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jurisdiction over them, that they sur
rendered this portion of their sover
eignty, and that this assumption now
is usurpation, is conceding too much
to the necessity which dictated those
treaties, and doing violence to the
principles of the government uud the
rights of the States, without benefit
ting in the least degree the Indians.
’ The Indians, thus situated, cannot
he rcgiydcd in any other light than
as members of a foreign Govern
ment, or of that of the State within
whose chartered limits they reside.
If in the former, the ordinary legis
lation of Congress in relation to them
is not warranted by the constitution,
which was established for the benefit
of our own, not of a foreign people:
if in the latter, then, like other citi
zens or people resident within the
limits ol the States, they arc subject
in their jurisdiction and control.—
To maintain a contrary doctrine,
and to require the Executive to en
force it by the employment ol a mili
tary force, would he to place in his
hands a power to make war upon
the rights of the States and the lib
erties of the country —a power which
should ho placed in the hands ol no
iubividuul.
If, indeed, the Indians arc to be
regarded as people possessing rights
which they can exercise independ
ently of the States much error has
arisen in the intercourse of the Go
vernment with them. V\ by is it
that they have been called upon to
assist in our wars, without the privi
lege of exercising their own discrc
ti -nr If an independent people, they
should as such be consulted and ad
vised wdh; hut they have not been.
In tin order which was,issued to me
from the War Department, in Sep
tember, 1814, this language is em
ployed: “All the ti'eiuily Indians
should be organized and prepared to
co-operate with your other forces.
There appears to he some dissatis
faction among the Choctaws; their
.friendship and services should tic se
cured without delay. The friendly
Indians must be fed and paid, and
made to light when and where their
services may he required .” To an in
dependent and foreign people, this
yvnuld seem to be assuming, I .should
suppose, rather too lofty a tone, one
which the Government would not
have assumed if they had considered
them in that light. Again: by the
constitution, the power of declaring
war belongs exclusively to Congress.
Wo have been often engaged in war
with the Indian tribes within our
limits; hut when have these hostili
ties been preceded or accompanied
by an act of Congress declaring war
against the tribe which was the ob
ject of them? And was the prosecu
tion of such hostilities an usurpation,
in each case, by the Executive which
conducted them, of the constitutional
power.f Congress? It must have
been so, I apprehend, if these tribes
are to he considered as foreign and
independent nations.
The steps taken to prevent intru-.
aion upon Indian lands had their ori
gin with the commencement of our
Government, and became the subject
ol special legislation in 1820, with
the reservations which have been
mentioned in favor of jurisdiction of
the States. V\ ilh the exception of
South Carolina, who has uniformly
regulated the Indians within her li
mits without ‘.he aid of the General
Government, they have been left
within all the States of the South
without being understood to affect
their rights or prevent the exercise
of t heir jurisdiction, whenever they
we. o in a situation to assume and en
force it. Georgia, though material
ly concerned, lias, on this principle,
forebore to spread her legislation
further than the settlements of her
own citizens, until she has recently
perceived within her limits a people
claiming to he capable of self-gov
ernment, sitting in legislative coun
cil, organizing courts, and adminis
tering justice. Todisarm such ano
malous invasion of her sovereignty,
sin- bad declared her determination
to execute her own laws throughout
her limits; a step which seems to
have boon anticipated by the proela
r* •• tioti of 1783, und. w bich is perfect
ly consistent with the linh section of
the bet of 1802. According to the
language and reason of that section
the liii.es to the South and south
vu 1 i ;*i e not only “surrouailed by set
tlements of the ciuzensof the United
> f t ! .-i^TTTi.Hi
, ff the imli-
They became so I
from the moment the laws of the i
State wore extended over thcni,tfrid
the same result follows the similar
determination of Alabama and Mis
sissippi. These states have, each a
right to claim in behalf of their posi- |
tion now, on this question, the same !
respect which is conceded to the o
ther States of the Union.
Towards this race of people, I en
tertain the kindest feelings, and am
not sensible that the views which l
have taken of their true intetest. are
less favorable to them than tiiose
which oppose their emigration to the
west.—Years since I stated to them
my belief that if the States choose to
| extend their laws over them it would
j not he in the power of the Federal
| Government to prevent it. My opi- 1
Inion remains the same : and 1 can
j see no alternative for them hut that
j ol their removal to the west or a qui
et submission to tho State laws. If
they prefer to remove, the U. States
agreed tr defray their expenses, to
supply them with all tho menus ol
transportation and a year’s support
after they reach their new homes—a
| provision too liberal and kind to de-;
serve the stamp of injustice. Either
course promises them peace and hap
piness, whilst tin obstinate persever
ance in the effort to maintain their
possessions independent of the State
authority, cannot fail to render their
condition st ill more helplcs. and mis
erable. Such an effort ought there
fore, to he discountenanced by all ,
who sincerely sympathise in the for- j
tunes ol’tliis peculiar people, and es- j
pecialiy the political bodies of I he U- ‘
nion, as calculated to disturb the bar-;
mony of the two governments, and
to endanger the safety of the many
blessings which they enable us to
enjoy.
As connected with the subject of
this inquiry, I beg leave to refer to
the Secratary of W ur, enclosing the
order which proceeded from that De
partment, and a letter from tho Go
vernor of Georgia,
ANDREW JACKSON.
w*
Nun Voiik, Apiui. 2—2 O ci.ock
U 7 o strip llie pem to aiii.ouuce the arrival of
the packet ship fiance, pom Havre, tv floor e she
saifeii llie 13th of February,
ll'c have our files to the I Ilh; A Havre paper
ol that il.ite says, that a telegraph communication
has been made at Lyons, that a serious UEVO
LUIION HAD BROKEN OUT LN II ALV ; that
ltoggio, Bologna, and Modena, hud been over,
thrown, ami dial the Duke of Modena had been
killed.
T he Captain of iW packet, who arrived at Hu
vre two days alter (he date of our papers, says
Ihe news was confirmed previous to his departure.
The Deputies ofthe fttgmn Confuse, had had
.1 solemn audience w ith Louis Ffijlip, and read n,
him the proceedings ol the Nation,d Congress ul
lering the Crown of Belgium lo the Duke de N.:-
moiirs. Ihe answer was, il i* suid, it refusal, ac
companied, limitvei, with very llaiteiing excu
ses. Anew arrangement, liy hi liicii tile t’lince
Charles of Naples should nreive tins crown is
spoken of, iu which case he would inarrt the
Princess Mary, daughter of Louis Philip. “ This
Prince is a nephew of the King of the French.
Pi.'Lanp.—The Polish Dior have issued a lono*
answer to the proclamation <d General Couiil LV
ehitsch, which is a spirited document, and'wliich
concludes as follows: ‘-The Polish nation, unit
ed in its Did, declares, that for Ihe future it
constiliites an independent people, w liich has the
tight to confer the Polish, crown upon hint whom
it shall judge capable of observing faithfully (he
principles which he shall have sworn 10, and of
preserving untouched the National Liberties.”
1 he declaration was signed unanimously by the
members of the Diet.
The Polish Diet, by a vole of 83 lo 13, had
placed.(he Executive Power in a Commission ol
h ive Members, composed of Adam Cza.turuiuki
President; Vincent Menjowski , Thomas Jllurnu
, ’ s:an - Bmsykotvski, unit Soackhim LeUwel
Ike A’cui Poland newspaper complains that one
only Os these had a ]>art in die late Revolution.
The intelligence from Vienna is, that every
thing iu that capital is on the footing of war es
pecially against Poland,which is threatened with
invasion at once from Russia, Austria, and Pnis
“?• T ince Met tern ieh is in close connexion
with the Duke of Mouthed, who, however is
watched closely by Marshal Muiaoii. ’
On the other hand, the news from Constanti
nople by tho. way of Naples is, that the Grand
link means to take advantage of tho embarrass
nients of the liussiyns to withdraw from comply
ing with the late treaty. The greater part of the j
Pachas ot Asia are ordered to be ready for ser- 1
V i! Ce r| l - 1 1C greatest activity prevails ini
.n ’ ,IV ln ’ hav.Jieen sent on missions to j
Albania, Servia, and Bosnia; finally the Sultan I
tl is said, is endeavoring to induce tho Persians ‘
to act, so as (ogive employment to the Russians i
on that frontier.
Cardinal Capellarihad been elected I’opc. j
JTlic Philadelphia Chronicle, says ■
that tlit Penacock Indians, who,
were a formidable tribe in that vicin-j
ity, used to predict the weather from I
the movement of the morning fo.r {
which usually passedoff in the'diree
tion towards the sea or towards tliei
mountains. “If (said they) the foil
goes a fishing, we shall have fuM
weather, but if it goes a huutittf|
look fora storm.” This saying is j
not uncommon among the
of the present day.
WASHINGTON, APRIL 16. 1831.
Frost. —On th<* night of Monday lasi a severe
Irost prostrated every veritable in our gardens,
subject to injury by a freeze ; and those of our
planters who took time rather sootrtjby the fore
lock, and whose cotton had come up, find them
selves upon a footing with their neighbors. All
the codon that was up has been cut down, how-
I ever enough may yet remain in the ground, to
produce a sufficient stand, without re-planting.
! Snow iu April.—\\ e are informed by a gentle
'man from liabershnm county iu this State that
snow fell on the night ol ihe Bth instant sufficient
j to cover the ground,—that the next morning the
j whole country was clothed in the habiliments of
winter.
( To Cor respond tills.—The lines over the signa
ture of IV. purporting to have been occasioned
by (lie death kA’ a lady in this place, cannot ap
pear. They nre not mginal, and by no means
i apply to the fhets connected with the life and
j death of the individual alluded to. She never
v we,u on a mission “o'er t/ic mighty wave,” nor
j has she ever given the “Heathen Mauls” a cause
; to “ rc/ir.urse ” hot “memory” to “their babes” for
having taught the virtues of “Jesus power to save”
sinners; nor did she die in a Heathen land as
would appear from the effusion. We recommend
U.to be more particular in making selectioni for
the future, or he will not succeed in. passing them
olfas original. The lines, although declared to
be “on \ht death oj a f Washington”
t\ krk sot written iui that occasion. Tltcv ap
j P ! > h> ii female who has left ihe comforts of a
i home, for the purpose ofteachiog the Heathen
I ,!le merits of a crueifyed Saviour,—in the prose
i culion of which, she fell a sacrifice in a foreinn
tam K
| i nil JVuy i;. inadmissible—he is too personal,
and indecorous.
We copy flic following from the
Journal printed in Miiledgevillcr
To the Editors of the Journal.
Gentlemen: —ll yon do not con
ceive the insertion, of a few remarks
; a trespass Upon your liberality, or an
j exclusion ot more wieglitv mutter,
| you will confer a singular “favour by
1 publishing these.
| 1 have noticed that three promin
: cut topics seem to engross our politi
cal circles—the popularity of the
present executive; the policy of his
| administration; and the aim of the
! Clnrh-moa! As incidentally affect
ing the first of this trio, some little
noise has been created about new
, candidates, and a call made for a
j ncw order of things no less destitute
|of an influential source than good
r as< ns to support their appeals.
It cannot he otherwise than ex
l trcmely mortifying to the most dc
; proved heart—doubly so to a sensi
tive and honest mind, that nets, no
matter ot what relative importance,
I should receive condom rial ion before
their consequences had been nsscr
jtained. This, will apply to the aa-f
sertion that Gov. Gilnjer has lost po-1
pulafit.y since his inauguration. Nor
i Wishing for the sake of argument,
to discredit such hypothesis, it will
j suffice my purpose to enquire where
j in aud to what extent his Excellen
cy’s public reputation bus been in
jured. No one is pursuaded that
now as heretofore he would receive
the majority oft lie Clark votes—nor
will our better judgments suffer so
delusive an idea to prevail, that were
he opposed by one ofliis own party, it
would not be by ono more popular
thanJoeipiawford,Esq. The friends
of Mr. Gilmer themselves will not de
ny that his present standing with the
Clark-mcn, compared with their ap
parent friendship for him in 182!), is
something worse for wear! And
j “'by f \Vas not such a change
\ have been expected? Could any ra
tional politician have anticipated con
: R ‘ anc y *' their preference, unless Mr.
Gilmer bad at once sacrificed all priori
| obligation and betrayed
postate from principles? The leaders ‘■
of that party did not intend other-’
I wise ; and as such their 1 influence in
‘■i- circiMn was a mere adventitious’
- o tiie scale of his oudo- !
i larily uDimportant to his success and
• endcrod spurious by their ‘items of
1 , , r,v v ’ ,les is being withdrawn to
4 ° gtooler interest in another
2“ j ‘T JR't a proper discriminu
fon ie drawn between his real po
pu amy ns it stooil auteriur to Iris
executive elevation, anil that which
ioVT - itl , Mtu,ris stripped of all hol
he uo fear ofa proper answer to this!
rpiesl ion.
Dot it may be observed, that the!
course which his Excellency has pur
sued in relation to our Cheiokee
lands, is one deservedly unpopular
and will, no doubt, make against his
future success. To such a grave ar
gument there can he made but one i
delicate response. If, after the
whole matter has terminated, the po
licy of Mr. Gilmer does not accord
with his means and the true interest
of Georgia, then, it may be proper to
decry his administration—and per
haps date the decline of his populari
ty. Until that time shall have arriv
ed, however, justice to his Excellen
cy, respect for his ‘friends, aud the
success oi ‘the all engrossing cause,’
should admonish us against prema
ture opposition; much „less the at
tempt to thwart the effects of his po
licy by a yelping cry of ‘lost popttla
rity.’ Who among us, is so gifted
as to foresee the destitute nature of
these measures which are now in
progress? Who will say this course
will fail—that would have availed ?
Surely his Excellency docs not stand
alone either in ‘principles or men ;’
! and it modesty, aided by the dictates
of an impartial justice, can furnish
no restraint to the restlessness of a
varicc, or the cavils of disaffected de
magogues, common sense should
teach, that it is weakening to any ad
ministration and disastrous to, any
measure, to withdraw confidence iu
tiie one, or discredit to the fitness ol
the other, before time shall have
proven, or results manifested, their
inefficiency.
Having made some allusion to
new candidates, it may not he amiss
to pursue this topic somewhat fur
ther—with the hope that a definite
course will speedily be agreed upon.
Gol. Troup has been warmly re
commended and solicited, to assume
again the holm of our State; und ru
mour has declared Mr. Gilmer, to
be uiisolicitQtis for re-election.
There ar9 reasons which cannot be
unknown to the friends of both of
| these distinguished officers, that for
| bid the bringing forward of Go. T.
| at tins time, or crediting in tiie least
the fabricated statement of Mr. Gil
j mer s indifference for rc-clection,
; No one will believe who kite's this
latter gentlemen, that lie has ever
ret used serv ice to Ins State whenev
!ot such was demanded. Will his
friends or those ot his party say, that
lie caii be dismissed now and his
place supplied without serious injury?
Nay, superudded to this', will it not
he presumed that his Excellency is
I ambitious to that policy
| which he set on fnoRTBt only to se
cure the interest of his follow citizens,
but to justify his own views? My
proposition then is'to retain Mr. Gil
mer in the Executive—to discard all
intention ot withdrawing Gol. Troup
\froin the Senate; and give to the
/man whose administration has ad-
I vaitced our Indian controversy to its
; present, stage, simply the opportunity
I of vindicating his policy by prsoceut
ing the same with his own hands.
| Nor should the report that Thomas
i Haynes, Esq. has peremptorily refus
ed to ‘come down’ to secure even
Col. Troup’s election, prejudice or
stay onr correct judgments. 1 know
not whence Mr. flaynes derives his
evidences of success—but if it be true
as I have heard that he is ‘up upon
tho bottom ot Clat k-riien’s-promises,
perhaps he would do well by learn
ing ’ere it be too lute that such poli
tical Huggerniuggcry, \vULuot make
sure even Mr. Speaker Hull’s seat,—
and the holder oLihe - Zion pr
per, is charafljl hereby with the
ptompt excunrfon of his lesson.
JR BALDWIN.
■;£>
from ihe Glolc.
AIR. HAMILTON'S LETTER TO MR. FOR-
It will he remembered that Mr.
; Ga.houn, through the Telegraph,
j called for the letters of Mr. Hamil
ton to Mr. Forsyth and Mr. Lewis,
j the reply of the latter to Mr. Hti
l™on - These letters, the friends
of Mr. Calhoun insinuated, would dis
close the motives which induced the
application to Mr. Crawford and Mi.
Calhoun in relation to the course of
Mr. Monroe’s cabinet upon tho sub
ject of the Seminole campaign. In
these private and confidential letters,
we were assured the conspiracy a
gainst Mr. Calhoun would be found
m embryo, and therefore tt was in
sisted that the original Utters should
be forthcoming to undergo the scru
itnyoftheYice President. Mr.Fur
y * just publisljed Mr. Hamil
ton's letter to luiii. \v# . • j
> L hut c solici
ted, ami havfe uhut hi otlr posstssiou,
the original, letters which passed be*-
tween Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Lewis,
which have been referred to. ’They
are at the service of Mr. Calhoun.
The lree remarks made on the men .
and matters which formed the topics
oi the day when the letters were writ>
ten, forbid that this private and fa- •
miliar correspondence should ho laid
before the public; but we hold it sub
ject to the inspection of Mr. Calhoun,
or any in in whose standing will au
thorize the belief that he will not
give publicity to such portion of it as
does not belong to the discussion
which Mr. Calhoun has brought be
fore the public. Every thing con
tained in these letters, having the
slightest reference to Mr. Calhoun,
contributes to shew that Col. Hamil
ton and Major Lewi'!, sofarjfrom en
tertaining designs against I im, con
fided in him. —The only conspiracy
which these gentlemen were engag
ed in, touching Mr Calhoun, was
the conspiracy to make him Vice Pre
sident. Various overtures were
made aboutjgthis period, not only by
Mr. Crawford in the South, but by
powerful men in the Noith, to bring
forward a candidate in connexion
wita Gen. Jackson to supplant 3lr.
Calhoun for the Vice Presidency.
IV e have decisive written proof from
a gentleman who is called up by Mr.
Calhoun in his publication, as a wit
ness in this matter, showing conclu
sively, that Gen. Jackson frowned
upon every proposal to supplant Mr.
Calhoun as Vice President.’ In this
favorable disposition towards Mr.
Calhoun, every friend of the Presi
dent, whom the Vice President now
accuses of being then engaged in
j plotting his “political 1 1 is true tion ,”
ardently concurred. They united
in the fall of 1828, in repressing air.
Ci aw lord's efforts to bring out oppo
sition in the Republican ranks a
gainst Mr. Calhoun—and Mr. Van
Ilmen anrl Mr. Cnmbreleng Mr.
Hamilton and Mr. Lewis, all conspi
red at our polls to make Mr. Cal
houn the second officer in the govern
ment.; arid in the event of the Heath
of the President, the first. Yet Mr.
Calhoun boldly denounces these men
as being engaged at that moment j n
plotting his ‘political destruction,”
It is a weighty acrusitioii— may wc
Hot ask for the proof? The prii :ie
correspondence called for by Mr.
Calhoun is open to him. It opens
the bosoms of those against whom he
has brought his charges. We bring
together in one view, every thing
contained in the private le ter? cull
ed for by Mr. Calhoun which-has n
ny relation to the matter. That, he
may assure himself of their genuine
ness, and be .convinced that hotfcii-a
which ought to be published is sup
pressed, is our motive for tendering
to him an inspection of the original*
They will be shewn to any friend i n
whose hands ice may deem a confident
ttal correspondence safe, and to whom
he may bewillingto confide the trust
“Savannah, Jan. 29 1828.
“ Dear Sir : —lt was my intention
when I left New Orleans to have ta
ken time to visit our illustrious friend
Wm. 11. Crawford, bat the uelavs
of my journey to Milledgevelle, con
sumed so much of my time as to ren
der it impossible for me to do so.
“Whenever you meet hint do tne
the favor to inform him of my inten
tion, as I cun with difficulty excuse ,
myself for the omission to Jo so. *T
wish you would ascertain from him
and communicate tu^Kl,ether the
propriety or arresting
and trying Gen. Jackspn was ever
presented as a question for the deli
beration oFMr. Monroe’s cabinet. I
understand Mr. Southard, m his sup
pressing correspondence ; has assert
cd that to have been the fact.
“I would have written directly to
Mr. Crawford, but you know how
much delicacy and difficulty there is
m making such communications j„
writing. I want the information not
to be used, but in order that J mnv
m the event of a publication which
come from a higher quarter, know
where toloojr for information on this
subject. Os course nothing would
be published without the consent of
iUi. Crawford and yourself.
“I have the honor to he, u if 1, great
taspect, your obedient servant.
A • HAMILTON.
His Excellency John Forsyth,
A*ov, ot Georgia.”
■| ulO <u ’ uccatiso he was seventy
mile? out of my way. But the V. p.
” 10 ’ i ou know, was that member of
