Georgia Historic Newspapers

    2
a criminal character to rouse that spirit
into a terrible manifestation of its omnipo
tence. A fanaticism in favor of the Union can
be awakened, whose devouring flames will
scorch and burn, and annihilate in their fiery
march —every vestige of sedition and abolition
—every trace of treason —every refuge of trai
tors.
GREAT UNION MEETING
IN NEW YORK,
ON WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 30.
From the N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, 31sf ult-
The Union Meeting.— The meeting at Castle
Garden last night was one of the largest and
most respectable ever held in thia city. At the
opening of the meeting the immense hall was
densely filled. Aa early as six o’clock most of
the seats in the gallery of that large edifice
were occupied, and a number of persons were
standing in the centre of the floor, which, by
seven o’clock, was as full as at any former oc
casion in our experience. Round the front of
the galleries many patriotic sentiments were
exhibited in large characters, and a portrait ol
General Washington was placed, with the
American flag, over the platform occupied by
the Committee of Arrangements, surmounted
by a scroll bearingthe words: •• Owe Country,
One Constitution. One Destiny.”
Directly opposite over the centre of the
circular gallery which was also festooned with
flags, was this inscription :
*• That I long since determined to stand or
fall, survive or perish, live or die with
those who would maintain the integrity of the
Union.”—Dickinson.
And on the front of the gallery were ban
ners bearing the following extracts from the
speeches and letters of eminent statesmen:
*• Liberty and Union !
Now and forever—One and inseparable.”
** The Union.
It must and shall be preserved.”
** We know no North, no South, no East, no
West, —but one common Country.”
“The Union first.
Party Interksts afterwards.”
A fine band ot music was in attendance, and
at proper intervals performed national airs.
The Meeting was called to order by Mr.
Nicholas Dean, in behalf of the Committee of
Arrangements, who nominated for President
of the Meeting—George Wood, Esq.
Mr. Nicholas Dean then mounted the plat
form amid the general applause of the assem
bly. Silence having been obtained, Mr. Dean
said—
Fellow-Citizens:— We have met together to
night to take counsel upon most grave subjects,
—to advocate the supremacy o.f the Coiixtitu
and Laws* ‘and to pledge ourselves,
• atoll hazards, to support the Union of these
States.
We have been, and are yet passing through
a most perilous period of our history ; to
avert some of its dangers is our present pur
pose.
Tnat Constitution under which we have
lived in tne full enjoyment of all those privi
leges which have marked our progress as a
people, and which has conferred upon us
*• liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” has
been attacked in the halls of national legisla
tion. and a rule of action said to be drawn
from a source above, and beyond that instru
ment, —avowed, and sought io be enforced
Are we prepared to listen patiently, and ap
provingly, to such treasonable doctrines ?—to
surrender our civil and political rights to the
protection of fanatics—to the keeping of vis
ionary theorists—to the custody and control
of disunionists—to cast at their feet to be trod
den on, and defaced, that Constitution won
through long years of toil, of peril, and of
suffering—consecrated by the wisdom of our
revolutionary fathers—and approved and cer
tified to us by the greatest uninspired name
that the universe ever looked upon—the name
of George Washington !
Fellow citizens; conservatives of all parties;
let this night witness that there is yet a re
deeming spirit strong enough, and broad
enough, and active enough, to preserve intact
this glorious depository of human freedom—
this magnificent record of unsurpassed patriot
ism.
To that end are we now met together, and
in obedience to the instructions of the Commit
tee of Arrangements, I now nominate, as
President of this great Union Safety Meeting,
George Wood, Esq.
All those who are favorable to that nomina
tion will please to say aye. This was followed
by a shout of aye, upon which Mr. Dean said :
Gentlemen, I am glad to say that the nomina
tion has been carried unimously.
Mr. Wood then took the chair, and Mr.
Dean said that by the instruction of the com
mittee he bad to propose the following gen
tlemen for Vice Presidents and Secretaries :
[We omit the list. Forty Vice Presidents
and eight Secretaries were appointed.]
Mr. Wood said that the difficulties under
which the nation now labored, and which led
to ’’-is agitation, had their origin about sixteen
yc ago. The doctrines were then first ad
vai. ed that slavery was of itself unjust, and
ought to be put down wiihont any regard to
the consequences which might ensue, or to the
results thereof upon the prosperity and hap
piness of our sister States at the South, where
that institution prevails. This agitation has
now grown into a most aggravated and serious
difficulty which may terminate in the dissolu
lion of the Union, and extinguish forever that
bright example which we, as a people, have
hitherto set to all the Nations of the world, and
under which we have enjoyed so much pros
perity and happiness. The Institution of Sla
very was first introduced here when we were
in a state of pupilage, and it may require a
long period to elapse ere its abolition
can take place.y ■' in finrr
vefylTaS Trom the beginning of the
world, and that it has been endured in all ages
to the advantage of the citizens in the early
existence of Nations, has aided in their ad
vancement to prosperity, and without doubt
contributed to the promotion of national in
dustry. We find also that if it has been atten
ded with evils in this country, they have been
allowed to take their course and have chosen
to take their own time for their extinction.
Fifteen years ago <he doctrines were first pro
mulgated that slavery was a sin to be abolished
all at once. That is not a true doctrine, nei
ther was it the doctrine of our Revolutionary
Fathers! (Loud cheers and cries of No)
The idea that it was a sin like murder or rob
bery, and ought lobe routed out and punished,
never entered the heads of our countrymen
who led us on in the patlis of victory and
freedom. It was the Abolitionists who said it
ought to be abolished as sinful, and this too
without regard to the consequences which
might ensue. Now we must consider wheth
it will be most conducive to the happiness of
mankind to abolish it all at once, or to devise
means (or its gradual extinction. The idea
that it is sinful iu itself is repugnant to the
best feelings of a large proportion of our peo
ple. f Cheers.) We. know that it is useful
and we know also that it must be a work of
time to abolish it, and every country wherein
it exists must be the judge of that time when
it shall be expedient to do away with it. We
say then, the Southern States must be allowed
to judge—(Cheers)—of the proper time for its
removal from among them. The idea that it
is useful, we say is prevalent, and although
there are men who differ from us. yet their
opinions are not to be allowe i to prevail over
those of the majority of mankind. If a man
was to contend that ths reputation which
Homer. Virgil or Demosthenes had acquired
was undeserved, we should tell him, that the
general sentiment of mankind had allowed
them that reputation. and that he could not set
up his individual opinion in contradistinction
to the opinion of the world at large.
Apply this to the doctrine of slavery. The
general sentiment of mankind is in its favor,
and the only question is, will ils sudden aboli
tion promote the happiness of those countries
in which it is existing- Our revolutionary
fathers took this view of the subject, and that
they were right, we may be convinced by see
ing what has been the effect of the sudden abo
lition of slavery in the British West India Isl
ands, and we may then consider whether
or not it might be attended with the same
prostrationot trade and commerce in the South
ern States as we have seen in the British Colo
nies. There can be little doubt but it would,
if we were to adopt the doctrines of the abo
litionists, and say that slavery was a sin, to be
abolished at ail hazards, thereby exposing our
fellow citizens at the South to all the co rue
queuces which must ensue, if the doctrines
which prevail (cries of no, no.) with them,
which are advocated in the midst of our com
munity by a small majority, are to be carried
into practice (Cheers.) We are aware of
the extent to which these doctrines have been
carried, and of the agitation which has been
kept up in a portion of ibis and ot the Eastern
States, and of the necessity of taking some
measures for the purpose of putting it down.
It was commenced by flooding the National
Legislature with petitions for the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia. This was
an abuse of the right of peti’ion, as much so as
if a wight was to persist in thrusting a case be
fore the Courts which had been decided against
him. By this and other menus the agitators
have succeeded in alienating the North from
the South, and the South from the North, and
it became necessary at the last session of the
Na:ional Legislature to make an attempt to put
it down, and after weeks and months—threat
ening violent disunion—measures were pass
ed by Congress which, it was fondly hoped,
would forever put an end to this unfortunate
subject. The object of calling thia meeting is
to obtain an approval of those measures, and a
disapproval of tnat agitation.
It' thia agitation cannot be extinguished, it
will lead to a dissolution of the Union, to the
destruction of ail our hopes, and to the shut
ting out from the world example of our
Republic, which has hitherto promoted the
general happiness of mankind. (Hear. hear,
cheers.) Having now said ail that is proper
on taking the chair, I have only to add that
you will be addressed by other gentlemen on
these topics, wb.ch involve matters of such
vast importance and intense interest as the dis
solution of the Union ; and I must say mat
we must ali rise above the billows of party, as
our ft refatbrrs did in the days of the Revolu
tion when they were led op by that great man
who lives enshrined in all our hearts. We
must look io the preservation of the Union and
the great interests which that Union mv oives.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. Robert C. Wetmore then read the fol
lowing letters
29th 1850.
My I’Mr Sir : —A mo«t painful doine».ic af
flictton num me l» decline your kind 1
uon to attend * ••Union Meeting” of :be citi
zens of New York, at Castle Garden to mor
row evening. But 1 approae its patriotic pur
po«s and st tnpaihtse warmiy with the move
ment.
I thank vou tor the complimentary manner
in which you are pleased to ailtide to tnr hum
ble effort, tn the Senate, and assure vou. that. 1
lone since determined to st-nd or fall, survive
or perish, live or die ” Wlth w(lo wou!d
maintain the integrity of tt>« Union an! u,.
bold the genial spirit of our country 's Cons
tunon
Be pieaoed to present my best regard, to.
the patriotic assemblage, and believe me sin
cerely. Yours. D. S. Dickinson.
To F. S. Lathrop, Esq., Chairman Commit- i
tee .
Franklin, N- H.,Oct, 28th 1850.
Gentlemen :—Nothing in the world but re
gard for the state of my health prevents me
f-m accepting at once your invitation, and as
suring you of my presence st the “Union
Meeting” at Castle Garden, on Wednesday
evening next. I rejoice to know that such a
meeting is called ; 1 rejoice to know that it will
be attended by thousands of intelligent men,
lovers of their country, party men doubtless,
but abject slaves to no party, ard who will not
suffer either party clamor or party discipline to
dry up within them all the fountains of love
and attachment to the constitution of their
country. The voice of such a meeting will be
heard and respected ; it will rebuke disobedi
ence to tho laws, actual or threatened ; it will
tend to check the progress of mad fanaticism ;
it will cal! men who are honest, but who have
been strangely misled, back to their duty,
and it will give countenance and courage to
the faithful friends of Union throughout the
land.
When the commercial interest of the great
metropolis of the country speaks with united
hearts and voices, expressing its conviction of
the great danger, to combat with it and over
come it, the example is likely to rouse good
men everywhere; and when the country
shall be roused,the country will be saved.
I concur, gentlemen, in ail the political prin
ciplea contained in the resolutions, a copy of
which has been sent to me; and I stand
pledged to support those principles publicly
and privately, now and always, to the full ex
tent of my influence, and by the exertion of
every faculty which I possess. The eminent
men whom you mention, and with whose
names you have done me the honor to asso
ciate miue, are well wor’hy of the praise which
you bestow’ on them I shall never forget, and
I trust the country will never forget, the pa
triotism. the manliness, the courage manifested
by them, in an hour of difficulty and of peril.
The peace measures of the last session are:
—the Texan Boundary Act, the Act for es
tablishing the two Territorial Governments of
New Mexico and Utah, the Act for the Aboli
tion of the Slave Trade in the District of Co
iumbia. and the Fugitive Slave Law. This
last measure, gentlemen, is not such a measure
as I had prepared before I left the Senate, and
w hich, of course, I should have supported if I
bad remained in the Senate. But it received
the proper sanction of the two Houses of
Congress, and of the President of the United
States. It is the law of the land, and as such is
to be respected and obeyed by ali good citizens.
I have heard no man whose opinion is worth
regarding, deny its constitutionality, tnd those
counsel violent resistance to it, counsel
that which, if it take place, is sure to lead ro
bloodshed, and to the commission of capital
offences. It remains to be seen how far the
deluded and deluders will go on, in this career
of faction, follyand crime.
There were honest and well meaning mem
bers of Congress, who did not see their way
clear to support these great and leading meas
tires of the last session. You are quite right
in saying that the motives of these gentlemen
ought not to be impeached. Bu» the measures
have been adopted, they have become laws,
constitutionally and legally binding upon us
all, and no man is likely to oppose them.
No man in at liberty to set up, or affect to
set up, his own conscience as above the law,
in a matter which respects the rights of others,
and ths obligations, civil, social and political,
due toothers from him. Such a pretence snps
the foundation of all government, and is of
itself a perfect absurdity ; and while all are
bound to yield obedience to the laws, wise and
well-disposed citizens will forbear from re
newing past agitation, and re kindling the
flames of useless and dangerous controversy
If we would continue one people, we mus.
acquiesce in the will of the majority, constitut
tionally expressed ; and he who does no
mean to do that, means to disturb the public
peace,and to do what he can to overturn the
government.
Gentlemen, I am led to the adoption of your
last resolution, in an especial and emphatic
manner, by every dictate of my understanding,
and I embrace it with full purpose of heart
and mind. Ils sentiment is my sentiment.
With you, I declare that I “range myself un
der the banners of that party whose princi
ples and practice are most calculated to up
hold the Constitution, and to perpetuate our
glorious Union.”
Gentlemen. I am here to recruit my health,
enfeebled as it has been, by ten months of
excessive labor, and indescribable anxiety.
The air of these my native hills renews my
strength and my spirits. I feel its invigorating
influences, while I am writing these few lines ;
and I shall return shortly to my post, to dis
charge its duties as well as I can, and resolved,
in all events, that so far as depends on me, our
Union shall pass through this fiery trial, without
the smell of smoke upon its garments. I am,
Gentlemen, with very sincere regard, your
obliged fellow-citizen, and obedient servant,
Daniel Webster.
To Messrs. F. S. Lathrop, &c., Committee.
o pledge ourselves,
the Union of these
J. W. Gerard, Esq , then came before the
meeting. He said he had co rue at the call of
his country, to meet those who had here as
sembled, regardless of party bonds, to concert
measures for the safety ot this glorious Union.
Their action would be heard and felt all
through the length and breadth of the land,
it would be hoard iu New England to the
top of her highest hills, and would carry aid
and comfort to every corner of the glorious
£outh. Their voice would be heard all along
the seaboard, and every merchant and every
sailor would join iu the cry raised here, for the
Constitution and the Union. Nor would it
die away until it had crossed the Rocky Noun-
F.rrrv mtwtnf’tin top wottM hear it, ami every
valley would join in the glorious shout raised
here to-night, for the Union, the Compromise
and the Constitution. Sixty years ago this
Republic was founded upon compromise, and
by compromise alone has it since been preserv
ed. Our fathers proclaimed the Union to be
one and indivisible, and adopted the kingly
eagle as the emblem of our destiny. And
well has the progress of our country justified
the selection. The warriors and statesmen of
the North and the South have rivalled each
other in their struggles to promote the growth
and the greatness of their common country.
The object of the meeting to night is to en
dorse and carry out the peace measures of
Congress. For ten months the abolitionists of
the North and the disunionists of tho South,
blocked the wheels of legislation, until such
men as those whose letters had been read to
night threw themselves into the gap to calm
the troubled waters. These men would be
sustained, no matter to what party they be
longed, or from what section they came. Still
there were spirits, who would rather “rule in
Hell than serve in Heaven. ’* who were still
determined to renew' the strife, that they might
rise on the scum to the surface. These con
siderations had given rise to three resolutions,
the first of which would approve the first class
—the second would condemn the others—and
the third would recommend the execution and
support of the Compromise measures. The
country needs peace, and must have it. The
Kings of the Old world look with complacen
cy ou the growing strife and discurd in this
country. But they are doomed to disappoint
ment. Among the Peace measures referred
to, is the Fugitive Slave Law, which has been
most shamefully abused, and misrepresented.
It is only a bill to carry out the law of 1793
and Mr. G. pledged his personal and proles
sional character for the assertion, that it was
nothing more. The law of ’93 has been acted
on for fifty years ; aud why has it never before
been denounced ? Simply because dema
gogues want voles and politicians want places.
Ho was here to aid iu cutting down the one.
and crushing the other Tney should be cast
out like rhe lepers of old, as unclean. All our
sympathies are not in favor of Slavery. We
are all ‘ free sod” men in one respect, but God
has given us in the mountains and the climate
of the West a better proviso than Wilmot ever
drew. Mr. G. said he would give to every
fugitive who should come to hitu, without fee or
reward, his best services. If the law should
condemn him, he must \ield obedience to the
law; and then, instead of raising the cry of re
bellion. he would raise money to buy bis free
dom, and give the first fee he should receive
for that object. He, therefore, claimed to be a
better abolitionist than the vile beings who dis
grace our land. The next Resolution declar
ed the purpose of the meeting to shake off all
party ties, and vote for no man who sympathiz
ed with this abolition feeling, or would re-agi
tate the subject. He had been a Whig all his
life but he would abandon his allegiance if that
party was to be poisoned by this abolition
sentiment. It was rotten and corrupt, and if
he stood alone he would teardown its banner
and let it Boat over his head atone. He cared
not for leaders of party,—his country called
any should have his first obedience. We have
no ticket to offer to night, but a platform will
be laid down here, on which every man can
measure the candidate he will support,
The eyes of the country, the eyes of the
world, are upon this meeting to-night; and all
coming lime will bless thia mgnrswork. Every
thing is propitious— a new era is at hand—we
will strike down all disorganizers and all dema
gogues. Let every one be as bold aud as
honest as he was, and all would be right.
Would they see the Flag of the Union struck
down T W ould they see it lose i single start
No! No! Let every one be preserved. Let
its stripes be rescued from our enemies abroad
and at home ! That flag is the protection of
our seamen the world over. We are at peace
with all the world, and that dag is :u the service
el humanity in the ice ribbed regions of the
North. That dag never should be struck. By
it we will live, and by it we wiil die. If the
Whig party would throw overboard abolition
ism, he would stand by it; if not. he would go
over to Old Tammany, put a buck tail iu h s
bat, and fight for the Compromise, the Consti
tution and the Union.
Mr. Gerard closed amid deafening shouts ol
applause, and then read the following
resolutions:
1. Kcsofred, That we revere the wisdom and pa
■rii‘t»s;n of our ancestors which framed the Union of
ibe Suites under th Federal Constitution; that we
attribute our power, d'euily, and pro*pentv as a na
tion. the lull pMseseivu and enjoy inenl of civil and
religious liberty, the security of property, and the
meaosof aDorni and ioteUeetual elevation which are
me birthright ot every citixen, and all the ii
cent res ike of our growth as a people, to the U hi
under the Cousntuiion; that the maintenance and
extension ci these bleoriags during the pre»ent gener
a ion, and their transmission to p<wterity, are secure
•Mily by a faithful adherence to the Union, and imp.i
cii obedience to the Constitution.
/ȣSoZreu, That the fa: nc of our General Go
vernment was the product of reciprocal concession
among the cond ■ cting interests of different sections of
becouMr, ; of mutual respect for the diversities of
pn u wir.ctj prevailed among the citizens ; ani of
*tac< re auection, begotten by their common origin
3 yuwm.n peri’s, toils an. I sacrifices, throu.fi
* “ U 7- r cmi ? n> ? a iK'ert.es bad been won; and
that the Uenemi Uovernmem van be sustained and
perpetuate i only upon iae same i-asu o f cou-essi r
respect icd affer n
o A’.su’reci, Tba: *e eurdiafiy anprov? cf th re
-C . ,
hngtruusqaesiM-neans.ng oct acqu < ion •
tomiory under the Treaty with Mexico, an i ■
coosiaerauea of the various and discordant inun.sts
.o beaifecied thereby, wenoid chai the
is a fair one, and ought to be sustained by every pa
triot in every part of the land.
4. Resolved, That the heartfelt thanks of this
community, and of the whole nation, are due, and,
on our pait, are hereby tendered, to those eminent
statesmen and patriots. Clay, Cass, Webster, Fill
more, Dickinson, Foote, Houston, and others, who,
when they saw the Union in danger, threw them
selves into the breach, disregarding all personal con
sequences, forgetting all party predilections, and wil
ling to be sacrificed, if need be, for the good of the
country. Resolved, That by this patriotic devotion
to their country’s good, in a crims so momentous, they
have achieved for themselves immortal honor, and
for the Union* W’e trust, an iin peri liable existence.
5. Resolved, That those members of Congress
from this State, who, against influences the most un
favorable to the exercise of a sound judgment, sus
tained the Peace Measures by their votes, have con
ferred a lasting obligation upon their constituents,
and upon tne whole country.
6. Resolved, That while we do not impeach the
motives of members who opposed during their passage
through Congress those measures, in our opinion so
indispensably necessary to the peace of the country,
we do especially condemn the conduct of those, who,
after the happy settlement of these dangerous ques
lions by the passage of the Compromise bills, and
while all were congratulating themselves ami each
other that the era of good feeling had returned, have
sought, by again agitating’he subject, to throw new
fire-brands of mischief into Congress and the Country.
7. Resolved, That the Fugitive Slave Bill is in
accordance with the express stipulations of the Con
stitution of the United States, as carried out by the
Act of Congress of 1793, signed by Washington, and
in force at the time when the present law was passed;
and that Congress, in passing a law which should be
efficient for carrying out the stipulations of the Con
stitution, acted in full accordance with the letter and
spirit of that instrument, and that we will sustain
this law, and the execution of the same, by all lawful
means.
8. Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting,
a further agitation of the Slavery question in Con
gress would be fraught with incalculable danger to
our Union, and that we will support no candidate at
the ensuing, or any other election, for State officers
or for members of Congress or of the Legislature who
is known or believed to be hostile to the Peace Mea
sures recently adopted by Congress, or any of them,
or in favor of re-opening the questions involved in
them for renewed agitation.
9. Resolved, That we regard our obligations to
the Constitution and the Union as superior so the ties
of any of the political parties to which we may hi
therto have belonged, and that on all future occasions
we will range ourselves under the of that
party whose principles and practice are most calcu
lated to uphold the Constitution and to perpetuate our
glorious Union.
Charles O’Connor, Esq., then addressed the
meeting. He said it gave him great pleasure,
as a representative of the Democratic party, to
shew that there was at least one member of that
party willing to make as great sacrifices as the
gentleman who had preceded him, or as any
other whjg. _ uflf
wasits freedom from party. It was held in
the largest hall of the largest Republic in the
world. That its voice would be potent no
one oould doubt. Wo are called together to
conserve the interests of the Union. We have
arrived at a momentous era in the history of this
country. Hitherto we have been divided upon
political questions growing out of a new and
untried system of government. When these
questions had been in some degree settled,
new ones aruse, out of which trading politicians
had sought to build up their own interests.
But these controversies have passed away.
The questions of Trade, of Finance and Bank
ing have been brought to the test and the pub
lic mind has reached a satisfactory conclusion.
It would naturally be supposed that our
country would now go on in peaceful pros
perity. But the trading politicians must still
have something to do. Such statesmen as
Clay and Cass as Webster and Dickinson,
could easily find employment, but what em
ployment could this state of things furnish to
the Arch magician of the Democratic party.
(Van Buren) or the renowned hobby rider of
Whigs, (Seward ) They must seek agitation
elsewhere. The Whig hobby-rider must
• mount the hobby of Abolitionism. The ma
gician must lead his band from the extreme of
subserviency to the South, to the extreme of
ultra Abolitionism, wbeu he found the South
would not give him all the pay which he
thought his paltry services deserved. It must
be deemed extraordinary that the great mana
gers of each party should have mounted the
same hobby, and ridden it with equal diligence
to the present hour. Their ends are the same
and their objects the same, and no man can
doubt that there is a fraternity between them,
and that they and their followers will soon be
in open union. And the question is, whether
this city will follow either, or whether it will
not condemn them both. This city has the
power to condemn them, and her interest re
quires that she should do it. We are told that
the Fugitive Slave Law, adopted by the recent
Congress, essential to the observance or obli
gations to the South, cannot be executed any
where at the North except in the city of New
York. It is then admitted that although the
whole North may be recreant, the Capi’al City
of the New World is still faithful to the Con
stitution and will enforce the law. It was said
by the Father of ail Truth that wherever two
or three are gathered together in his name, he
would be there in the midst of them. The
same thing would hold true of this society, in
which this truth was lodged The utmost reli
ance can be placed on the power us this great
city on this great question We are told by
Abolitionists that the Union cannot be dissolv
ed, that they will preventit by force. This is
their no’.ion of the Union. If our Southern
brethren, ruiiiud and destroyed, should find
the Union not worth preserving, that we will
arm ourselves ns against a foreign foe, pene
trate the South and subject our Southern breth
ren to bondage at the point of the bayonet.
They would force a Union on the battie field.
They would compel us to pass in arms over
the grave of Washington and sacrifice his
countrymen, because they dared to strike for
lheir rights and their lives. He wanted no
such Union. Wheneverany part of the Unjofl,.,
them to remain. But the Abolitionists further
taunt this City with being influenced by com
mercial considerations. Those who urge such
reasons may be governed by such motives.
For himself he had no such interest in any
shape or form, and he believed that the great
est glory of us all was that we are members of
that great Republic which first proclaimed the
principles of liberty to the world. This is the
boast of every one of us. Now let us lose the
South and what becomes of the pride and glory
of the American name ? Is it not gone forev
er? Are northern men prepared to talk of
Washington as a hero belonging to some bye
gone nation, that exists no more? Shall we
separate ourselves from Yorktown ? Are. vve
prepared to cast out from the history of the
country the illustrious name of Andrew Jack
sou? Shall vve tell our children that the
homes of both these men are in a foreign cli
mate—that the author of the Declaration of In
dependence was a native us another country ?
Shall we disown Patrick Henry, and his great
co-patnots? What will become of the most
glorious portion of our history if this Union is
to bo dissolved ? It will go to the South,
for they will be driven from this Republic
by us, who will be the disturbers of its
peace, it is for the preservation of our
common country—of the great American
name—it is that we may go on conquer
ing and to conquer until our flag shall have
a 100 stars, that we seek to preserve this glo
rious Union disunited. Every feeing of
pride deserts us. United we go on prospering
and to prosper—filling up our valleys with the
myriads of Europe, and building up ail the
elements of our greatness and our power. To
bring about these glorious results, and to in
crease this great Republic of the white race,
he desired to perpetuate this Union, and he
was not willing to hazard the experiment of
elevating the black man, when it might endan
ger the Republic. He knew this meeting
would not be wanting in rebuking trading
politicians, but that they would single out
from the ticket those who are in favor of the
Union and the Constitution. If none can be
found, take those who pretend to he. There
had been a diligent effort to keep men off both
tickets, but he hoped he could find some
worthy of his support He stood ready to go
anywhere, and to support any National Wing,
in preference to any Free Soil Democrat—he
was ready to say, vve are all Democrats—vve
are all Whigs. A better name than either
could not be worn by any American. He had
the honor to represent, in the Democratic
Slate Convention, a district in which, so far as
he knew, there was not a Free Softer. He
endeavored to represent it truly. He learned at
Syracuse that the union of the party was most
important, and that the non-intervention Dem
ocrats, who had been true to the South, ought
to unite with Abolitionists, make up a ticket
-—half and halt—and beat the Whigs He was
opposed to any union, even for political plun
der, with men with whom he differed on the
only question in which he felt the slightest in
terest. To no such union would he ever be a
party. It was true such men had been forced
upon him. In his District a rabid Free Softer,
a near relative of Gerritt Smith, had been by
the votes of Democrats offered for his support,
in opposition to a Whig whose votes had been
in favor of all the peace measures of Consress
Shall I support him, said Mr. O’C ? Nener?
At Syracuse, moreover, the rural districts
seemed to think the city of New York a very
small place. He had the honor of bringing in
resolutions excluding Free Soilers, and de
daring for non-intervention; and the Conven
tion sustained them. And yet they had given
them three Free Soilers on the ticket for their
support! Would he support them? Never?
Let New York do her duty. Let her citizens
give their votes to no man who is tainted, how
ever slightly, with Free Soihsm.no mutter how
nominated, or how great his abilities.— let him
be rejected if be be tainted with that damning
sin.
After Mr O’Connor closed the resolutions
were unanimouely adopted.
Win. M Evans, Esq .ft hen addressed the
meeting. He spoke especially and mainly of
the fugitive Slave law. and the duty which
it devolves upon our c tizens. The Conven
tion wh ch framed the Constitution was com
posed of the wisest men ia the land; and in
that instrument one clause was passed unani
mously,—and that was the one requiring fugi
tives from service to be delivered up on claim
of those to whom that service may be due. is
there anything imperfect in that provision T
Is die intelligence or the honesty of those
statesmen to be lightly questioned ? The law
just passed is to carry out that provision. The
agitation throughout the country is to be car
ried on upon the law, —all other que«tions have
been so settled that they cannot be disturbed.
The agitation having thus been reduced, a more
active agitation must be carried on to yield the
same returns. Mr. E. said he had met no ar
gument against the law. The pith of all said
against it. had been to charge the Southern
master with being a stave catcher, and to stig
mat ze the law as a base concession of the
North to theSouii. Such arguments neither
attracted his arte nt on or gained his confidence.
He knew that they did not understand the
subject, or that they did not desire or design to
make a fair statement in regard to it. The act
of 1793 has been sustained by the supreme
tribunal of the land; and the law of the last
se-sion—Mr. E did no; hesitate to say—only
carried that *aw into more full effect, ft was
mad ■ uece-s.ry. not by any demand of the
S «u.n. but by .he action of the North in re
fusing to put the old one in execution. The
4aseus corpus is not mentioned in this act ;
H caiiDot be abolished by auy iaw ; and this
law does not attempt it. But there is a law
standing on the Statute Book of this State,
excluding slaves from the benefit of the
habeas corpus That law was passed by Abo
litionists and Free Soilers at Albany. Con
demn your legislation at home, before you
censure Congress. No Judge of a State
Court is permitted by that law to issue this
writ, in such a case—saying explicitly, that no
such Judge shall inquire into the legality of
any process issued (or the reclamation of a
fugitive from service. This is State Law, and
it is good law. Mr. Evsrts rehearsed the his
tory of State Legislation upon this subject, for
the purpose of showing that it had really been
more host.l - to the fugitive slave than the law
of Congress referred to. He want on to say
that the opposition to this law h not honest
Its purpo.-e h other than that which it profes
| ses to do. Opponi'ion to tois Itw involves
opposition to all law. Ami he who resists it
does all he can to subvert the government of
the country.
Mr Sanford followed Mr. Evarts, briefly ex
preying regret that such a meeting as this
; should have been necessary. But a few years
since Nullification threatened the Union, and
then a great hero arid statesman declared that
the Union must and shall be preserved. Then,
too, another great statesman uttered the simi
lar sentiment — Liberty and Union, now and
forever; one and inseparable. But now the
Nullification comes from another quarter. It
comes from those who resist a plain provision
of the Constitution. The North declares they
will not obey that law. And it is a mournful
occasion which calls us together to deliberate
how ’.o avert the destruction with which such
conduct threatens the Union. It bad been
well said that the cry against this law is not
honest. Every obligation of duty exacts obe
dience to that law : and every one who resis s
or hesitates, whether under pretence of a high
er law or no law, is a traitor to the country.
The object the law, like that of the Con
stitution. is to keep every slave from a condi
tion of freedom There is no such thing as
freedom for a slave in this land, except by the
regular process of manumission. This obli
gation ’o the master must be discharged. Will
the people of this city then stand by and see a
parricidal band raised against this Union ? We
all have a duly to perform. Let no man who
is suspected of countenancing agitation re
ceive your vote. Banish the fires of discord
from your legislative halls, and minor dema
gogues will hide their diminished heads. Then
reclaim tha deluded. Bring them out from
the congregation of the covenant breakers.
Teach them that lhe’r highest duty, next to
obedience id God. is the performance of
tracts. He d.id not w rtiv -' u • e]Siq-
his Joti man could foresee
the terrible results of a dissolution of this
Union. He wished not to live to see the un
told horrors of such a war as must follow the
attempt to enforce a preservation of the Union.
When dissolution conies, it must be peaceful.
Suppose any one State should withdraw ’
How can it be brought back ? Only by a re
organization: and if you prove faithless to
one contract, who will form another with you ?
Each Stale must then stand by itself, and South
America tells the tale of our destiny. But he
was cheered by the aspect of this meeting to
hope for better things, and to look forward to
the permanence of mis glorious Union.
Ogden Hoffman then came forward, and was
received with loud cheering. He said be came
here to night, not as a Whig, nor a Democrat.
He had withdrawn from party action, but
when he found the Constitution disregarded,
and laws made in pursuance of it set at naught,
when he felt the union reeling from blows
struck at it by disunionists at the South, and
abolitionists of the North, ho felt it his duty to
be here He believed the mass of both parries
were sincerely attached to the Union. He be
lieved the Whig party was now as it ever had
been, faithfulto the Constitution and (he laws
of the land. He deplored the existence of
slavery as it was deplored by every patriot aud
Christian of the Southern States. But he re
membered that it came upon them against their
will. The Constitution found it there, and
v.’ithont the Compromise requiring the surren
der of fugitive slaves, it never could have
been adopted. Without Compromise this
Union never could be preserved. See what
that Union has done for us—how it has ex
tended our borders, increased our people,
made us the land for the oppressed, and the
refuge of the exile, and spread our borders so
wide, that the sun rising from the sea on one
side quenches its beams in tho sea upon the
other. Who would see its glorious eagle
struck from the mid-heaven and made to quiv
er in death agonies on the earth below ? Mr.
H. sketched, in his own glowing, eloquent
manner, the history of the debates of the re
cent sesiiou,—of the part borne in that great
contest by Henry Clay, who seemed to throw
off the weight of years in the heat and fervor
of his devotion to the Union:—and Daniel
Webster, who added to his title of Defen
der of the Constitution that of Champion of
the Union ; and by men of every party and
from every section of our common country.
He spoke also in terms of high eloquence,
of the part taken by General Foote of Missis
sippi in this great contest, and of the personal
sacrifice he had made for the *ake of his coun
try And just as we were beginning to rejoice
at the restoration of peace through the efforts
of this gallant band, the voice of discord was
again raised, both at the North and the South.
Al the South the admission of California is
made (he rallying ery of resistance. At the
North, rhe Fugitive Law, is denounced and
resisted : and jet that law is only the re-en
actment of the law of ’93, its provisions are
not more objectionable loan these of that law.
Both are equally con-iitutional, and both mmu
be obeyed. The law for the restoration of the
fugitiye from justice is equally stringent; but
where are the tears and groans for
yvhite man w.>«j yq.yhat they
’sMWpffyhi* hie wrongs
form weapons in the hand of agitators to tear
asunder the' bonds that bind us together. But
suppose the law was as bad as it is asserted to
be. Who ever heard of a compromise in which
both parties did not complain? Tho stake we
are playing for is the Union ; ami shall we
split straws .ns to the terms on which it is to be
preserved? That law must be executed and
preserved It mustrtand and be obeyed, un
less we would have commended to our own
lips the cap we present to the South. Weigh
the horrid consequences us disunion against
any ?h. ht defect in that law. and then say if you
can, that it should not be obeyed. Mr. II
closed with a most eloquent and effective ap
peal in behalf of the Union and of the com
promise measures by which alono it can be
preserved.
James T. Brady, Esq., followed with a
brief and pointed speecn, which he closed by
«übmit'ing the following resolution, which
passed, ami the meeting then adjourned—
Resolved, That a Committee of fitly citizens,
whose names are hereto annexed, be appointed, with
power to (ill vacancies and'add to (heir numbers, to be
called the *• Union Safety Committee, 11 charged
with the duty, by correspondence and otherwise, of
carrying out the objects of this meeting, which are
hereby declared to be—To revive ami foster among
the whole people ot tne United States, the spirit in
whi**U the Uniou was formed, and the Constitution
was adopted; and to resist u every attempt to
alienate any portion of our country from the rest,
or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link toge
ther the various parlsV
The Committee of fifty was selected from
the most distinguished citizens of New York,
of both politic d parties.
The Express bays: We never attended a
more enthusiastic meeting. The best spirit
appeared to pervad the immense assemblage,
from the commencement to the close of the
proceedings. Many of our mo-t venerable
and eminent citizens were present, and seemed
to take a deep interest in what was going for
ward Tnere appeared to be about an equal
proportion of both political parties present and
taking an active part in the meeting.
The disumox orators and press com
plain that trie northern fanatics are not con
tent with the adjustment bills, and will not
abide by them, but on the contrary continue
the slavery agitation Would it not be well
for them to reflect that these northern fanatics
as doing no more in that line than the South
ern ultras themselves. The latter are setting
the example of continued agitation, swearing
that they will not abide by the compromise,
and calling out loudly for repeal or disunion.
The Northern fanatics are but pursing the
*>atue game. They voted against portions of
the edjuatment in company with the Southern
disunionists, and they are following in close
imitation when they join with them in continu
ing agitation and threatening repeal or resis
tance. Tne cool, good sense of the conserva
tive portion of the country, it is true, will be
strong enough U> prevent this agitation of both
extremes from doing much harm. It does ap
pear queer, however, to hear a .Mississippi agi
tator, who is doing his best for disunion in con
sequence of the adjustment, denounce the nor
thern abolitionist for doing no more than he
himself does, and assign as a reason for hit
action the course of his agitation aily. It’s the
old feud between the pot and the kettle !
Natchez Cour
A Glorious Adversary for N. York.—
The Albany Evening Journal of Saturday last
has the following interesting reminiscence:
Twenty-five years ago this day the Erie
Canal was announced as navigable from Lake
Erie to the Hudson River. On the 251 h of
October, 1525. eight years aud four mouths
from the time the work commenced, the Erie
Canal was completed, and on that day the
“ Seneca Chief,” with De Witt Clinton, then
Governor of this Stale, Lieut. Governor Tall
madge, and various Committees on board left
Buffalo for the Hudson River. Along the
entire line of the Canal, within hearing dis
tance of eaeh other, heavy artillery were pla
ced, and the starting of the •* Seneca Chief”
from Buffalo was carried to the Ci’y of New
York as fast as sound could travel, and by the
same means it was announced in Buffalo that
this great event was known in New York.
This was before the present mode of com
municating information by telegraph had been
known; but the plan was so well executed
that in one hour and thirty minutes from the
firinguf the first gun in Buffalo, the echo was
heard in New York and returned to Buffalo.
It was a day of great rejoicing througbou*
the Slate, and the arrival of the “Chief” at the
various places along the line was signalized
with great pomp and splendor. Every city
and village had prepared its festival, and
throughout the whole line, from the Lake to
the Ocean, it was a voyage of triumph. On
the second of November the “Seneca ChieT’
rec hed this city, eight days from Buffalo, and
ou the fourth she arrived in the City of New
York
When the Heer, which was composed of the
••Seneca chief ** and several steam and other
craft from Albany. New York and other pla
ces on the river. reached Sandy Hook, Gov.
DeWitt Clinton proceeded to perform the
ceremony of commingling the waters of the
Lake with the Ocean, by pouring a keg of
Erie water into the Adamic, when he de
livered the iollowing address:
“ This solemnity, at this place on the first
arrival ot vrsseis from Lake Erie, is intended to
md;ra:e and commemorate the uavigabie com
munication which has been accomplished be
tween our Mediterranean Seas and the At-
lantic Ocean in about eight years, and to the
extent oftnore than four hundred and twenty
five miles, by the wisdom, public spirit and en
ergy of the people of the State of New York ;
and may the God of the heavens and the earth
smile most propitiously on this work, and ren
der it subservient to the best interests of the
human race.
THEwmn
CHHQNICLE & SENT INES
BY WILLIAM S. JONE .
TWO DOI. L4IIS PER ANNUM,
ISVARIABIV
nAII, Y f T R I-W EEKLY * WEEKLY.
Officcin Railroad Bank Buildings.
OAILY paper pcrannum l.entby mail.) »T 00
TUI WEEKLY " " <““
weekly PAPER "
AtGUSTA. GA.:
WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCT. »0.
Judge Nlobel'a Letter,
Tmk letter of the Hon. E. A. Nisbet, one
of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Geor
gia, to a Committee in Cass county, who in
viled him to attend the Kingston Barbecue and
Meeting, will attract the reader’s attention.
Like every thing from him, it is a calm, dis
passionate document, replete with sound prac
tical sense, and abounding in patriotic senti
ment.
President Fillmore.— The Fugitive Slave
Law.
It affords us znalloyed pleasure, in which
we are sure every patriot heart will participate,
to chronicle the intelligence, in another co
lumn, that the President has announced his
determination to enforce and execute the pro
visions of the Fugitive Slave Law at all hazards
and at whatever sacrifice. All honor to Mr.
Fillmore, who, we trust, if necessity requires
—though we hope for the honor of the Ameri
can name it mny be averted, —will leach fanati
cism a which its deluded victims
‘nay
> lCa 'U To' kribW 'JhSnh ahis
land of freedom and laws, the effusion of blood
was necessary to sustain the supremacy of any
law; yet if the emergency demand it, we
say let it flow ; and we believe President Fill
more is fully equal to any such emergency, and
will not falter in his duty to his country, him
self and posterity.
The Great New York Meeting*
We shall offer no apology for occupying so
much of our paper to-day with the proceed
ings of this great demonstration, and a brief
sketch of the speeches made on the occasion, to
the exclusion of our usual variety. Indeed
our only regret is, that our limits will not allow
of a more elaborated report. It was a great,
a most enthusiastic, a glorious meeting ac
cording to all the reports. Even the Courier
Enquirer and Tribune, with all their tenden
cy to Sewardism and Freesoilism, admit thus
much, however they saw evident signs of the
fate of their favorite, Senator Seward. It was
a meeting worthy of the great object that call
ed it forth ; and if the actors will not content
themselves with a mere paper fulmination, and
we think they will not stop there, its influence
for good will be felt from oue extreme of this
great Republic to the other. Let them there
fore, persevere, and the ball which they have
putin motion, for the crushing of fanaticism,
ultraism and sectionalism, aided by the balls
which President Fillmore will put in motion
to preserve order and maintain the supremacy
of the law, will certainly enlighten the fanatics,
as to the lower law power, in contradistinction
to their''higher law' 1 theories.
The Courier Sf Enquirer, in a notice of the
meeting, which it touches very gingerly, be
cause of the flings at its dear friend Seward,
remarks:
“In the letters from Senator Dickinson and Mr.
Webster, the resolutions and the speeches, al! the
peace measures of the recent session were fully sus
tained and the Fugitive Slave law was vindicated
from the objections urged against it. No attempt
was made to enlist favor or support for the ticket of
either political party, but the audience were urged
to strike from both tickets the name of every candi
date who wa.' tainted with Free Soil opinions or
sympathies. Mr. Gerard declared that unless the
W big party should repudiate all in Abulitmnism he
would quit it and go over to Tammany Hall. Charles
O’Connor, E q , declared that be would never vote
for a Free Smler,—that lie would strike every one of
them from the Drtmocra’ic ticket, and that be would
not voie for Cochrane for Congress, in opp «ition to
Mr. Brook.’, whose action upon the subject had been
entirely raiisfactoiv. I'he general tone of Hie whole
meeting was riinitar to that indicated by these re
marks. 1 ’ __
- toniy outraged,
are in jeopardy .* your honor deeply
your social Constitution violated by
ALL Ur.dine; to
the Qbjgt. THE ABpLI-.-
occ uPv anA t ' 11as
been denied you.mi tffe solemn form of law,-trader
pretences the most Shallow. it well becomes you to
assemble, deliberate and counsel together for your
mutual preservation and safety.— Gov. Towns'
Proclamation.
In their efforts to escape the indignation of
a patriotic people,the Disunionists in Georgia,
although clamorous in the outset of the con
test fur disunion, are now endeavoring to es
cape odium by denying that they favor any
such policy. Their denial, however, in the
face of their oft-repeated declarations and their
hugging to their bosoms the notorious Rhett
will have little effect upon the intelligent and
patriotic citizens of Georgia If they did not
favor disunion, why was Rhett invited to their
meetings, and his treasonable speeches publish
ed and endorsed by them.
But we need n t rely upon their sympathis
ing and affiliating with open disunionists, to
convict them of a purpose to dissolve the gov
ernment. We desire no higher evidence than
the extract from Gov. Towns’ proclamation,
which we have quoted above. Let the reader
scan it carefully and closely, and ask himself
what is the plain and obvious tendency of this
language, but (o stir up the people of Georgia
to revolution and disunion? Without evidence,
but relying on bold and reckless assertion, he
declares that“the Federal Constitution has been
violated by a aeries of aggressive measnres, all
tending to the consummation of one object—the
abolition of si a very.” What this series of ag
gressive measures is, or what its constituent
parts are,the Governor nor his friendsand sup
porters, have not informed the people. Can
it be the proposition to settle the boundary
of Texts by the purchase of a portion of her
territory for a libeial compensation? How can
this be a violation of the constitution, or tend
to the abolition of slavery. If Texas accepts
the propostion, which she hxs a perfect right
to do, it cannot in any manner impair the in
stitution of slavery; and if she reject it, the pro
position contained in Pearce’s bill is a dead
letter, and the question stands where it did—
open for adjustment.
To what then does the Governor refer t
Can he allude to the Fugitive Slave bitt,
which waa framed by Southern men to suit
their own views, as the best means of securing
fugitive slaves? Surely the Governor would
not insinuate that all the Southern men in
Congress—for they all voted for it—have violat
ed the Constitution or desired the consumma
tion of abolition, in framing and passing that
bill. Does he allude to the passage of the ter
ritorial bills for and New Mexico, by
which the Wilmot Proviso was expressly pro
hibited, and the people, in the exercise of the
great fundamental principle of republicanism,
are permitted to adopt any constitution they
please, provided it be republican! If so, we
should be pleased to know, how they vio
late the Constitution or tend to the con
summation of abolition T Can he refer to
the act prohibiting the introduction of
slaves into the District of Columbia for sale?
Tins is a mere municipal regulation, tend
ing no more to the consummation of Abolition,
than the law of Georgia, which did precisely
the same thing, under heavy penalties. If that
bill tends to the consummation of abolition,
seven tenths of the intelligent and reflecting
citizens of Georgia, might be accused of favor
ing it, for we believe that ratio are in favor of
restoring the prohibition, which was repealed
by the demagogues of the last Legislature.
The Governor cannot certainly refer to the
admission of California —that was only one
measure, and could not constitute a series.
Besides it was in strict accordance with the
principles avowed by him, aud those with
whom he acted; viz: that the people of a
territory have a right under the constitution
:• form a constitution —and that Congress
had no right to dictate the provisions. Has
his Excellency abandoned this truly republican,
S -nthern ground, and does he accord the peo
ple of a territory the right, only when they a
dopt a constitution to suit bis views! Really,
it would seem so.
The Governor has been regarded one of the
"36-30 or fight men;” and perchance his friend
Colqoitt hoped to make a corporal ol him in
the famous “cnfin on pour back regiment,
which he was so desirous of forming a few
weeks since, and in which we believe the Edi
tor of the Charleston Sew enlisted—we
hare not heard of another —and we apprehend
our contemporary will march solus in this
forlorn hope, for we doubt if the blustering
recruiting officer. Colqoitt, would aecompa- 1
ny him, especially if heeould find a substitute.
But we have Raid the Governor was a “36 30 I
or fight iran at any rate, he certainly was re
garded as belonging to that t>quad, and was
therefore willing to admit California, with all
her irregularities, bargains, corruptions and in
trigues, and with all her wandering population,
provided her boundary did not extend below
36 30. Would it not be well, therefore, for
him or his friends to show the people how the
admission of the whole was a violation of the
Constitution, although a part would be per
fectly constitutional? Such an illustration
might enlighten the minds of the people of
Georgia, and enable the bellicose Governor the
better to accomplish his purpose of stirring
them up to Revolution and Disunion.
A Short Catechism.
That the reader may the more easily com
prehend the force and point of the following
article from the Sumter county, Ala., Wbtr, it
may not be improper to state the circntnatan
ces under which it was called forth. Some
time sine* it was determined by the friends of
the compromise measures, in Mobile, to express
their approbation of those measures in mass
meeting over a splendid barbecue. While
the call for the meeting was being circulated for
signatures, to which over seven hundred were
attached, a correspondent of the Mobile Tri
bune, the organ of the disunionists in Mobile,
from Sumter county, requested that journal
to copy the list of names when published, that
the people might know who they were, with
a view to proscribing them in business. The
list, however, was so imposing and over
whelming, that the Tribune shrank from the
task, and nothing more was said of the matter
until “ Louis Blanc 11 reviewed it in the follow
ing caustic communication :
Mr, Editor: —A correspondent of the (Mobile)
Herald and Tribune, signing himself “Sumter,”
suggests that the names of those who signed the call
for the ratification of certain doings on the Southern
question, be published, in order that the people of
the up-country may deal with, or rather that they
may not deal with them.
I approve the suggestion of “Sumter” as far as it
goes, but it does not go' far enough. It will do,
however, for a start. 1 would suggest that as a good.
-fWaAg of fydgers,’ 1 ahupiaed lit the<
menace of “Sumter,” rnrfy decline putting them
selves on record, they shall be reached in another
way, and in order to effect this, a board of “Political
Inspeciion” be established in this county, composed
of members in and out of the city of Mobile ; whose
business it shall be to ascertain and report who are
sound, and who uusound on the “Southern Ques
tion”; and that the Committee of ‘ 2?,” or so many
or such parts of them as are left, be entitled to seats,
as honorary members.
That in order to prevent confusion, “Sumter,” or
some other qualified gentleman of the up country,
be requested to draw up a “Confession of Faith,” as
well as a “Code of Practice,” and that this shall be
taken and acknowledged by all law-abiding men,
who “fear God and Hate the Devil,” to be the stand
ard of orthodoxy on the Southern question. That
tne doctrines and rules of said “Board” be so amen
ded from day to day, and from week to week, accor
ding to the various phases which the question may
assume, to suit political aspirants : Provided, how
ever, that the established reformed faith shall not
travel back to the old doctrine of “non-intervention.”
The discipline should be summary and exemplary,
deep, searching, thorough, radical and pungent; that
said society should be composed of men born in
South Carolina, or not more than 25 miles from
Montgomery; and that naturalized foreigners may
be admitted ; that it should have judicial and extra
judicial powers to condemn every Whig who de
ciares himself to be such ; that it shall only be ne
cessary to prove that he is considered as being ins
pected of being a “suspicious character.”
That in all cases, common report, general rumor,
and the talk of the neighborhood, shall be competent
testimony against him. That the denunciation by
an aspirant for office on the “Souther* side” of the
question, shall be positive proof of the unsoundness
of any one denounced, either Whig or Democrat;
the putrid being interested in the welfare of his
country, and irom his position having all “the lights
before him.”
The penalty shall be confiscation of the convicts’
effects, and the division to be equal among the mem
bers of the Board, according to the zeal of the or
thodox. No one man, however, {unless very needy}
to have for his share, more than two Yankees. If
very fat. the Yankee to be divided into parcels to
suit customers —the informer and witnesses to have
the fifth quarter. No Yankee to be confiscated un
less he is proven as aforesaid to be a heretic. If the
Beard are divided on questions of Law, a certificate
of division can be granted and certified to Gen.
Quattlebum and R. Barnwell Rhett, of the princi
pality of South Carolina, whose decision shall be
final and conclusive.
The shorter Catechisai, to be propounded to the
accused, shill contain the following questions, to
wit:
Ist. Do you believe in the doctrine of “non-inter
vention ?”
2d. Do you believe in the doctrine of double inter
vention ?
3d. D<d you not assert that the Missouri compro
mise w?s a violation of the constitution ?
4th. Do you not believe that the constitution ought
to be violated again in the same way ?
sth. Did you say, wita Gen Cass, that the peo
ple of the territories have a right to regu ale their
own domestic concerns 1
6th. Do you believe, against Gen. Cass, that the
people of the territories have no right to regulate
their own domestic concerns?
7th. Did you not say, with Mr. Polk, that the
Wilmot proviso to the Oregon bill was constitu
tional ?
_ix— r .. r nrrhnniri—
9ih. Did you not say unv-M-erteaß law abotiah
iag slavery in the new purchase Was repeatetrujTtni
constitution ?
10« h. Do you not now say it is necessary the
Mexican law be-abolished by an act qf Congress ?
11th. Does it not require Congress aodjthe consti
fir" kifi it ?
& 12th. Are you not in favor of State rights ?
13tli. Are you not opposed to California abolishing
slavery if she desires it ?
14th. Do you not believe that the admission of
California into the Union was unconstitutional under
the clause of the constitution giving “Congress pow
er to admit new States ?
15th. Were you not willing to admit her as a
free State, provided she would slice off a little of
h«r boundary ?
16th. Were you io favor of the “Nashville Con
vention” as a means of preserving this Union?
17(11- Are you no. now in favor of the reassem
bling of the “Nashville Convention'’ as a means of
dissolving the Union ?
18th. Were you not with Gen. Jackson on the
doctrine of secession ?
19th. Are you not wiih Mr. Rhett, of South Caro
lim, and in favor of secession ?
20th. Did you not believe, with Gen. Jackson
that “in a Republican government a majority ought
to govern ?”
21 st. Don’t you believe now that a majority ought
not to govern ?
22d. £»id you not think once that a State had a
right to set her own boundaiies and sell her own
land ?
23d. Don’t you think noir that a State has not a
right to fix her own boundaries and sell her own
land ?
24th. Were you net in favor of dissolving the
Union, if the Wilmot proviso passed into a law, and
Congress exercised power over slavery i* the territo
ries ?
25'h. Are you not now in favor of dissolving the
Union because Congress did not exercise power
over slavery in the territories ?
Unless the accused can answer all these questions
affirmatively, and whatever others may arise to suit
the limes, he shall be condemned and considered as
unsound on the “Southern Question.” If he says,
they, or either of them, are inconsistent with each
other, he must but the more believe them all ; for
on a subject of such vital importance, faith must not
be held in subjection to reaeon, but reasoi to faith.
Hoping that valuable papei “The Southern Press,”
and the ‘ Herald and Tribune,” as well as “Sumter, ”
may improve on these suggestions, I am respectfully
yours, Louis Blanc.
Gov. Collier. of Ala., has issued an ad
dress to the people of that State, declining to
convene the Legislature, as requested by seve
ral memorials, numerously signed, to take into
consideration the present state of affairs in re
ference to the late action of Congress. In the
course, of his address, he takes occasion to offer
some, very wholesome and practical sugges
tiow, seeking to impress upon the minds of
the people the necessity of building up the
South, by improving her agriculture aod estab
ishing manufactories, to an extent to render
her wholly independent, or nearly so, of th*
North.
Sound Sentiments is Boston. —The Hon.
Samuil A. Eliot, of Boston, the successor of
Winthrop in the House, has addressed a let
ter to his constituents vindicating his vote for
the Fugitive Slave Bill. It is an able argu
ment io favor the constitutionality of that mea
sure, and scatters to the winds the sophistry
and misrepresentation the higher law party are
so largely dealing in with reference to it. It
is indeed refreshing to read such a letter from
such a quarter, especially as coming from the
successor in Congress of that hypocritical, cold,
calculating abolitionist, Winthrop— whose
course in the Senate has placed him on a p:r
with Seward.
Muscooki •• Attitupisizino ” —The Co
lumbus (Ga.) 'lima states emphatically that
“ .Muscogee county is erect. Her lance is in
rest, her vizor down, and not a plume in her
crest wavers.”
This, says the Richmond Republican, is in
deed a terrific spectacle, and requires the pen
of a Cervantes to do it justice. Since the days
when the Rueful Knight of La Mancha, with
fierce aspetrt and determined soul, charged
upon a windmrl, there has b een nothing to
compare with “Muscogee.”
Sensible.—The New Yo rk and New Jer
sey Synod adjourned recently, after passing a
•esolution recommending obedience to the
ugitive slave law, and refusing to entertain an
mendment declaring the Ir.w unconstitutional.
Georgia. If a . I Koa'l.
Wk are pleased to lear n‘.hat the miscreants
who attempted to throw the engine and cars of
the upward passenger train from the track
on the night of the 20th ult by removing one
of the iron rails near M; .dison, causing the ac
cident noticedin our paper of the 30th ult.,
have been eaught and confined in jail in Madi
son. They were three negroes, who have con
fessed that they were ec uployed to execute the
villainous deed bya white man, whose name
they gave.
Such a vile scoundrel, who would thus ha
zard the destruction of human life, to vent a
petty spleen against the company, ought not
to be permitted to live, and we hope sufficient
and competent testimony may be elicited to
convict him of the offence, and, bring him to
condign punishment.
Union Tickets.
The friends of the Union, opposed to dis- ;
union, secession, or resistance to the late acts j
of Congress, have made the following nomi
nations for delegates to the Convention from
their respective counties:
Oglethorpe— George R. Gilmer, Samuil
Glenn, P. W. Hutcheson, and Willis Wil
lingham.
Lumpkin.— A. M. Russell, H. W. Rilet,
Samuel Hymer, and R. H. Peirce.
Upson — Thomas Flewellen, Rev. Wm.
Crawford, Wm. A. Cobb, aud A. J. M’Afee.
Twiggs.— H. Hughes, Dr. Tho*. J. Johnson.
Randolph— Hon. Wm. Taylor, John Hen
drick, H. G Johnson, B. H. Rice.
Wilkes. -R. Toombs, I. T. Irvin, Jr., John
H. Dyson. Edw. R. Anderson.
Washington.— R. W. Flournoy, Wm. Hall,
E. S. Langmade, John Dugxan.
Cobb.— David Irwin, A. J. Hansell, M. G.
Slaughter, N. M. Caulder.
DeKalb. — John Collier, Charles Murphy,
William Ezzard, James M. Calhoun.
Harris— G. Granberry, Geo. Osborn, G.
W Cobb, Leonard Pratt.
Marion.— Thomas Bivins, John G. Stokes
Claxk. —Asbury Hull, John Calvin Johnson,
B. S Sheata. Abram S. Hill.
Monroe.— A. M. D King, Meade Lesueur,
James S. Pinckard, Hiram Phinazee.
Pike.— Richard White, John It. Jenkins,
Andrew J. Beckom, Henry Smith.
Muscogee.— Alex. McDougald, Thomas F.
Wooldridge, N. L. Howard, Alex. C. Monon.
Cass.— Col. L Johnson, L. Tumlin, W.
Aikin, J. Wofford.
Floyd.— J. Walters, E. Ware.
Paulding.— Reese McGrigor, W. F. James.
Hancock.— Eli Baxter, James Thomas.
Baldwin.— A. 11. Kenan, Tomlinson Fort.
Fayette.— W. B. Fuller, John O. Dickison.-,
Green — W. C. Dawson, T. N. Poullain,
W. D. Weaver. R H Ward.
Henry— L J. Glenn, B. Petit, L. T. Doyal,
D. L. Duffey.
Sumter.—W. 11. Crawford, E. R. Brown.
Macon— Nathan Bryan, W. H- Robinson.
Crawford.— W. A. Matthews, Dolphin Da
vis.
Jones.— R V. Hardeman, Francis B. Has
call
Decatur.— Richard Sims, J. P. Dickinson.
Chatham.— R. D. Arnold, R. R. Cuyler,
John E. Ward, F. S. Bartow.
Mclntosh.—Thomas Spalding, C. H. Hop
jtins. ? /
Glynn — F. M. Scarlett, James Hamilton
Cooper
Pulaski.— W. B. Reeves, Norman McDuffie.
Cherokee, — Allen Lawhon, S. C. Dyer, M.
Keith, J R Wikle.
Lee.— Willis A Hawkins, Samuel D. Irvin.
Laurens.— C. B. Guyton, E. J. Blackshear.
Jackson.— Giles Mitchell, S. P. Thurmond.
Chattooga — Dr. M. Montgomery, H. P.
Wootien.
All idea of “secession” or disunion seems to have
been abandoned in Georgia, where the canvass for
the Convention is now actively being prosecuted.
The flag of disunion is no longer flaunted in that
Stale, and both parties, the opponents and the friends
of the late measures of Congress, appear to vie with
one another in avowals of devotion to the Unon
The former (in Cha'ham county) have adopted the
title of the “Union Southern Rights Party,” and ths
latter that of the “Uhion and Southern Rights Par
ty.” indeed, the Savannah Georgian, tbe organ of
the former, complains that tho latter have attempted
“to steal our thunder aud appropriate the name to
themselves.” How diffeteut this picture from that
sketched some time since, viz : that Georgia was
clamorous for disunion, and would trample the
Union under her feet! — Richmond Enquirer.
The advocates of disunion, however, did
not abandon their treasonable purposes until
driven by public indignation from them. At
first they were a most chivalric set, ready “to
resist at every hazard and to the last extremi
ty.” Now, however, they are willing to ac
quiesce. Never was the force and power of
public opinion so satisfactorily illustrated as in
this instance. Their conversion to a new faith
was as sudden as their zeal in the cause of
disunion had been overweaning and boiste
rous. Indeed, it has been so sudden as to
fail entirely in satisfying the people of its sin
cerity, so far as the leaders are concerned.
They have no confidence in a set of political
propagandists and demagogues, who yester
day hugged to their bosoms R. B. Rhett,
published and endorsed by their enthusiastic
plaudits his traitorous sentiments, urging and
suggesting the necessity of dissolving the
government, and to-day avow themselves the
advoca.es of the Union. The trick is too
shallow, the veil too flimsy entirely, to en
trep or deceive the intelligent voters of Geor
gia. They understand too well the game
which these tricksters are playing, to gain
power in the Convention, and lhey will in the
discharge of a most solemn patriotic duty re
pudiate them and their counsels. They have
no confidence in and will not confide their in
terest and rights to the keeping of a set of
men, who but yesterday openly avowed them
selves in favor of dissolution rather than sub
mit to the late acts of Congress, and to day
AiX-Uieir devotion to the Union.
* Xnsffeminn , o CoUon Planter..
At. J** p ««Covnty, Oct. 13, 1850.
opinion tfnu. y o m whaj ] can learn, lam of the
day, and this, Tor the purpose of mak’ng a profit on
<eottun bagging, as the price of cotton is high enough
to make a profit on that article. The bales received
at Madison so far the present season, are light in com
parison to those received last year, and I understand
it is the same in other markets. Now it is a well
known fact, that the Liverpool and other estimates of
tbe crop are alone by the number of bales grown,
without regard to weight. When we make a large
number of bales the price sinks, and when a small
number it rises. If the present crop is put up as
heavily as the last, it may reach about the same num
ber, but by putting up in light bales it may be made
to reach the crop of ’47-’B, and if it does tbe price
must fall, and then ail this speculation on bagging
will be over the “ left shoulder 11 But this is not
al!. By consuming a large quantity of bagging we
necessarily increase the price, and thus become
losers to a still greater extent.
This communication has not been written for the
public eye. I have not vanity enough to think my
self capable of that, but I i bought I would make these
suggestions to you and request you to publish some
thing on the subject yourself, for 1 dislike to see
farmers pursuing such a suicidal policy. Why, sir,
by putting up the present crop of Cotton in meal bags
we can make it the largest crop ever grown.
Respectfully, &c.
Remarks.—The above communication from
a sagacious, intelligent and reflecting planter,
is worthy of the careful consideration of every
man who makes a single bale of Cotton. The
desire to make a few cents profit on the bag
ging which encases tho Cotton, and the vanity
which some men possess to swell the number
of bales made by them, may result in serious
injury and loss to the whole cotton planting
community aod country. Strange, indeed,
that a policy so short-sighted should be adopt
ed by so intelligent, reflecting people to the
prejudice of their individual interests.
Health of the City*
We take great pleasure io giving publicity
to the following communication from Dr. W.
E. Dearing, Chairman of the Board of Health.
We indulge the hope that no other case of
Small Pox will occur, and we feel confident
that there is no danger to be apprehended by
strangers visiting the City :
Augusta, Nov. sth, 1850.
Mr. Editor ; —Sir —It affords me great pleasure
to announce to the public, that no case of Small Pox
has occured in the city since my last report.
The cases at tbe Pest House are rapidly convales
cing.
The city is remarkably healthy—no epidemic pre
vailing. Respectfully your obedient servant.
W. E. Draring,
Chairman Board of Health.
Medical College of Georgia.
Wt had not the pleasure of hearing the In
troductory Lecture of Professor Ford, deliv
ered in the Medical College on Monday, but
we are informed that it fully sustained the well
earned reputation of its author—elegance of
composition and force of delivery are said to
have characterized it. It is gratifying to be
able to announce that the number of pupils in
attendance is as large as at the beginning of
any previous course of lectures, evidencing
the growing determination of southern men,
to patronize their own schools, and the firm
hold which this institution has taken on public
confidence.
Southern Medical and Surgical Journal.
The November number of this valuable
Journal is on our table, with its usual variety
of original Communications, Reviewsand Ex
tracts, Monthly Periscope and Medical Miscel
lany. Among the original communicationsis
a letter from H. R. Casey, M. D. of Appling,
Georgia, showing that the “Mange had been
communicated to three persons by a pig.” As
soon as we can find space, we propose to pub
lish this article for the benefit of our readera
Thisjournal is published by James McCae
ferty of thia city, and edited by I. P. Garvis,
M. D., at §3 per annum in advance.
The Medical Examiner This valuable
periodical is on our table, laden with its usual
variety of original communications, Biblical no
tices, Editorials, &c. This work is published
by Lindsay & Blaxiston, Philadelphia. Edi
ted by F. G. Smith, M. D. Terms §3 per
annum in advance.
John C. Pace, who was killed in the act of
attempting to rob the Danvers Bank, was the
son of a very estimable man, Mr. John Pace,
one of the directors of tne bank, and the brotli
er-in-law of the cashier. He had been unfor
tunate in business, became intemperate and
hence his connexion with robbers. His ac
complices escaped.
Coffee —Forty-two years ago, the annual
crop of coffee in Brazil did not exceed 311,000
big-. Even in 1820 it only reached 100,000
hags. At that time, the high price of coffee io
England, and the diminished production in
Cuba, stimulated the Brazilian pianists io ex
tend its cultivation, and in 1830 they sent to
market 400.000 bags, or 64,000,000 pounds,
and tn 1837 the enormous quantity of nearly
300,000,000 pounds.
Cotton Bagglng.-.A New Article.
The Mississippian contains the subjoined
notice of a new article of bagging, made from
the Moss growing so extensively in the for
ests and swamps of the South and Southwest
If it shall upon trial anuwer the purposes de
signed, it will be a most important discovery,
and oae of greal value to the South:
Mississippi Colton Bagging— W* have exam
ined an article of cotton bagging made of moss taken
from the trees in our wood*, and while we ehall re
frain from expressing our opinion of it# merits—not
having peen it tried with the hooka— it gives us plea
sure to say that its appearance indicates strength and
durability, and we think it is certainly well worthy
of the attention of our planters. We desire to aee it
fairly tested.
The experiment of manufacturing this new bag
ging originated with Maj. Mosely, the Superintendent
of the Penitentiary. Some year ago he attempted
its manufacture with his cotton machinery, and he
was so well satisfied with the result, that he sent a
large quantity of moss to Kentucky, where it was
manufactured into bagging with more suitable ma
chinery. A portion of it has been received and is
now in the store of Messrs. Fearn &. Putnam, where
although the heaviest article, it may be bought at a
price siini ar to the Kentucky.
We leara that should the bagging be successful, it
may be made at a lower rate than the Kentucky bag
ging. Having an inexhaustible quantity in our woods,
a demand for it, would bring the price of the raw ar
ticle down to three cents per pound. Five cents
more would amply cover the cost of manufacture,
and the article might be furnished at eight cents per
yard. It would also be in the power of the planter
to manufacture his own bagging. We think the
subject is one well worthy the attention of the Legis
lature. The sale of bagging in our own State alone,
will this year amount to at least three hundred and
twenty thousand dollars. Il is easy to see that if
this new article becomes a good substitute, owing to
its cheaper price, that the whole of this large amount
of money will be employed in our own State for the
direct and permanent benefit of our planters, me
chanics and manufacturers.
< New York and New Orleans Steamships.
—The increasing demands of commerce be.
tween these two great commercial marts, have
suggested to some of the business men of New
Orleans, the establishment of aline of steam
ships, and the immediate building of one to be
employed regularly in the trade. Such an in
vestment, if well and prudently managed, will
certainly confer great benefits to the public and
reward the stockholders.
, The Boston Courier an instance
of the great rise in the v«kie of real estate in
that city the fact that a lot of ground which in
1826 sold for $6,000, brought at auction a few
days since $54,000, being an increase of nine
fold in twenty-five years.
Population of Baltimore.—The Baltimore
American says : “ From the returns already
made by the census takers in this city, it is
prety well ascertained that the population of
Baltimore will be found to be not less than one
hundred and eighty thousand, and there is a
reasonable probability that it may reach even
one hundred and eighty-five thousand. At the
last census the population of the city was one
hundred and two thousand three hundred and
thirteen. Thus, when the entire returns come
to be summed up, we shall probably show an
increase, for the last ten years, of at least
eighty thousand— an increase large enough to
form a city of itself! ”
Another fine ocean steamer, the “Mexico,”
was launched at New York on Saturday. She
is 1,200 tons burthen, and is intended to trade
between New Orleans and Texas, in connec
tion with the steamship “Louisiana,” launched
a few weeks since.
Cotton. —Thomas Affleck, of Mississippi,
and a man of note in the agricultural world,
writes the N. O. Picayune, that in hi* opinion,
it is exceedingly doubtful whether the crop of
this year will equal that of last, and that if plan
ter* will throw their crops into market steadily
and in moderate quantities, and limit their fac
ors to 15 cents for middlings, their cotton
will command that price as readily as a lower
one. He may be correct in his conclusion.
It is a question for the consideration of plan
ters.
Chattanooga.—The population of Chatta
nooga, according to the census just taken, is
1208. The bill of mortality for the year end
ing first June last, was only six.
It is estimated that the loss by the heavy rains
of Saturday and Sunday last, in the neighbor
hood of Utica, N. York, will not fall short of
SIOO,OOO.
Collins and Cunard. —The New York cor
respondent of the Philadelphia Inquirer says :
“ An arrangement has been entered into be
tween Mr. E. K. Collins and Mr. Cuunard that
during the winter a vessel nf each of their
respective lines shall leave New York and
Liverpool alternately. We shall therefore
have a weekly communication with the Old
World until spring, when, as heretofore, it will
be semi-weekly.”
The Philadelphia Mint.-—Tho following
is a statement of the Gold coinage, at the Phil
J——XXi—*— r T ■■ ■ ■■—
Gold coinage, to Sept. 0, 1850,- •••$16,013,872 50
Silvsr “ “ 314,800 00
Gold “to Oct. 31 “ 2,669,055 CO
Silver “ “ 34,300 00
$20,533,327 50
Amount transferred in coin by Col. Snowden, to his
successor, E. C. Dale, Esq., on the 31st ult.
Mint proper, in gold, silver, and copper
coins, 8681,499 94
Office of Assistant Treasurer, U. S.,
gold and silver, 516,330 93
Premium Agent, 25,730 60
T0ta1,81,223,561 47
Tho Boston Journal notea a rumor that Col.
Bliss is engaged in preparing a history of the
campaigns of General Taylor, all of which he
witnessed, and most of which he was consult
ed about. Such a work would be a most val
tuable addition to our standard literature. We
rust tbe report incorrect.
Thb Momtgoms« t akd West Point Rail
road will be complex] by the middle of De
cember. leaving but a .bort link in the great
chain to be filled, which j, j n process of con
struction.
Froi T—Our exchanges fro. Athens, Macon,
Rome, and Columbus, Ga., at. f rom Mobile
and Montgomery, Ala., represen., he f, oetß of
Saturday, Sunday and Monday moi; D g g ,
26th, 27th and 28th ult. a» having bee>. qevere
enough to destroy vegetation.
A pl anter at Goshen, Cherokee county, A
in a letter to the Editor says: the frosts of those
mornings killed the cotton, and expresses the
opinion that the crop of that section will not
excer ,d two-thirds of what it was last year.
Knxma Frosts.—The Macoc Journal If
Messenger says.—" There hsve been some
k' Hing hosts since our last issue. The cotton
plant has been very generally killed or so seri
ously injured, -hat the bolls yet remaining
upon the stalk, will not mature. The crop
may now be considered as made, and we have
no doubt that the yield will be even less than
last year. Many planters inform iib that there
is but little cotton left in the fields, the exces
sive drought having prevented the fruit from
maturing for many weeks past. The crop can
not exceed 2 600,000 of bales.”
Frost. —There was a killing frost at this
point on Friday and Saturday nights last, the
■2sth and 26th inst. The weather throughout
the day on Saturday and Sunday was very
•old. — Uonlgomery Journal, Oct. Ztilh.
The population of Rochester by the present
.census, i 536.600. In 1840, it was 20 202 ;in
1845. 25,202. The gain in the last five years
has been 11,338. while the gain of Buffalo
for the same period has been 12,400. The
American affirms that Rochester was never so
prosperous or grew so rapidly, as at the present
time.
The census, it is thought, will show the pop
i ilation of Philadelphia to be about 450,000
i n 1840 it was 258,407. Pittsburgh, withits
s üburbs, has about 80.000 —in 1840 , 40,000.
1 -ancaster, about 16.000 —in 1840, 8417.
I leading, 15,821—in 1840,8410. It is estimated
t hat the entire population of Pennsylvania will
k '6 shown to be not far from 2,300,000, and
t bat of Ohio about 2,200,000.
A Valuable Discovert.—Mr. Hugh Cooke
of London has discovered a valuable process
for dyeing a permanent blaek on wool and
men no fabrics, which Professor Rogers of the
Univt rsity pronounces to be more durable than
the bh ck of the French cloths. If this be so, it
is certs inly a valuable discovery.
The Secretary of the Navy, in the spirit of
liberality which has marked other Departments
of the Government in relation to the same
matter, has consented that the Navy Yard at
New Yorl- (including the requisite storage)
aiiay be used as a place of temporary deposite
and sale keeping for articles intended for the
London Exhibition.
The new steamship Pacific, of Howland &
Aspinwall’s Chagres line, during her recent
trip from New York to New Orleans, made
the run to Havana in four days and twenty
hours. In one day she traversed a distance of
three hundred and sixty miles —the greatest
distance thus far accomplished in twenty four
hours by an ocean steamer. The Pacific of
< lolling’ line has made 666 miles in two days,
and the Atlantic of the same line 323 in one
i lay.
Departure of the Arctic. — The Arctic, Capt.
Luce, the third of the Collins line of New
York and Liverpool steam ships, left New
York at noon on Saturday last, on her first
trip to Liverpool. She has a large list ol
.passengers.
'lhe London Times announces that an ar
raxigement has been entered into between the
Now York Company for the
dm Atlantic and Pac.fic Canal across the .Isth
nms, and parties in England, by which the lat
ter are to become proprietors to the amount of
half in the enterprise. The New York
Comnaoy were represented in this arrange
ment by Messrs. White and VanderbtU—
Shares in the enterprise are to ba offered to the
Britisli public as won as surveys and estimates
are produced satisfactory to lhe government
engineers. This proeess, it is anticipated, will
- occupy some mouths longer.
For ths Chronicle and Sentinel.
LaGrange, Ga., 31st Oct., 1850.
Messrs. Editors :—I have just seen a copy of I
the Augusta Republic of the 24;h inst., which I
contains an editorial in relation to myself that 1
I cannot permit to pass unnoticed. The arti
cle, amongst other misrepresentations, uses he 1
following:
What did Mr. Stephens say, be would do, if the
Clayton Compromise bill was passed by Connreiw?
This is an interesting question. Here it is—here is »
what he said, remember, what he would do in such
nn event. Tbe eentences are strong and decide ;ly
ultra— they are considered dieunionish
sent time: XZ au)
“ And no people, in mv judgment, who
name of freemen, will continue their allegiance
any government which arrays itself not only against |
their property, but against their social and civil or
ganization.”
“ And whenever this government is brought in
hostile array against me and mine, I am fur disunion,
openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution. I speak I
plainly. Gentlemen may call this ‘ treason’ if they i
please. Sir, epithets have no terrors for me. The ,
charge of ‘traitor’ may be whispered in the ears of j
the timid and craven-hearted; it j s the last appeal of
tyrants.”
We think we see him in Congress delivering these
words I His eyes flash the light of southern indigna
tion, at the base thought of leaving the just rights of
the South to be decided upon by the Supreme Court.
We imagine we hear the throbbings of hi* mighty ’
heart, too large for the narrow confines of his body,
as he yells forth his indignation, and pours out bis
bitter denunciations upon those who are thus attegotjJ
ing to defraud his constituents and the South !
ter invective, scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and
supreme contempt, are all manifested in every word,
look and action I What pathos, what earnestness,
what fiery impetuca’ty, what indignant rebuke,
what u ter carelessness of consequences I Never
was anger more feelingly displayed, than in his per
son, as he contemplates the possibility of the question
being left to be decided by the Supreme Court of the
United States!
And yet the same question, Mr. Stephens now ■
believes, will have to be decided by the same Su- ■
preme Court, under the Clay compromise, which has H
just passed both houses of Congress. ||
Is Mr. Stephens now. as he said then he would be M
in such an event, “for disunion—openly, boldly and S
fearlessly for revolution?” Another interesting ques- W
tion—now for the answer to it. J|
Now. I wish to say ihroagh your paper to ■
the public, who may not be informed on the ■
subject, that the above statement is utterly un- fl
true. 1 used no such language as is here at-fl
tributed to me, on the
'I opposed that measure and
my power to its d. fr it, because
render,” it. tny opinion, ••the
South.” 1 stand now by every word a
tence I ever spoke or wrote upon that
sure. It is not true that I ever said I should bel
for disunion if that measure passed.
But I did say in a speech made in the House ■
in August last, when the North- were endea ■
voring to cary out their anti-slavery policy byfl
putting the Wilmot Proviso upon the territo-fl
ries, and were threatening to hold that portionfl
ot New Mexico lying this side the Rio Grande,■
by the military power of the General Govern-fl
meat, “and without authority of law,” againstfl
the legal authority of Texas, that “ whenever"
this (the General Government) is brought infl
hostile array against me and mine, I am fur
union—openly, boldly and fearlessly for reru/ufl
tian. 11 Andon the same occasion I said
“no people, in my judgment, who deserve
name of freemen will continue their allegiancoU
to any Government which arrays itself not on/ufl
against their property, but against their social"
and civil organization. 11 Andi stand by the"
same language now—l re-affirmed it in thafl
presence of the Editor of the Republic, in the"
public discussion in your city. My position"
cannot be mistaken by him, however he may ■
attempt recklessly and without regard to truth I
to misrepresent it to others. That position ■
was clearly and distinctly set forth in a series I
of resolutions submitted by me to a publicfl
meeting in Crawfordville on the 3d day uffl
September last. The 4th and 7th of that series I
of resolutions are as follows:
4ZA. Resolved, That when the people of any of the 3
territories of the Uuited Slates form a constitution |
for a State Uovemment and apply to Congress for i
admission into (be Union as a State, it is a matter of <
discretion for Congress to admit them or not, provi
ded their constitution be of Republican form. Con
gress, by tbe Constitution of the United States, has
the distinct and clear power to admit new States into
the Union. And, while we are opposed to the ad
mission of California as a State for many reasons,
which need not be enumerated here, yet we do not
believe that her admission would be a violation of
the constitution.
7th. Resolved, That the Federal Union was
formed for tbe protection of the lives, (be liberty and
property of those who entered into it, who
should fill their places after them ; that of
the South, at the time of the formation of tbe
tution, held large interest* in property, in slaves,
protect-nn of which, was, in their opinion, amply
guarded in the compact of uniou. And we take
(bis occasion to say, that as long as these guaranties
are faithfully fulfilled, we shall cherish sentiments
of attachment to the Union as tbe government of our
choice ; nor are we disposed to abandon it for any
light or trivial cause. Bat ii is due to the people of the
North to know that if a majority of Congress shall,
by any act in open violation of the plighted faith of
their fathers, bring the powers of the General Gov
ernment, which claims our allegiance, in hostile ar
ray against that property aud those institutions
amongst us which they are bound to prUect. we
shall bold it to be the highest duty which we owe to
ourselves, and those wuo are to come after us, to
look out “new safe-guards for our future security.”
Allegiance and protection are reciprocal, and no gov
ernment is entitled to the allegiance of any
which, by its acts, attempts to puttheir property and
social institutions under public odium and reproba
tion. In asserting these principles, we du not wish
to be understood as intimating an opinion that any
such acts have as yet been perpetrated by the Gene
ral Government as would justify resistance. But
rl I II !■! ,T—
--tavor ot disuuion as a remedy for any existing evils,
and earnestly trust that a better spirit at the North
may open up tbe way of a restoration of harmony
and good feeling between the two sections, yet it is
but right and proper that the world should know
upon what ground we stand. We hold ourselves in
duty bound to maintain the government as long as
it maintains us, but when it becomes our open ene
my by some hostile aet, if that time should ever
come, then we shall be for Revolution and Indepen
dence.
These resolutions distinctly set forth the
position occupied by me then and now, and
upon which, I shall continue to stand upon
these questions. In other resolutions offered
at the same time, I maintained the principle
that it was the duty of Congress to protect the
slave-holder in the Territories. But I did not
then or now think that a failure to give this ex
press protection, was a sufficient cause for
revolution. The grounds upon which 1 was
in favor of resistance was hostile legislation by
Congress. The late acts of Congress contain
nothing hostile or anlagonistical to our interest
—they do not contain the “surrender of our
right” to demand future legislation for our
protection in the Territories if it should be
found necessary, which the Clayton Bill did,
and on account of which “surrender,” I op
posed it. Nor is ittrue, as stated in the Repub
lic, that I said in <uy speech in Augusta ‘ lam
perfectly satisfied with the Compromue—every
Georgian should be—we obtain even more llu..
we asked for." I used no such language in
that speech. On the contrary, I said express
ly that those Bills were not in the nature of a
Compromise at all—that nothing was compro
mised in them—that each measure stood upon
its own merits—mat no principle was conce
ded by the South in them—that as far as they
went, they were directly in the line of my own
>olicy—that they contained nothing aoainst
of the South—that if they had gone
hol<f tB P ur, * ler > declared that the slave-
the te?. b® protected with his slaves in
as I
desired to see them. But that
8o "‘ h h *‘ d * h “ i t , waa
I
that they had a right h .‘> lhe S ° ulh had al ‘ ■
be perfectly satisfied. andoU * h ‘J° ■
slave States, Geergia in tW v fou ' leen . ‘ h „ e ■
dared that Congress had n» a^ e ’
npon the subject; they bad £, .
that no Congressional ezclusioK *L et ”!T d h _
brought to bear against them. An(. ou . Bg
bills they had got more than they asR s tn ®’ e ||S
For the bills contained no restriction or e'® r ‘ ISg
sion, but provided in express terms that wnt ||||
the people, inhabiting the territory, clear np to
the 42d degree of north latitude, formed Sta'e
Constitutions, and applied for admission into Kgs
the Union, they should be admitted either with
or without slavery rs the people might deter-
mine for themselves; which was the great re- r i
publican principle upon whichlhe whole South fc|s
stood in 1820, and which, lor the first time in
the histerv of our Government, bad been re-
cognized as applicable to every foot of
ry belonging to the Government,
previous provision had horn made.
lhe purport of what 1 said co the
Richmond, and to the people
where I have addressed them upon Illis
I did not say that I was “ perfectly . -
with the bills; but I said they contained
thing against my views. Nor did they
der the right of future legislation for our
taction, if it should be found to be necessary,
and the South should change her position on
that subject. I therefore could give them my
•upport, though they did not go as far as I wish
ed. They contained nothing aggressive, and I
was not in favor of a dissolution of the Union, £
because protection was not expressly granted in J
them. The same paper contains several other I
erroneous statements with regard to myself,
which I have not time or inclination to notice.,,-
My object is not to answer or reply to the edi-‘.
torials of the Republic, but simply to advertise
that sheet, from its continued perversions of
truth and fad. as not entitled to credit or belief
by a confiding publ c. J
Alexander H. Stephens.
Meeting In Oglethorpe.
Mr Editor : The proceedings of tbe meet
ing in this county on the 16th of October, as
published in the huge handbills and in the
Republic, need correcting in several instances,
which I propose to do.
Ist. The Secretary reports that Mr. Pratt s
resolutions, were unanimously laid on the ta
ble. This \s false, as every body who attended
the meeting knows, even lhe Secretary, for
after the vote was taken by sound, it was
thought necessary, by some of the supporters
of the resolutions, to call for a division of the|
house, and another vote was taken by thJ
holding up of the right hand.
2nd. He reports that Lumpkin’s resolutions
were unanimously laid under the table. This
is not only in very bad taste, but also false.
Lumpkin’s resolutions were offered ; a motion
was made to lay on the table, as usual; soma
gentleman seconded the motion, when an
individual said : “ Yes, lay them under tbe
table.” Now, npon which question did the
house vote 1 Certainly, a meeting of sensible
men could not have adopted the coarse vulgar
ity of the aforesaid ill-bred individual; i.er
did they, for this individual’s amendment was
treated as be himself is —as of no importance.
Nor was tbe vote unanimous, as every body