromise measures. The country needs peace, and must have it. The Kings of the Old world look with complacen cy ou the growing strife and discurd in this country. But they are doomed to disappoint ment. Among the Peace measures referred to, is the Fugitive Slave Law, which has been most shamefully abused, and misrepresented. It is only a bill to carry out the law of 1793 and Mr. G. pledged his personal and proles sional character for the assertion, that it was nothing more. The law of ’93 has been acted on for fifty years ; aud why has it never before been denounced ? Simply because dema gogues want voles and politicians want places. Ho was here to aid iu cutting down the one. and crushing the other Tney should be cast out like rhe lepers of old, as unclean. All our sympathies are not in favor of Slavery. We are all ‘ free sod” men in one respect, but God has given us in the mountains and the climate of the West a better proviso than Wilmot ever drew. Mr. G. said he would give to every fugitive who should come to hitu, without fee or reward, his best services. If the law should condemn him, he must \ield obedience to the law; and then, instead of raising the cry of re bellion. he would raise money to buy bis free dom, and give the first fee he should receive for that object. He, therefore, claimed to be a better abolitionist than the vile beings who dis grace our land. The next Resolution declar ed the purpose of the meeting to shake off all party ties, and vote for no man who sympathiz ed with this abolition feeling, or would re-agi tate the subject. He had been a Whig all his life but he would abandon his allegiance if that party was to be poisoned by this abolition sentiment. It was rotten and corrupt, and if he stood alone he would teardown its banner and let it Boat over his head atone. He cared not for leaders of party,—his country called any should have his first obedience. We have no ticket to offer to night, but a platform will be laid down here, on which every man can measure the candidate he will support, The eyes of the country, the eyes of the world, are upon this meeting to-night; and all coming lime will bless thia mgnrswork. Every thing is propitious— a new era is at hand—we will strike down all disorganizers and all dema gogues. Let every one be as bold aud as honest as he was, and all would be right. Would they see the Flag of the Union struck down T W ould they see it lose i single start No! No! Let every one be preserved. Let its stripes be rescued from our enemies abroad and at home ! That flag is the protection of our seamen the world over. We are at peace with all the world, and that dag is :u the service el humanity in the ice ribbed regions of the North. That dag never should be struck. By it we will live, and by it we wiil die. If the Whig party would throw overboard abolition ism, he would stand by it; if not. he would go over to Old Tammany, put a buck tail iu h s bat, and fight for the Compromise, the Consti tution and the Union. Mr. Gerard closed amid deafening shouts ol applause, and then read the following resolutions: 1. Kcsofred, That we revere the wisdom and pa ■rii‘t»s;n of our ancestors which framed the Union of ibe Suites under th Federal Constitution; that we attribute our power, d'euily, and pro*pentv as a na tion. the lull pMseseivu and enjoy inenl of civil and religious liberty, the security of property, and the meaosof aDorni and ioteUeetual elevation which are me birthright ot every citixen, and all the ii cent res ike of our growth as a people, to the U hi under the Cousntuiion; that the maintenance and extension ci these bleoriags during the pre»ent gener a ion, and their transmission to p<wterity, are secure •Mily by a faithful adherence to the Union, and imp.i cii obedience to the Constitution. /»£SoZreu, That the fa: nc of our General Go vernment was the product of reciprocal concession among the cond ■ cting interests of different sections of becouMr, ; of mutual respect for the diversities of pn u wir.ctj prevailed among the citizens ; ani of *tac< re auection, begotten by their common origin 3 yuwm.n peri’s, toils an. I sacrifices, throu.fi * “ U 7- r cmi ? n> ? a iK'ert.es bad been won; and that the Uenemi Uovernmem van be sustained and perpetuate i only upon iae same i-asu o f cou-essi r respect icd affer n o A’.su’reci, Tba: *e eurdiafiy anprov? cf th re -C . , hngtruusqaesiM-neans.ng oct acqu < ion • tomiory under the Treaty with Mexico, an i ■ coosiaerauea of the various and discordant inun.sts .o beaifecied thereby, wenoid chai the is a fair one, and ought to be sustained by every pa triot in every part of the land. 4. Resolved, That the heartfelt thanks of this community, and of the whole nation, are due, and, on our pait, are hereby tendered, to those eminent statesmen and patriots. Clay, Cass, Webster, Fill more, Dickinson, Foote, Houston, and others, who, when they saw the Union in danger, threw them selves into the breach, disregarding all personal con sequences, forgetting all party predilections, and wil ling to be sacrificed, if need be, for the good of the country. Resolved, That by this patriotic devotion to their country’s good, in a crims so momentous, they have achieved for themselves immortal honor, and for the Union* W’e trust, an iin peri liable existence. 5. Resolved, That those members of Congress from this State, who, against influences the most un favorable to the exercise of a sound judgment, sus tained the Peace Measures by their votes, have con ferred a lasting obligation upon their constituents, and upon tne whole country. 6. Resolved, That while we do not impeach the motives of members who opposed during their passage through Congress those measures, in our opinion so indispensably necessary to the peace of the country, we do especially condemn the conduct of those, who, after the happy settlement of these dangerous ques lions by the passage of the Compromise bills, and while all were congratulating themselves ami each other that the era of good feeling had returned, have sought, by again agitating’he subject, to throw new fire-brands of mischief into Congress and the Country. 7. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Bill is in accordance with the express stipulations of the Con stitution of the United States, as carried out by the Act of Congress of 1793, signed by Washington, and in force at the time when the present law was passed; and that Congress, in passing a law which should be efficient for carrying out the stipulations of the Con stitution, acted in full accordance with the letter and spirit of that instrument, and that we will sustain this law, and the execution of the same, by all lawful means. 8. Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, a further agitation of the Slavery question in Con gress would be fraught with incalculable danger to our Union, and that we will support no candidate at the ensuing, or any other election, for State officers or for members of Congress or of the Legislature who is known or believed to be hostile to the Peace Mea sures recently adopted by Congress, or any of them, or in favor of re-opening the questions involved in them for renewed agitation. 9. Resolved, That we regard our obligations to the Constitution and the Union as superior so the ties of any of the political parties to which we may hi therto have belonged, and that on all future occasions we will range ourselves under the of that party whose principles and practice are most calcu lated to uphold the Constitution and to perpetuate our glorious Union. Charles O’Connor, Esq., then addressed the meeting. He said it gave him great pleasure, as a representative of the Democratic party, to shew that there was at least one member of that party willing to make as great sacrifices as the gentleman who had preceded him, or as any other whjg. _ uflf wasits freedom from party. It was held in the largest hall of the largest Republic in the world. That its voice would be potent no one oould doubt. Wo are called together to conserve the interests of the Union. We have arrived at a momentous era in the history of this country. Hitherto we have been divided upon political questions growing out of a new and untried system of government. When these questions had been in some degree settled, new ones aruse, out of which trading politicians had sought to build up their own interests. But these controversies have passed away. The questions of Trade, of Finance and Bank ing have been brought to the test and the pub lic mind has reached a satisfactory conclusion. It would naturally be supposed that our country would now go on in peaceful pros perity. But the trading politicians must still have something to do. Such statesmen as Clay and Cass as Webster and Dickinson, could easily find employment, but what em ployment could this state of things furnish to the Arch magician of the Democratic party. (Van Buren) or the renowned hobby rider of Whigs, (Seward ) They must seek agitation elsewhere. The Whig hobby-rider must • mount the hobby of Abolitionism. The ma gician must lead his band from the extreme of subserviency to the South, to the extreme of ultra Abolitionism, wbeu he found the South would not give him all the pay which he thought his paltry services deserved. It must be deemed extraordinary that the great mana gers of each party should have mounted the same hobby, and ridden it with equal diligence to the present hour. Their ends are the same and their objects the same, and no man can doubt that there is a fraternity between them, and that they and their followers will soon be in open union. And the question is, whether this city will follow either, or whether it will not condemn them both. This city has the power to condemn them, and her interest re quires that she should do it. We are told that the Fugitive Slave Law, adopted by the recent Congress, essential to the observance or obli gations to the South, cannot be executed any where at the North except in the city of New York. It is then admitted that although the whole North may be recreant, the Capi’al City of the New World is still faithful to the Con stitution and will enforce the law. It was said by the Father of ail Truth that wherever two or three are gathered together in his name, he would be there in the midst of them. The same thing would hold true of this society, in which this truth was lodged The utmost reli ance can be placed on the power us this great city on this great question We are told by Abolitionists that the Union cannot be dissolv ed, that they will preventit by force. This is their no’.ion of the Union. If our Southern brethren, ruiiiud and destroyed, should find the Union not worth preserving, that we will arm ourselves ns against a foreign foe, pene trate the South and subject our Southern breth ren to bondage at the point of the bayonet. They would force a Union on the battie field. They would compel us to pass in arms over the grave of Washington and sacrifice his countrymen, because they dared to strike for lheir rights and their lives. He wanted no such Union. Wheneverany part of the Unjofl,., them to remain. But the Abolitionists further taunt this City with being influenced by com mercial considerations. Those who urge such reasons may be governed by such motives. For himself he had no such interest in any shape or form, and he believed that the great est glory of us all was that we are members of that great Republic which first proclaimed the principles of liberty to the world. This is the boast of every one of us. Now let us lose the South and what becomes of the pride and glory of the American name ? Is it not gone forev er? Are northern men prepared to talk of Washington as a hero belonging to some bye gone nation, that exists no more? Shall we separate ourselves from Yorktown ? Are. vve prepared to cast out from the history of the country the illustrious name of Andrew Jack sou? Shall vve tell our children that the homes of both these men are in a foreign cli mate—that the author of the Declaration of In dependence was a native us another country ? Shall we disown Patrick Henry, and his great co-patnots? What will become of the most glorious portion of our history if this Union is to bo dissolved ? It will go to the South, for they will be driven from this Republic by us, who will be the disturbers of its peace, it is for the preservation of our common country—of the great American name—it is that we may go on conquer ing and to conquer until our flag shall have a 100 stars, that we seek to preserve this glo rious Union disunited. Every feeing of pride deserts us. United we go on prospering and to prosper—filling up our valleys with the myriads of Europe, and building up ail the elements of our greatness and our power. To bring about these glorious results, and to in crease this great Republic of the white race, he desired to perpetuate this Union, and he was not willing to hazard the experiment of elevating the black man, when it might endan ger the Republic. He knew this meeting would not be wanting in rebuking trading politicians, but that they would single out from the ticket those who are in favor of the Union and the Constitution. If none can be found, take those who pretend to he. There had been a diligent effort to keep men off both tickets, but he hoped he could find some worthy of his support He stood ready to go anywhere, and to support any National Wing, in preference to any Free Soil Democrat—he was ready to say, vve are all Democrats—vve are all Whigs. A better name than either could not be worn by any American. He had the honor to represent, in the Democratic Slate Convention, a district in which, so far as he knew, there was not a Free Softer. He endeavored to represent it truly. He learned at Syracuse that the union of the party was most important, and that the non-intervention Dem ocrats, who had been true to the South, ought to unite with Abolitionists, make up a ticket -—half and halt—and beat the Whigs He was opposed to any union, even for political plun der, with men with whom he differed on the only question in which he felt the slightest in terest. To no such union would he ever be a party. It was true such men had been forced upon him. In his District a rabid Free Softer, a near relative of Gerritt Smith, had been by the votes of Democrats offered for his support, in opposition to a Whig whose votes had been in favor of all the peace measures of Consress Shall I support him, said Mr. O’C ? Nener? At Syracuse, moreover, the rural districts seemed to think the city of New York a very small place. He had the honor of bringing in resolutions excluding Free Soilers, and de daring for non-intervention; and the Conven tion sustained them. And yet they had given them three Free Soilers on the ticket for their support! Would he support them? Never? Let New York do her duty. Let her citizens give their votes to no man who is tainted, how ever slightly, with Free Soihsm.no mutter how nominated, or how great his abilities.— let him be rejected if be be tainted with that damning sin. After Mr O’Connor closed the resolutions were unanimouely adopted. Win. M Evans, Esq .ft hen addressed the meeting. He spoke especially and mainly of the fugitive Slave law. and the duty which it devolves upon our c tizens. The Conven tion wh ch framed the Constitution was com posed of the wisest men ia the land; and in that instrument one clause was passed unani mously,—and that was the one requiring fugi tives from service to be delivered up on claim of those to whom that service may be due. is there anything imperfect in that provision T Is die intelligence or the honesty of those statesmen to be lightly questioned ? The law just passed is to carry out that provision. The agitation throughout the country is to be car ried on upon the law, —all other que«tions have been so settled that they cannot be disturbed. The agitation having thus been reduced, a more active agitation must be carried on to yield the same returns. Mr. E. said he had met no ar gument against the law. The pith of all said against it. had been to charge the Southern master with being a stave catcher, and to stig mat ze the law as a base concession of the North to theSouii. Such arguments neither attracted his arte nt on or gained his confidence. He knew that they did not understand the subject, or that they did not desire or design to make a fair statement in regard to it. The act of 1793 has been sustained by the supreme tribunal of the land; and the law of the last se-sion—Mr. E did no; hesitate to say—only carried that *aw into more full effect, ft was mad ■ uece-s.ry. not by any demand of the S «u.n. but by .he action of the North in re fusing to put the old one in execution. The 4aseus corpus is not mentioned in this act ; H caiiDot be abolished by auy iaw ; and this law does not attempt it. But there is a law standing on the Statute Book of this State, excluding slaves from the benefit of the habeas corpus That law was passed by Abo litionists and Free Soilers at Albany. Con demn your legislation at home, before you censure Congress. No Judge of a State Court is permitted by that law to issue this writ, in such a case—saying explicitly, that no such Judge shall inquire into the legality of any process issued (or the reclamation of a fugitive from service. This is State Law, and it is good law. Mr. Evsrts rehearsed the his tory of State Legislation upon this subject, for the purpose of showing that it had really been more host.l - to the fugitive slave than the law of Congress referred to. He want on to say that the opposition to this law h not honest Its purpo.-e h other than that which it profes | ses to do. Opponi'ion to tois Itw involves opposition to all law. Ami he who resists it does all he can to subvert the government of the country. Mr Sanford followed Mr. Evarts, briefly ex preying regret that such a meeting as this ; should have been necessary. But a few years since Nullification threatened the Union, and then a great hero arid statesman declared that the Union must and shall be preserved. Then, too, another great statesman uttered the simi lar sentiment — Liberty and Union, now and forever; one and inseparable. But now the Nullification comes from another quarter. It comes from those who resist a plain provision of the Constitution. The North declares they will not obey that law. And it is a mournful occasion which calls us together to deliberate how ’.o avert the destruction with which such conduct threatens the Union. It bad been well said that the cry against this law is not honest. Every obligation of duty exacts obe dience to that law : and every one who resis s or hesitates, whether under pretence of a high er law or no law, is a traitor to the country. The object the law, like that of the Con stitution. is to keep every slave from a condi tion of freedom There is no such thing as freedom for a slave in this land, except by the regular process of manumission. This obli gation ’o the master must be discharged. Will the people of this city then stand by and see a parricidal band raised against this Union ? We all have a duly to perform. Let no man who is suspected of countenancing agitation re ceive your vote. Banish the fires of discord from your legislative halls, and minor dema gogues will hide their diminished heads. Then reclaim tha deluded. Bring them out from the congregation of the covenant breakers. Teach them that lhe’r highest duty, next to obedience id God. is the performance of tracts. He d.id not w rtiv -' u • e]Siq- his Joti man could foresee the terrible results of a dissolution of this Union. He wished not to live to see the un told horrors of such a war as must follow the attempt to enforce a preservation of the Union. When dissolution conies, it must be peaceful. Suppose any one State should withdraw ’ How can it be brought back ? Only by a re organization: and if you prove faithless to one contract, who will form another with you ? Each Stale must then stand by itself, and South America tells the tale of our destiny. But he was cheered by the aspect of this meeting to hope for better things, and to look forward to the permanence of mis glorious Union. Ogden Hoffman then came forward, and was received with loud cheering. He said be came here to night, not as a Whig, nor a Democrat. He had withdrawn from party action, but when he found the Constitution disregarded, and laws made in pursuance of it set at naught, when he felt the union reeling from blows struck at it by disunionists at the South, and abolitionists of the North, ho felt it his duty to be here He believed the mass of both parries were sincerely attached to the Union. He be lieved the Whig party was now as it ever had been, faithfulto the Constitution and (he laws of the land. He deplored the existence of slavery as it was deplored by every patriot aud Christian of the Southern States. But he re membered that it came upon them against their will. The Constitution found it there, and v.’ithont the Compromise requiring the surren der of fugitive slaves, it never could have been adopted. Without Compromise this Union never could be preserved. See what that Union has done for us—how it has ex tended our borders, increased our people, made us the land for the oppressed, and the refuge of the exile, and spread our borders so wide, that the sun rising from the sea on one side quenches its beams in tho sea upon the other. Who would see its glorious eagle struck from the mid-heaven and made to quiv er in death agonies on the earth below ? Mr. H. sketched, in his own glowing, eloquent manner, the history of the debates of the re cent sesiiou,—of the part borne in that great contest by Henry Clay, who seemed to throw off the weight of years in the heat and fervor of his devotion to the Union:—and Daniel Webster, who added to his title of Defen der of the Constitution that of Champion of the Union ; and by men of every party and from every section of our common country. He spoke also in terms of high eloquence, of the part taken by General Foote of Missis sippi in this great contest, and of the personal sacrifice he had made for the *ake of his coun try And just as we were beginning to rejoice at the restoration of peace through the efforts of this gallant band, the voice of discord was again raised, both at the North and the South. Al the South the admission of California is made (he rallying ery of resistance. At the North, rhe Fugitive Law, is denounced and resisted : and jet that law is only the re-en actment of the law of ’93, its provisions are not more objectionable loan these of that law. Both are equally con-iitutional, and both mmu be obeyed. The law for the restoration of the fugitiye from justice is equally stringent; but where are the tears and groans for yvhite man w.>«j yq.yhat they ’sMWpffyhi* hie wrongs form weapons in the hand of agitators to tear asunder the' bonds that bind us together. But suppose the law was as bad as it is asserted to be. Who ever heard of a compromise in which both parties did not complain? Tho stake we are playing for is the Union ; ami shall we split straws .ns to the terms on which it is to be preserved? That law must be executed and preserved It mustrtand and be obeyed, un less we would have commended to our own lips the cap we present to the South. Weigh the horrid consequences us disunion against any ?h. ht defect in that law. and then say if you can, that it should not be obeyed. Mr. II closed with a most eloquent and effective ap peal in behalf of the Union and of the com promise measures by which alono it can be preserved. James T. Brady, Esq., followed with a brief and pointed speecn, which he closed by «übmit'ing the following resolution, which passed, ami the meeting then adjourned— Resolved, That a Committee of fitly citizens, whose names are hereto annexed, be appointed, with power to (ill vacancies and'add to (heir numbers, to be called the *• Union Safety Committee, 11 charged with the duty, by correspondence and otherwise, of carrying out the objects of this meeting, which are hereby declared to be—To revive ami foster among the whole people ot tne United States, the spirit in whi**U the Uniou was formed, and the Constitution was adopted; and to resist u every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link toge ther the various parlsV The Committee of fifty was selected from the most distinguished citizens of New York, of both politic d parties. The Express bays: We never attended a more enthusiastic meeting. The best spirit appeared to pervad the immense assemblage, from the commencement to the close of the proceedings. Many of our mo-t venerable and eminent citizens were present, and seemed to take a deep interest in what was going for ward Tnere appeared to be about an equal proportion of both political parties present and taking an active part in the meeting. The disumox orators and press com plain that trie northern fanatics are not con tent with the adjustment bills, and will not abide by them, but on the contrary continue the slavery agitation Would it not be well for them to reflect that these northern fanatics as doing no more in that line than the South ern ultras themselves. The latter are setting the example of continued agitation, swearing that they will not abide by the compromise, and calling out loudly for repeal or disunion. The Northern fanatics are but pursing the *>atue game. They voted against portions of the edjuatment in company with the Southern disunionists, and they are following in close imitation when they join with them in continu ing agitation and threatening repeal or resis tance. Tne cool, good sense of the conserva tive portion of the country, it is true, will be strong enough U> prevent this agitation of both extremes from doing much harm. It does ap pear queer, however, to hear a .Mississippi agi tator, who is doing his best for disunion in con sequence of the adjustment, denounce the nor thern abolitionist for doing no more than he himself does, and assign as a reason for hit action the course of his agitation aily. It’s the old feud between the pot and the kettle ! Natchez Cour A Glorious Adversary for N. York.— The Albany Evening Journal of Saturday last has the following interesting reminiscence: Twenty-five years ago this day the Erie Canal was announced as navigable from Lake Erie to the Hudson River. On the 251 h of October, 1525. eight years aud four mouths from the time the work commenced, the Erie Canal was completed, and on that day the “ Seneca Chief,” with De Witt Clinton, then Governor of this Stale, Lieut. Governor Tall madge, and various Committees on board left Buffalo for the Hudson River. Along the entire line of the Canal, within hearing dis tance of eaeh other, heavy artillery were pla ced, and the starting of the •* Seneca Chief” from Buffalo was carried to the Ci’y of New York as fast as sound could travel, and by the same means it was announced in Buffalo that this great event was known in New York. This was before the present mode of com municating information by telegraph had been known; but the plan was so well executed that in one hour and thirty minutes from the firinguf the first gun in Buffalo, the echo was heard in New York and returned to Buffalo. It was a day of great rejoicing througbou* the Slate, and the arrival of the “Chief” at the various places along the line was signalized with great pomp and splendor. Every city and village had prepared its festival, and throughout the whole line, from the Lake to the Ocean, it was a voyage of triumph. On the second of November the “Seneca ChieT’ rec hed this city, eight days from Buffalo, and ou the fourth she arrived in the City of New York When the Heer, which was composed of the ••Seneca chief ** and several steam and other craft from Albany. New York and other pla ces on the river. reached Sandy Hook, Gov. DeWitt Clinton proceeded to perform the ceremony of commingling the waters of the Lake with the Ocean, by pouring a keg of Erie water into the Adamic, when he de livered the iollowing address: “ This solemnity, at this place on the first arrival ot vrsseis from Lake Erie, is intended to md;ra:e and commemorate the uavigabie com munication which has been accomplished be tween our Mediterranean Seas and the At- lantic Ocean in about eight years, and to the extent oftnore than four hundred and twenty five miles, by the wisdom, public spirit and en ergy of the people of the State of New York ; and may the God of the heavens and the earth smile most propitiously on this work, and ren der it subservient to the best interests of the human race. THEwmn CHHQNICLE & SENT INES BY WILLIAM S. JONE . TWO DOI. L4IIS PER ANNUM, ISVARIABIV nAII, Y f T R I-W EEKLY * WEEKLY. Officcin Railroad Bank Buildings. OAILY paper pcrannum l.entby mail.) »T 00 TUI WEEKLY " " <““ weekly PAPER " AtGUSTA. GA.: WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCT. »0. Judge Nlobel'a Letter, Tmk letter of the Hon. E. A. Nisbet, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Geor gia, to a Committee in Cass county, who in viled him to attend the Kingston Barbecue and Meeting, will attract the reader’s attention. Like every thing from him, it is a calm, dis passionate document, replete with sound prac tical sense, and abounding in patriotic senti ment. President Fillmore.— The Fugitive Slave Law. It affords us znalloyed pleasure, in which we are sure every patriot heart will participate, to chronicle the intelligence, in another co lumn, that the President has announced his determination to enforce and execute the pro visions of the Fugitive Slave Law at all hazards and at whatever sacrifice. All honor to Mr. Fillmore, who, we trust, if necessity requires —though we hope for the honor of the Ameri can name it mny be averted, —will leach fanati cism a which its deluded victims ‘nay > lCa 'U To' kribW 'JhSnh ahis land of freedom and laws, the effusion of blood was necessary to sustain the supremacy of any law; yet if the emergency demand it, we say let it flow ; and we believe President Fill more is fully equal to any such emergency, and will not falter in his duty to his country, him self and posterity. The Great New York Meeting* We shall offer no apology for occupying so much of our paper to-day with the proceed ings of this great demonstration, and a brief sketch of the speeches made on the occasion, to the exclusion of our usual variety. Indeed our only regret is, that our limits will not allow of a more elaborated report. It was a great, a most enthusiastic, a glorious meeting ac cording to all the reports. Even the Courier Enquirer and Tribune, with all their tenden cy to Sewardism and Freesoilism, admit thus much, however they saw evident signs of the fate of their favorite, Senator Seward. It was a meeting worthy of the great object that call ed it forth ; and if the actors will not content themselves with a mere paper fulmination, and we think they will not stop there, its influence for good will be felt from oue extreme of this great Republic to the other. Let them there fore, persevere, and the ball which they have putin motion, for the crushing of fanaticism, ultraism and sectionalism, aided by the balls which President Fillmore will put in motion to preserve order and maintain the supremacy of the law, will certainly enlighten the fanatics, as to the lower law power, in contradistinction to their''higher law' 1 theories. The Courier Sf Enquirer, in a notice of the meeting, which it touches very gingerly, be cause of the flings at its dear friend Seward, remarks: “In the letters from Senator Dickinson and Mr. Webster, the resolutions and the speeches, al! the peace measures of the recent session were fully sus tained and the Fugitive Slave law was vindicated from the objections urged against it. No attempt was made to enlist favor or support for the ticket of either political party, but the audience were urged to strike from both tickets the name of every candi date who wa.' tainted with Free Soil opinions or sympathies. Mr. Gerard declared that unless the W big party should repudiate all in Abulitmnism he would quit it and go over to Tammany Hall. Charles O’Connor, E q , declared that be would never vote for a Free Smler,—that lie would strike every one of them from the Drtmocra’ic ticket, and that be would not voie for Cochrane for Congress, in opp «ition to Mr. Brook.’, whose action upon the subject had been entirely raiisfactoiv. I'he general tone of Hie whole meeting was riinitar to that indicated by these re marks. 1 ’ __ - toniy outraged, are in jeopardy .* your honor deeply your social Constitution violated by ALL Ur.dine; to the Qbjgt. THE ABpLI-.- occ uPv anA t ' 11as been denied you.mi tffe solemn form of law,-trader pretences the most Shallow. it well becomes you to assemble, deliberate and counsel together for your mutual preservation and safety.— Gov. Towns' Proclamation. In their efforts to escape the indignation of a patriotic people,the Disunionists in Georgia, although clamorous in the outset of the con test fur disunion, are now endeavoring to es cape odium by denying that they favor any such policy. Their denial, however, in the face of their oft-repeated declarations and their hugging to their bosoms the notorious Rhett will have little effect upon the intelligent and patriotic citizens of Georgia If they did not favor disunion, why was Rhett invited to their meetings, and his treasonable speeches publish ed and endorsed by them. But we need n t rely upon their sympathis ing and affiliating with open disunionists, to convict them of a purpose to dissolve the gov ernment. We desire no higher evidence than the extract from Gov. Towns’ proclamation, which we have quoted above. Let the reader scan it carefully and closely, and ask himself what is the plain and obvious tendency of this language, but (o stir up the people of Georgia to revolution and disunion? Without evidence, but relying on bold and reckless assertion, he declares that“the Federal Constitution has been violated by a aeries of aggressive measnres, all tending to the consummation of one object—the abolition of si a very.” What this series of ag gressive measures is, or what its constituent parts are,the Governor nor his friendsand sup porters, have not informed the people. Can it be the proposition to settle the boundary of Texts by the purchase of a portion of her territory for a libeial compensation? How can this be a violation of the constitution, or tend to the abolition of slavery. If Texas accepts the propostion, which she hxs a perfect right to do, it cannot in any manner impair the in stitution of slavery; and if she reject it, the pro position contained in Pearce’s bill is a dead letter, and the question stands where it did— open for adjustment. To what then does the Governor refer t Can he allude to the Fugitive Slave bitt, which waa framed by Southern men to suit their own views, as the best means of securing fugitive slaves? Surely the Governor would not insinuate that all the Southern men in Congress—for they all voted for it—have violat ed the Constitution or desired the consumma tion of abolition, in framing and passing that bill. Does he allude to the passage of the ter ritorial bills for and New Mexico, by which the Wilmot Proviso was expressly pro hibited, and the people, in the exercise of the great fundamental principle of republicanism, are permitted to adopt any constitution they please, provided it be republican! If so, we should be pleased to know, how they vio late the Constitution or tend to the con summation of abolition T Can he refer to the act prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the District of Columbia for sale? Tins is a mere municipal regulation, tend ing no more to the consummation of Abolition, than the law of Georgia, which did precisely the same thing, under heavy penalties. If that bill tends to the consummation of abolition, seven tenths of the intelligent and reflecting citizens of Georgia, might be accused of favor ing it, for we believe that ratio are in favor of restoring the prohibition, which was repealed by the demagogues of the last Legislature. The Governor cannot certainly refer to the admission of California —that was only one measure, and could not constitute a series. Besides it was in strict accordance with the principles avowed by him, aud those with whom he acted; viz: that the people of a territory have a right under the constitution :• form a constitution —and that Congress had no right to dictate the provisions. Has his Excellency abandoned this truly republican, S -nthern ground, and does he accord the peo ple of a territory the right, only when they a dopt a constitution to suit bis views! Really, it would seem so. The Governor has been regarded one of the "36-30 or fight men;” and perchance his friend Colqoitt hoped to make a corporal ol him in the famous “cnfin on pour back regiment, which he was so desirous of forming a few weeks since, and in which we believe the Edi tor of the Charleston Sew enlisted—we hare not heard of another —and we apprehend our contemporary will march solus in this forlorn hope, for we doubt if the blustering recruiting officer. Colqoitt, would aecompa- 1 ny him, especially if heeould find a substitute. But we have Raid the Governor was a “36 30 I or fight iran at any rate, he certainly was re garded as belonging to that t>quad, and was therefore willing to admit California, with all her irregularities, bargains, corruptions and in trigues, and with all her wandering population, provided her boundary did not extend below 36 30. Would it not be well, therefore, for him or his friends to show the people how the admission of the whole was a violation of the Constitution, although a part would be per fectly constitutional? Such an illustration might enlighten the minds of the people of Georgia, and enable the bellicose Governor the better to accomplish his purpose of stirring them up to Revolution and Disunion. A Short Catechism. That the reader may the more easily com prehend the force and point of the following article from the Sumter county, Ala., Wbtr, it may not be improper to state the circntnatan ces under which it was called forth. Some time sine* it was determined by the friends of the compromise measures, in Mobile, to express their approbation of those measures in mass meeting over a splendid barbecue. While the call for the meeting was being circulated for signatures, to which over seven hundred were attached, a correspondent of the Mobile Tri bune, the organ of the disunionists in Mobile, from Sumter county, requested that journal to copy the list of names when published, that the people might know who they were, with a view to proscribing them in business. The list, however, was so imposing and over whelming, that the Tribune shrank from the task, and nothing more was said of the matter until “ Louis Blanc 11 reviewed it in the follow ing caustic communication : Mr, Editor: —A correspondent of the (Mobile) Herald and Tribune, signing himself “Sumter,” suggests that the names of those who signed the call for the ratification of certain doings on the Southern question, be published, in order that the people of the up-country may deal with, or rather that they may not deal with them. I approve the suggestion of “Sumter” as far as it goes, but it does not go' far enough. It will do, however, for a start. 1 would suggest that as a good. -fWaAg of fydgers,’ 1 ahupiaed lit the< menace of “Sumter,” rnrfy decline putting them selves on record, they shall be reached in another way, and in order to effect this, a board of “Political Inspeciion” be established in this county, composed of members in and out of the city of Mobile ; whose business it shall be to ascertain and report who are sound, and who uusound on the “Southern Ques tion”; and that the Committee of ‘ 2?,” or so many or such parts of them as are left, be entitled to seats, as honorary members. That in order to prevent confusion, “Sumter,” or some other qualified gentleman of the up country, be requested to draw up a “Confession of Faith,” as well as a “Code of Practice,” and that this shall be taken and acknowledged by all law-abiding men, who “fear God and Hate the Devil,” to be the stand ard of orthodoxy on the Southern question. That tne doctrines and rules of said “Board” be so amen ded from day to day, and from week to week, accor ding to the various phases which the question may assume, to suit political aspirants : Provided, how ever, that the established reformed faith shall not travel back to the old doctrine of “non-intervention.” The discipline should be summary and exemplary, deep, searching, thorough, radical and pungent; that said society should be composed of men born in South Carolina, or not more than 25 miles from Montgomery; and that naturalized foreigners may be admitted ; that it should have judicial and extra judicial powers to condemn every Whig who de ciares himself to be such ; that it shall only be ne cessary to prove that he is considered as being ins pected of being a “suspicious character.” That in all cases, common report, general rumor, and the talk of the neighborhood, shall be competent testimony against him. That the denunciation by an aspirant for office on the “Souther* side” of the question, shall be positive proof of the unsoundness of any one denounced, either Whig or Democrat; the putrid being interested in the welfare of his country, and irom his position having all “the lights before him.” The penalty shall be confiscation of the convicts’ effects, and the division to be equal among the mem bers of the Board, according to the zeal of the or thodox. No one man, however, {unless very needy} to have for his share, more than two Yankees. If very fat. the Yankee to be divided into parcels to suit customers —the informer and witnesses to have the fifth quarter. No Yankee to be confiscated un less he is proven as aforesaid to be a heretic. If the Beard are divided on questions of Law, a certificate of division can be granted and certified to Gen. Quattlebum and R. Barnwell Rhett, of the princi pality of South Carolina, whose decision shall be final and conclusive. The shorter Catechisai, to be propounded to the accused, shill contain the following questions, to wit: Ist. Do you believe in the doctrine of “non-inter vention ?” 2d. Do you believe in the doctrine of double inter vention ? 3d. D<d you not assert that the Missouri compro mise w?s a violation of the constitution ? 4th. Do you not believe that the constitution ought to be violated again in the same way ? sth. Did you say, wita Gen Cass, that the peo ple of the territories have a right to regu ale their own domestic concerns 1 6th. Do you believe, against Gen. Cass, that the people of the territories have no right to regulate their own domestic concerns? 7th. Did you not say, with Mr. Polk, that the Wilmot proviso to the Oregon bill was constitu tional ? _ix— r .. r nrrhnniri— 9ih. Did you not say unv-M-erteaß law abotiah iag slavery in the new purchase Was repeatetrujTtni constitution ? 10« h. Do you not now say it is necessary the Mexican law be-abolished by an act qf Congress ? 11th. Does it not require Congress aodjthe consti fir" kifi it ? & 12th. Are you not in favor of State rights ? 13tli. Are you not opposed to California abolishing slavery if she desires it ? 14th. Do you not believe that the admission of California into the Union was unconstitutional under the clause of the constitution giving “Congress pow er to admit new States ? 15th. Were you not willing to admit her as a free State, provided she would slice off a little of h«r boundary ? 16th. Were you io favor of the “Nashville Con vention” as a means of preserving this Union? 17(11- Are you no. now in favor of the reassem bling of the “Nashville Convention'’ as a means of dissolving the Union ? 18th. Were you not with Gen. Jackson on the doctrine of secession ? 19th. Are you not wiih Mr. Rhett, of South Caro lim, and in favor of secession ? 20th. Did you not believe, with Gen. Jackson that “in a Republican government a majority ought to govern ?” 21 st. Don’t you believe now that a majority ought not to govern ? 22d. £»id you not think once that a State had a right to set her own boundaiies and sell her own land ? 23d. Don’t you think noir that a State has not a right to fix her own boundaries and sell her own land ? 24th. Were you net in favor of dissolving the Union, if the Wilmot proviso passed into a law, and Congress exercised power over slavery i* the territo ries ? 25'h. Are you not now in favor of dissolving the Union because Congress did not exercise power over slavery in the territories ? Unless the accused can answer all these questions affirmatively, and whatever others may arise to suit the limes, he shall be condemned and considered as unsound on the “Southern Question.” If he says, they, or either of them, are inconsistent with each other, he must but the more believe them all ; for on a subject of such vital importance, faith must not be held in subjection to reaeon, but reasoi to faith. Hoping that valuable papei “The Southern Press,” and the ‘ Herald and Tribune,” as well as “Sumter, ” may improve on these suggestions, I am respectfully yours, Louis Blanc. Gov. Collier. of Ala., has issued an ad dress to the people of that State, declining to convene the Legislature, as requested by seve ral memorials, numerously signed, to take into consideration the present state of affairs in re ference to the late action of Congress. In the course, of his address, he takes occasion to offer some, very wholesome and practical sugges tiow, seeking to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of building up the South, by improving her agriculture aod estab ishing manufactories, to an extent to render her wholly independent, or nearly so, of th* North. Sound Sentiments is Boston. —The Hon. Samuil A. Eliot, of Boston, the successor of Winthrop in the House, has addressed a let ter to his constituents vindicating his vote for the Fugitive Slave Bill. It is an able argu ment io favor the constitutionality of that mea sure, and scatters to the winds the sophistry and misrepresentation the higher law party are so largely dealing in with reference to it. It is indeed refreshing to read such a letter from such a quarter, especially as coming from the successor in Congress of that hypocritical, cold, calculating abolitionist, Winthrop— whose course in the Senate has placed him on a p:r with Seward. Muscooki •• Attitupisizino ” —The Co lumbus (Ga.) 'lima states emphatically that “ .Muscogee county is erect. Her lance is in rest, her vizor down, and not a plume in her crest wavers.” This, says the Richmond Republican, is in deed a terrific spectacle, and requires the pen of a Cervantes to do it justice. Since the days when the Rueful Knight of La Mancha, with fierce aspetrt and determined soul, charged upon a windmrl, there has b een nothing to compare with “Muscogee.” Sensible.—The New Yo rk and New Jer sey Synod adjourned recently, after passing a •esolution recommending obedience to the ugitive slave law, and refusing to entertain an mendment declaring the Ir.w unconstitutional. Georgia. If a . I Koa'l. Wk are pleased to lear n‘.hat the miscreants who attempted to throw the engine and cars of the upward passenger train from the track on the night of the 20th ult by removing one of the iron rails near M; .dison, causing the ac cident noticedin our paper of the 30th ult., have been eaught and confined in jail in Madi son. They were three negroes, who have con fessed that they were ec uployed to execute the villainous deed bya white man, whose name they gave. Such a vile scoundrel, who would thus ha zard the destruction of human life, to vent a petty spleen against the company, ought not to be permitted to live, and we hope sufficient and competent testimony may be elicited to convict him of the offence, and, bring him to condign punishment. Union Tickets. The friends of the Union, opposed to dis- ; union, secession, or resistance to the late acts j of Congress, have made the following nomi nations for delegates to the Convention from their respective counties: Oglethorpe— George R. Gilmer, Samuil Glenn, P. W. Hutcheson, and Willis Wil lingham. Lumpkin.— A. M. Russell, H. W. Rilet, Samuel Hymer, and R. H. Peirce. Upson — Thomas Flewellen, Rev. Wm. Crawford, Wm. A. Cobb, aud A. J. M’Afee. Twiggs.— H. Hughes, Dr. Tho*. J. Johnson. Randolph— Hon. Wm. Taylor, John Hen drick, H. G Johnson, B. H. Rice. Wilkes. -R. Toombs, I. T. Irvin, Jr., John H. Dyson. Edw. R. Anderson. Washington.— R. W. Flournoy, Wm. Hall, E. S. Langmade, John Dugxan. Cobb.— David Irwin, A. J. Hansell, M. G. Slaughter, N. M. Caulder. DeKalb. — John Collier, Charles Murphy, William Ezzard, James M. Calhoun. Harris— G. Granberry, Geo. Osborn, G. W Cobb, Leonard Pratt. Marion.— Thomas Bivins, John G. Stokes Claxk. —Asbury Hull, John Calvin Johnson, B. S Sheata. Abram S. Hill. Monroe.— A. M. D King, Meade Lesueur, James S. Pinckard, Hiram Phinazee. Pike.— Richard White, John It. Jenkins, Andrew J. Beckom, Henry Smith. Muscogee.— Alex. McDougald, Thomas F. Wooldridge, N. L. Howard, Alex. C. Monon. Cass.— Col. L Johnson, L. Tumlin, W. Aikin, J. Wofford. Floyd.— J. Walters, E. Ware. Paulding.— Reese McGrigor, W. F. James. Hancock.— Eli Baxter, James Thomas. Baldwin.— A. 11. Kenan, Tomlinson Fort. Fayette.— W. B. Fuller, John O. Dickison.-, Green — W. C. Dawson, T. N. Poullain, W. D. Weaver. R H Ward. Henry— L J. Glenn, B. Petit, L. T. Doyal, D. L. Duffey. Sumter.—W. 11. Crawford, E. R. Brown. Macon— Nathan Bryan, W. H- Robinson. Crawford.— W. A. Matthews, Dolphin Da vis. Jones.— R V. Hardeman, Francis B. Has call Decatur.— Richard Sims, J. P. Dickinson. Chatham.— R. D. Arnold, R. R. Cuyler, John E. Ward, F. S. Bartow. Mclntosh.—Thomas Spalding, C. H. Hop jtins. ? / Glynn — F. M. Scarlett, James Hamilton Cooper Pulaski.— W. B. Reeves, Norman McDuffie. Cherokee, — Allen Lawhon, S. C. Dyer, M. Keith, J R Wikle. Lee.— Willis A Hawkins, Samuel D. Irvin. Laurens.— C. B. Guyton, E. J. Blackshear. Jackson.— Giles Mitchell, S. P. Thurmond. Chattooga — Dr. M. Montgomery, H. P. Wootien. All idea of “secession” or disunion seems to have been abandoned in Georgia, where the canvass for the Convention is now actively being prosecuted. The flag of disunion is no longer flaunted in that Stale, and both parties, the opponents and the friends of the late measures of Congress, appear to vie with one another in avowals of devotion to the Unon The former (in Cha'ham county) have adopted the title of the “Union Southern Rights Party,” and ths latter that of the “Uhion and Southern Rights Par ty.” indeed, the Savannah Georgian, tbe organ of the former, complains that tho latter have attempted “to steal our thunder aud appropriate the name to themselves.” How diffeteut this picture from that sketched some time since, viz : that Georgia was clamorous for disunion, and would trample the Union under her feet! — Richmond Enquirer. The advocates of disunion, however, did not abandon their treasonable purposes until driven by public indignation from them. At first they were a most chivalric set, ready “to resist at every hazard and to the last extremi ty.” Now, however, they are willing to ac quiesce. Never was the force and power of public opinion so satisfactorily illustrated as in this instance. Their conversion to a new faith was as sudden as their zeal in the cause of disunion had been overweaning and boiste rous. Indeed, it has been so sudden as to fail entirely in satisfying the people of its sin cerity, so far as the leaders are concerned. They have no confidence in a set of political propagandists and demagogues, who yester day hugged to their bosoms R. B. Rhett, published and endorsed by their enthusiastic plaudits his traitorous sentiments, urging and suggesting the necessity of dissolving the government, and to-day avow themselves the advoca.es of the Union. The trick is too shallow, the veil too flimsy entirely, to en trep or deceive the intelligent voters of Geor gia. They understand too well the game which these tricksters are playing, to gain power in the Convention, and lhey will in the discharge of a most solemn patriotic duty re pudiate them and their counsels. They have no confidence in and will not confide their in terest and rights to the keeping of a set of men, who but yesterday openly avowed them selves in favor of dissolution rather than sub mit to the late acts of Congress, and to day AiX-Uieir devotion to the Union. * Xnsffeminn , o CoUon Planter.. At. J** p ««Covnty, Oct. 13, 1850. opinion tfnu. y o m whaj ] can learn, lam of the day, and this, Tor the purpose of mak’ng a profit on <eottun bagging, as the price of cotton is high enough to make a profit on that article. The bales received at Madison so far the present season, are light in com parison to those received last year, and I understand it is the same in other markets. Now it is a well known fact, that the Liverpool and other estimates of tbe crop are alone by the number of bales grown, without regard to weight. When we make a large number of bales the price sinks, and when a small number it rises. If the present crop is put up as heavily as the last, it may reach about the same num ber, but by putting up in light bales it may be made to reach the crop of ’47-’B, and if it does tbe price must fall, and then ail this speculation on bagging will be over the “ left shoulder 11 But this is not al!. By consuming a large quantity of bagging we necessarily increase the price, and thus become losers to a still greater extent. This communication has not been written for the public eye. I have not vanity enough to think my self capable of that, but I i bought I would make these suggestions to you and request you to publish some thing on the subject yourself, for 1 dislike to see farmers pursuing such a suicidal policy. Why, sir, by putting up the present crop of Cotton in meal bags we can make it the largest crop ever grown. Respectfully, &c. Remarks.—The above communication from a sagacious, intelligent and reflecting planter, is worthy of the careful consideration of every man who makes a single bale of Cotton. The desire to make a few cents profit on the bag ging which encases tho Cotton, and the vanity which some men possess to swell the number of bales made by them, may result in serious injury and loss to the whole cotton planting community aod country. Strange, indeed, that a policy so short-sighted should be adopt ed by so intelligent, reflecting people to the prejudice of their individual interests. Health of the City* We take great pleasure io giving publicity to the following communication from Dr. W. E. Dearing, Chairman of the Board of Health. We indulge the hope that no other case of Small Pox will occur, and we feel confident that there is no danger to be apprehended by strangers visiting the City : Augusta, Nov. sth, 1850. Mr. Editor ; —Sir —It affords me great pleasure to announce to the public, that no case of Small Pox has occured in the city since my last report. The cases at tbe Pest House are rapidly convales cing. The city is remarkably healthy—no epidemic pre vailing. Respectfully your obedient servant. W. E. Draring, Chairman Board of Health. Medical College of Georgia. Wt had not the pleasure of hearing the In troductory Lecture of Professor Ford, deliv ered in the Medical College on Monday, but we are informed that it fully sustained the well earned reputation of its author—elegance of composition and force of delivery are said to have characterized it. It is gratifying to be able to announce that the number of pupils in attendance is as large as at the beginning of any previous course of lectures, evidencing the growing determination of southern men, to patronize their own schools, and the firm hold which this institution has taken on public confidence. Southern Medical and Surgical Journal. The November number of this valuable Journal is on our table, with its usual variety of original Communications, Reviewsand Ex tracts, Monthly Periscope and Medical Miscel lany. Among the original communicationsis a letter from H. R. Casey, M. D. of Appling, Georgia, showing that the “Mange had been communicated to three persons by a pig.” As soon as we can find space, we propose to pub lish this article for the benefit of our readera Thisjournal is published by James McCae ferty of thia city, and edited by I. P. Garvis, M. D., at §3 per annum in advance. The Medical Examiner This valuable periodical is on our table, laden with its usual variety of original communications, Biblical no tices, Editorials, &c. This work is published by Lindsay & Blaxiston, Philadelphia. Edi ted by F. G. Smith, M. D. Terms §3 per annum in advance. John C. Pace, who was killed in the act of attempting to rob the Danvers Bank, was the son of a very estimable man, Mr. John Pace, one of the directors of tne bank, and the brotli er-in-law of the cashier. He had been unfor tunate in business, became intemperate and hence his connexion with robbers. His ac complices escaped. Coffee —Forty-two years ago, the annual crop of coffee in Brazil did not exceed 311,000 big-. Even in 1820 it only reached 100,000 hags. At that time, the high price of coffee io England, and the diminished production in Cuba, stimulated the Brazilian pianists io ex tend its cultivation, and in 1830 they sent to market 400.000 bags, or 64,000,000 pounds, and tn 1837 the enormous quantity of nearly 300,000,000 pounds. Cotton Bagglng.-.A New Article. The Mississippian contains the subjoined notice of a new article of bagging, made from the Moss growing so extensively in the for ests and swamps of the South and Southwest If it shall upon trial anuwer the purposes de signed, it will be a most important discovery, and oae of greal value to the South: Mississippi Colton Bagging— W* have exam ined an article of cotton bagging made of moss taken from the trees in our wood*, and while we ehall re frain from expressing our opinion of it# merits—not having peen it tried with the hooka— it gives us plea sure to say that its appearance indicates strength and durability, and we think it is certainly well worthy of the attention of our planters. We desire to aee it fairly tested. The experiment of manufacturing this new bag ging originated with Maj. Mosely, the Superintendent of the Penitentiary. Some year ago he attempted its manufacture with his cotton machinery, and he was so well satisfied with the result, that he sent a large quantity of moss to Kentucky, where it was manufactured into bagging with more suitable ma chinery. A portion of it has been received and is now in the store of Messrs. Fearn &. Putnam, where although the heaviest article, it may be bought at a price siini ar to the Kentucky. We leara that should the bagging be successful, it may be made at a lower rate than the Kentucky bag ging. Having an inexhaustible quantity in our woods, a demand for it, would bring the price of the raw ar ticle down to three cents per pound. Five cents more would amply cover the cost of manufacture, and the article might be furnished at eight cents per yard. It would also be in the power of the planter to manufacture his own bagging. We think the subject is one well worthy the attention of the Legis lature. The sale of bagging in our own State alone, will this year amount to at least three hundred and twenty thousand dollars. Il is easy to see that if this new article becomes a good substitute, owing to its cheaper price, that the whole of this large amount of money will be employed in our own State for the direct and permanent benefit of our planters, me chanics and manufacturers. < New York and New Orleans Steamships. —The increasing demands of commerce be. tween these two great commercial marts, have suggested to some of the business men of New Orleans, the establishment of aline of steam ships, and the immediate building of one to be employed regularly in the trade. Such an in vestment, if well and prudently managed, will certainly confer great benefits to the public and reward the stockholders. , The Boston Courier an instance of the great rise in the v«kie of real estate in that city the fact that a lot of ground which in 1826 sold for $6,000, brought at auction a few days since $54,000, being an increase of nine fold in twenty-five years. Population of Baltimore.—The Baltimore American says : “ From the returns already made by the census takers in this city, it is prety well ascertained that the population of Baltimore will be found to be not less than one hundred and eighty thousand, and there is a reasonable probability that it may reach even one hundred and eighty-five thousand. At the last census the population of the city was one hundred and two thousand three hundred and thirteen. Thus, when the entire returns come to be summed up, we shall probably show an increase, for the last ten years, of at least eighty thousand— an increase large enough to form a city of itself! ” Another fine ocean steamer, the “Mexico,” was launched at New York on Saturday. She is 1,200 tons burthen, and is intended to trade between New Orleans and Texas, in connec tion with the steamship “Louisiana,” launched a few weeks since. Cotton. —Thomas Affleck, of Mississippi, and a man of note in the agricultural world, writes the N. O. Picayune, that in hi* opinion, it is exceedingly doubtful whether the crop of this year will equal that of last, and that if plan ter* will throw their crops into market steadily and in moderate quantities, and limit their fac ors to 15 cents for middlings, their cotton will command that price as readily as a lower one. He may be correct in his conclusion. It is a question for the consideration of plan ters. Chattanooga.—The population of Chatta nooga, according to the census just taken, is 1208. The bill of mortality for the year end ing first June last, was only six. It is estimated that the loss by the heavy rains of Saturday and Sunday last, in the neighbor hood of Utica, N. York, will not fall short of SIOO,OOO. Collins and Cunard. —The New York cor respondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer says : “ An arrangement has been entered into be tween Mr. E. K. Collins and Mr. Cuunard that during the winter a vessel nf each of their respective lines shall leave New York and Liverpool alternately. We shall therefore have a weekly communication with the Old World until spring, when, as heretofore, it will be semi-weekly.” The Philadelphia Mint.-—Tho following is a statement of the Gold coinage, at the Phil J——XXi—*— r T ■■ ■ ■■— Gold coinage, to Sept. 0, 1850,- •••$16,013,872 50 Silvsr “ “ 314,800 00 Gold “to Oct. 31 “ 2,669,055 CO Silver “ “ 34,300 00 $20,533,327 50 Amount transferred in coin by Col. Snowden, to his successor, E. C. Dale, Esq., on the 31st ult. Mint proper, in gold, silver, and copper coins, 8681,499 94 Office of Assistant Treasurer, U. S., gold and silver, 516,330 93 Premium Agent, 25,730 60 T0ta1,81,223,561 47 Tho Boston Journal notea a rumor that Col. Bliss is engaged in preparing a history of the campaigns of General Taylor, all of which he witnessed, and most of which he was consult ed about. Such a work would be a most val tuable addition to our standard literature. We rust tbe report incorrect. Thb Momtgoms« t akd West Point Rail road will be complex] by the middle of De cember. leaving but a .bort link in the great chain to be filled, which j, j n process of con struction. Froi T—Our exchanges fro. Athens, Macon, Rome, and Columbus, Ga., at. f rom Mobile and Montgomery, Ala., represen., he f, oetß of Saturday, Sunday and Monday moi; D g g , 26th, 27th and 28th ult. a» having bee>. qevere enough to destroy vegetation. A pl anter at Goshen, Cherokee county, A in a letter to the Editor says: the frosts of those mornings killed the cotton, and expresses the opinion that the crop of that section will not excer ,d two-thirds of what it was last year. Knxma Frosts.—The Macoc Journal If Messenger says.—" There hsve been some k' Hing hosts since our last issue. The cotton plant has been very generally killed or so seri ously injured, -hat the bolls yet remaining upon the stalk, will not mature. The crop may now be considered as made, and we have no doubt that the yield will be even less than last year. Many planters inform iib that there is but little cotton left in the fields, the exces sive drought having prevented the fruit from maturing for many weeks past. The crop can not exceed 2 600,000 of bales.” Frost. —There was a killing frost at this point on Friday and Saturday nights last, the ■2sth and 26th inst. The weather throughout the day on Saturday and Sunday was very •old. — Uonlgomery Journal, Oct. Ztilh. The population of Rochester by the present .census, i 536.600. In 1840, it was 20 202 ;in 1845. 25,202. The gain in the last five years has been 11,338. while the gain of Buffalo for the same period has been 12,400. The American affirms that Rochester was never so prosperous or grew so rapidly, as at the present time. The census, it is thought, will show the pop i ilation of Philadelphia to be about 450,000 i n 1840 it was 258,407. Pittsburgh, withits s üburbs, has about 80.000 —in 1840 , 40,000. 1 -ancaster, about 16.000 —in 1840, 8417. I leading, 15,821—in 1840,8410. It is estimated t hat the entire population of Pennsylvania will k '6 shown to be not far from 2,300,000, and t bat of Ohio about 2,200,000. A Valuable Discovert.—Mr. Hugh Cooke of London has discovered a valuable process for dyeing a permanent blaek on wool and men no fabrics, which Professor Rogers of the Univt rsity pronounces to be more durable than the bh ck of the French cloths. If this be so, it is certs inly a valuable discovery. The Secretary of the Navy, in the spirit of liberality which has marked other Departments of the Government in relation to the same matter, has consented that the Navy Yard at New Yorl- (including the requisite storage) aiiay be used as a place of temporary deposite and sale keeping for articles intended for the London Exhibition. The new steamship Pacific, of Howland & Aspinwall’s Chagres line, during her recent trip from New York to New Orleans, made the run to Havana in four days and twenty hours. In one day she traversed a distance of three hundred and sixty miles —the greatest distance thus far accomplished in twenty four hours by an ocean steamer. The Pacific of < lolling’ line has made 666 miles in two days, and the Atlantic of the same line 323 in one i lay. Departure of the Arctic. — The Arctic, Capt. Luce, the third of the Collins line of New York and Liverpool steam ships, left New York at noon on Saturday last, on her first trip to Liverpool. She has a large list ol .passengers. 'lhe London Times announces that an ar raxigement has been entered into between the Now York Company for the dm Atlantic and Pac.fic Canal across the .Isth nms, and parties in England, by which the lat ter are to become proprietors to the amount of half in the enterprise. The New York Comnaoy were represented in this arrange ment by Messrs. White and VanderbtU— Shares in the enterprise are to ba offered to the Britisli public as won as surveys and estimates are produced satisfactory to lhe government engineers. This proeess, it is anticipated, will - occupy some mouths longer. For ths Chronicle and Sentinel. LaGrange, Ga., 31st Oct., 1850. Messrs. Editors :—I have just seen a copy of I the Augusta Republic of the 24;h inst., which I contains an editorial in relation to myself that 1 I cannot permit to pass unnoticed. The arti cle, amongst other misrepresentations, uses he 1 following: What did Mr. Stephens say, be would do, if the Clayton Compromise bill was passed by Connreiw? This is an interesting question. Here it is—here is » what he said, remember, what he would do in such nn event. Tbe eentences are strong and decide ;ly ultra— they are considered dieunionish sent time: XZ au) “ And no people, in mv judgment, who name of freemen, will continue their allegiance any government which arrays itself not only against | their property, but against their social and civil or ganization.” “ And whenever this government is brought in hostile array against me and mine, I am fur disunion, openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution. I speak I plainly. Gentlemen may call this ‘ treason’ if they i please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The , charge of ‘traitor’ may be whispered in the ears of j the timid and craven-hearted; it j s the last appeal of tyrants.” We think we see him in Congress delivering these words I His eyes flash the light of southern indigna tion, at the base thought of leaving the just rights of the South to be decided upon by the Supreme Court. We imagine we hear the throbbings of hi* mighty ’ heart, too large for the narrow confines of his body, as he yells forth his indignation, and pours out bis bitter denunciations upon those who are thus attegotjJ ing to defraud his constituents and the South ! ter invective, scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and supreme contempt, are all manifested in every word, look and action I What pathos, what earnestness, what fiery impetuca’ty, what indignant rebuke, what u ter carelessness of consequences I Never was anger more feelingly displayed, than in his per son, as he contemplates the possibility of the question being left to be decided by the Supreme Court of the United States! And yet the same question, Mr. Stephens now ■ believes, will have to be decided by the same Su- ■ preme Court, under the Clay compromise, which has H just passed both houses of Congress. || Is Mr. Stephens now. as he said then he would be M in such an event, “for disunion—openly, boldly and S fearlessly for revolution?” Another interesting ques- W tion—now for the answer to it. J| Now. I wish to say ihroagh your paper to ■ the public, who may not be informed on the ■ subject, that the above statement is utterly un- fl true. 1 used no such language as is here at-fl tributed to me, on the 'I opposed that measure and my power to its d. fr it, because render,” it. tny opinion, ••the South.” 1 stand now by every word a tence I ever spoke or wrote upon that sure. It is not true that I ever said I should bel for disunion if that measure passed. But I did say in a speech made in the House ■ in August last, when the North- were endea ■ voring to cary out their anti-slavery policy byfl putting the Wilmot Proviso upon the territo-fl ries, and were threatening to hold that portionfl ot New Mexico lying this side the Rio Grande,■ by the military power of the General Govern-fl meat, “and without authority of law,” againstfl the legal authority of Texas, that “ whenever" this (the General Government) is brought infl hostile array against me and mine, I am fur union—openly, boldly and fearlessly for reru/ufl tian. 11 Andon the same occasion I said “no people, in my judgment, who deserve name of freemen will continue their allegiancoU to any Government which arrays itself not on/ufl against their property, but against their social" and civil organization. 11 Andi stand by the" same language now—l re-affirmed it in thafl presence of the Editor of the Republic, in the" public discussion in your city. My position" cannot be mistaken by him, however he may ■ attempt recklessly and without regard to truth I to misrepresent it to others. That position ■ was clearly and distinctly set forth in a series I of resolutions submitted by me to a publicfl meeting in Crawfordville on the 3d day uffl September last. The 4th and 7th of that series I of resolutions are as follows: 4ZA. Resolved, That when the people of any of the 3 territories of the Uuited Slates form a constitution | for a State Uovemment and apply to Congress for i admission into (be Union as a State, it is a matter of < discretion for Congress to admit them or not, provi ded their constitution be of Republican form. Con gress, by tbe Constitution of the United States, has the distinct and clear power to admit new States into the Union. And, while we are opposed to the ad mission of California as a State for many reasons, which need not be enumerated here, yet we do not believe that her admission would be a violation of the constitution. 7th. Resolved, That the Federal Union was formed for tbe protection of the lives, (be liberty and property of those who entered into it, who should fill their places after them ; that of the South, at the time of the formation of tbe tution, held large interest* in property, in slaves, protect-nn of which, was, in their opinion, amply guarded in the compact of uniou. And we take (bis occasion to say, that as long as these guaranties are faithfully fulfilled, we shall cherish sentiments of attachment to the Union as tbe government of our choice ; nor are we disposed to abandon it for any light or trivial cause. Bat ii is due to the people of the North to know that if a majority of Congress shall, by any act in open violation of the plighted faith of their fathers, bring the powers of the General Gov ernment, which claims our allegiance, in hostile ar ray against that property aud those institutions amongst us which they are bound to prUect. we shall bold it to be the highest duty which we owe to ourselves, and those wuo are to come after us, to look out “new safe-guards for our future security.” Allegiance and protection are reciprocal, and no gov ernment is entitled to the allegiance of any which, by its acts, attempts to puttheir property and social institutions under public odium and reproba tion. In asserting these principles, we du not wish to be understood as intimating an opinion that any such acts have as yet been perpetrated by the Gene ral Government as would justify resistance. But rl I II !■! ,T— --tavor ot disuuion as a remedy for any existing evils, and earnestly trust that a better spirit at the North may open up tbe way of a restoration of harmony and good feeling between the two sections, yet it is but right and proper that the world should know upon what ground we stand. We hold ourselves in duty bound to maintain the government as long as it maintains us, but when it becomes our open ene my by some hostile aet, if that time should ever come, then we shall be for Revolution and Indepen dence. These resolutions distinctly set forth the position occupied by me then and now, and upon which, I shall continue to stand upon these questions. In other resolutions offered at the same time, I maintained the principle that it was the duty of Congress to protect the slave-holder in the Territories. But I did not then or now think that a failure to give this ex press protection, was a sufficient cause for revolution. The grounds upon which 1 was in favor of resistance was hostile legislation by Congress. The late acts of Congress contain nothing hostile or anlagonistical to our interest —they do not contain the “surrender of our right” to demand future legislation for our protection in the Territories if it should be found necessary, which the Clayton Bill did, and on account of which “surrender,” I op posed it. Nor is ittrue, as stated in the Repub lic, that I said in <uy speech in Augusta ‘ lam perfectly satisfied with the Compromue—every Georgian should be—we obtain even more llu.. we asked for." I used no such language in that speech. On the contrary, I said express ly that those Bills were not in the nature of a Compromise at all—that nothing was compro mised in them—that each measure stood upon its own merits—mat no principle was conce ded by the South in them—that as far as they went, they were directly in the line of my own >olicy—that they contained nothing aoainst of the South—that if they had gone hol<f tB P ur, * ler > declared that the slave- the te?. b® protected with his slaves in as I desired to see them. But that 8o "‘ h h *‘ d * h “ i t , waa I that they had a right h .‘> lhe S ° ulh had al ‘ ■ be perfectly satisfied. andoU * h ‘J° ■ slave States, Geergia in tW v fou ' leen . ‘ h „ e ■ dared that Congress had n» a^ e ’ npon the subject; they bad £, . that no Congressional ezclusioK *L et ”!T d h _ brought to bear against them. An(. ou . Bg bills they had got more than they asR s tn ®’ e ||S For the bills contained no restriction or e'® r ‘ ISg sion, but provided in express terms that wnt |||| the people, inhabiting the territory, clear np to the 42d degree of north latitude, formed Sta'e Constitutions, and applied for admission into Kgs the Union, they should be admitted either with or without slavery rs the people might deter- mine for themselves; which was the great re- r i publican principle upon whichlhe whole South fc|s stood in 1820, and which, lor the first time in the histerv of our Government, bad been re- cognized as applicable to every foot of ry belonging to the Government, previous provision had horn made. lhe purport of what 1 said co the Richmond, and to the people where I have addressed them upon Illis I did not say that I was “ perfectly . - with the bills; but I said they contained thing against my views. Nor did they der the right of future legislation for our taction, if it should be found to be necessary, and the South should change her position on that subject. I therefore could give them my •upport, though they did not go as far as I wish ed. They contained nothing aggressive, and I was not in favor of a dissolution of the Union, £ because protection was not expressly granted in J them. The same paper contains several other I erroneous statements with regard to myself, which I have not time or inclination to notice.,,- My object is not to answer or reply to the edi-‘. torials of the Republic, but simply to advertise that sheet, from its continued perversions of truth and fad. as not entitled to credit or belief by a confiding publ c. J Alexander H. Stephens. Meeting In Oglethorpe. Mr Editor : The proceedings of tbe meet ing in this county on the 16th of October, as published in the huge handbills and in the Republic, need correcting in several instances, which I propose to do. Ist. The Secretary reports that Mr. Pratt s resolutions, were unanimously laid on the ta ble. This \s false, as every body who attended the meeting knows, even lhe Secretary, for after the vote was taken by sound, it was thought necessary, by some of the supporters of the resolutions, to call for a division of the| house, and another vote was taken by thJ holding up of the right hand. 2nd. He reports that Lumpkin’s resolutions were unanimously laid under the table. This is not only in very bad taste, but also false. Lumpkin’s resolutions were offered ; a motion was made to lay on the table, as usual; soma gentleman seconded the motion, when an individual said : “ Yes, lay them under tbe table.” Now, npon which question did the house vote 1 Certainly, a meeting of sensible men could not have adopted the coarse vulgar ity of the aforesaid ill-bred individual; i.er did they, for this individual’s amendment was treated as be himself is —as of no importance. Nor was tbe vote unanimous, as every body
