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D. €l. COTTING, Editor.
No. 3.—NEW SERIES.]
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THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FORWARD TIIE
NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE :
Wm. If. Nelms, Elber- O. A. Luckett, Crawford
ton, ville,
If. F. Tatum, Lincoln- TP. Davenport, Lexing
. ton-, ton,
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shen, Lincoln, Wilkinson,
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J. T. Jp Cl. 11. IVooten, Abbeville District,
Mallorysville, South Carolina.
V v.
ANTI-VAN BUREN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT :
WILLIAM H. HARRISON.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT :
JOHN TYLER.
Old Wilkes *Mnti-l*an Horen
domination.
[Election on the Fifth of October.]
FOR SENATOR.
WILLIAM Q. ANDERSON.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES :
ROBERT A. TOOMBS.
JAMES N. WINGFIELD.
JOHN T. WOOTEN.
For Congress.
R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham,
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene,
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup,
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb,
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter,
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn,
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson,
JAMES A. MERRI WETHER, of Putnam,
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
[F®i& ILHOTOKSjj
[Of President and Vice President.')
ELECTION ON THE SECOND OF NOVEMBER.
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
Gen. DUNCAN L CLINCH, of Camden,
Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee,
Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock,
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark,
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin,
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass,
Gen. W. W. EZZARD, of De Kullt,
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb,
J OS-IN WHITEHEAD, of Rurke,
Gbn. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
POLITICAL.
- ■ ■■■■■ -■■■■■
“ General Harrison has done more for his
Country, with less compensation lor it, than
any man living.” , President Madison.
“ 1 profess to be somewhat acquainted with
the history tis General Harrison’s political,
military, and private life. I am his neighbor,
and live in his county. As to his private life,
I know of no stain that for a moment sullies
him.” Dr. Duncan, of Ohio.
Colonel Richard M. Johnson, now Vice Pre
sident of the United States, said, in Congress :
“ Who is General Harrison ? The son of one
of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen
dence, who spent the greater part of his large
fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave,
of his 1 fortune, life, and sacred honor,’ to se
.cure the liberties of his country.
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) SEPTEMBER 17, ISI.L
| “Os the career of General Harrison, ! need
not speak; the his’ory of the West is Ivs Itis
’ tory. For forty years ho has been identified
1 with its interests, its perils, and its hopes.
Universally beloved iu the walks of peace,
and distinguished by his ability iu the coun
cils of his country, he has been yet more
illustriously distinguished in the field. Dur
ing the late war, lie was longer in actual
service than any other General Officer; lm
was, perhaps, oftenor in action than any one
of them, and never sustained a defeat.”
Colonel R. M. Johnson to General Harrison,
July 4, 1818, says ;
“ We did not want to serve under cowards -
or traitors; but, under one [Harrison] who had
proved himselflo bewise, prudent, and brave.”
“ Resolved, by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the Stute of Kentucky ,
That, in the late campaign against the Indians
upon the Wabash, Governor William Henry
Harrison has behaved like a hero, a patriot,
and a general ; and that for his cool, delibe
rate, skillful, ami gallant conduct in the battle ;
of Tippecanoe, he -well deserves Die warmest
thanks of his country and his nation.”
Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 7, ISI'J.
On the night before the final question on the
Missouri restriction was taken, General Har
rison was warned by one of his associates, that
if he voted against the restriction, he would
ruin his popularity at the North; he fearlessly
replied:
“ I have often risked my life in defence of
my country —1 will now risk my political po
pularity in defence of the union.”
Ina speech at Cheviot, Ohio, on the Ith of July,
18411, General Harrison made use of the follow
ing language :
“ There is, however, a subject now beginning
to alarm them, in relation to which, if their alarm
has any foundation, the relative situation in
‘which they may stand to some of the States, will
be the very reverse to what it now is. I allude to ;
a supposed disposition in some individuals in the ;
non-slaveholding S ates, to interfere with the 1
slave population cf the other States, for the pur
pose of it rcing their emancipation. * * * *
If there is any principle of the Constitution !
of the United States less disputable than any j
other, it is, that, the slave population is under the j
exclusive control of the States which possess
them. * * * * What must he the conse- ;
quence of an acknowledged violation of these
rights, (for every man of sense must admit it to
be so,) conjoined with an insulting interference
with their domestic concerns ? * * * *
Is there a man vain enough to go to the land
of Madison, of Macon, and of Crawford, and tell
them that they either do not understand the
principles of the moral and political rights of man;
or that, understanding, they disregard them]
Can they address an argument to the interest or
fears of the enlightened population of the slave
States, that lias not occurred to themselves a
thousand and a thousand times ! To whom, then,
are fhdy to address themselves but to the slaves 1
And what can be said to them, that will not lead
to an indiscriminate slaughter of every age and
sex, and ultimately to their own destruction!
! Should there ho an incarnate devil who has ima
gined with approbation, such a catastrophe to his
tellow-citizens as I have described, let him look
to those for whose benefit he would produce it. *
* * l will not stop to inquire into the motives of
those who are engaged in this fatal and unconsti
tutional project. There may be some who have
embarked in it without properly considering its
consequences, and Who are actuated by benevol
ent and virtuous principles. But, if such there
aie, 1 am very certain that, should they continue
their present course, their fellow-citizens will,
ere long, 4 curse the virtues which have undone
their country.* * * * * * * * * * i
If I am correct in the principles here ad
vanced, 1 support my assertion, that the discus
sion on the subject of emancipation iu the non
slaveholding Slates, is equally injurious to tho
slaves and their muster;', and that it has no sanc
tion in the principles of the Constitution.”
On the subject of selling white men for
debt, General Harrison says, in a letter to Mr.
Pleasants;
“ So far from being willing to sell men for
debts, which they urb unable to discharge, 1
] am, and ever have been, opposed to all impri
sonment for debt.”
In a letter, on the same subject, to the Editor
of tlie Cincinnati Advertiser, he says:
“ Far from advocating the abominable prin
, ciples attributed to me by your correspondent,
1 think that imprisonment for debt, under any
circumstance hut those where fraud is alleged,
is at wat with the best principles of our Con
stitution, and ought to be abolished.”
In a letter to the Hon. Sherrod Williams,
dated “ North Bend, May 1, 1830,” General
Harrison says:
“ I have before me a newspapor, in which I
am designated by its distinguished editor,
‘ the hank and federal candidate.’ 1 think it
would puzzle the writer to adduce any act of j
my life which warrants him m identifying me .
with the interests of the lirst, or tlie politics of
the latter.”
j In a speech, delivered at Vincennes, Indiana,
(when General Harrison was before the people
as a candidate for the Presidency,) speaking of
the abolitionists, he says:
“ I have now, fellow-citizens, a few words
more to say on another subject, and which is, in
j my opinion, of more importance than any other
| that is now in the course of discussion in any
I part of the Union. I allude to the societies
which have been formed, and the movements of
certain individuals, in some of die States, in rela
tion to a portion of the population in others. The
conduct of those persons is the most dangerous,
because their object is masked under the garb of
disinterestedness and benevolence ; and their
course vindicated bv arguments and propositions
which in the abstract no one can deny. But,
however fascinating may be die dress with which
their schemes are presented to their follow
citizens, with whatever purity of intention they
may have been formed and sustained, they will
be found to carry in their train mischief to the
whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it
which it is probable some of the projectors, and
many of their supporters, have never thought of;
the latter, the first in the series of evils which are
to spring from this source, are such as you have
read of to have been perpetrated on the fair plains
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
1 o( Italy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of
I Ati’.la and Alaric ; and such as most of you ap
; pWhended upon that memorable night, when the
j tomahawks and war-clubs of the followers of Te
cumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard
I not the disavowals of any such intentions upon
j d,e part ol the authors of these schemes, since,
I upon the examination of the publications which
I halve been made, they will be found to contain
| every fact and every argument which would have
; been used :t such hid been their objects. lam
j certain that there is pot in this assembly one of
those deluded men, and there are few within tho
| bounds of the Etate. If there are any, 1 would
: earnestly,entreat them to forbear, to pause in their
i career, and deliberately consider the conse-
I quences ol their conduct to the whole Union—to
I the State.-- more immediately interested, and to
i those for whose benefit they profess to act. That j
| the latter will be the victuus of the weak, injudi- j
| eious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts
| to servo them, a thorough examination of the sub
ject must convince them. The struggle (and
j struggle there must be) may commence with
I horrors such as l have described, but it will end |
J with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the
j utter extirpation of those whose cause they ad-
I vacate. Am 1 wrong, fellow-citizens, in apply
i ing the terms weak, presumptuous, and tmeon
! s'itutional, to the measures of the emancipators ]
| A slight examination will, I think, show that 1 am
I not ” ■ .
General Win. 11. Harrison says:
“ In all ages, and in all countries, it has
boon observed, that, the cultivators of the soil
are those who are the least willing to part
with their lights, and submit them to tiie will
of a nias’er.”
A SHORT i I AFTER.
VAN lIUiEN LEADERS VS. THE SUB-TREASURY.
These treasurers, all appointed by the
President, and removable by his will, with
all the public monies in their actual posses
sion ; in their pockets, desks, and vaults. —
j Globe.
j The proposition is disorganizing and re- ‘
j volutionary — subversive of tire fundamental
! principles of our Government, and its entire
practice from 1780 down to this dav.—
Globe.
lie [thejPresidcnt] has never claimed that
j it should be in the actual keeping Os Execu-
I tive officers.- — Globe.
Instead of suffering the President to ap
j point one treasurer, ho would have him ap
point as many as should be convenient.— j
Globe.
If he had suggested such a system, what
peals of patriotic indignation would have
burst from eloquent Senators against the
usurper and tyrant, who desired to get the
millions of the Treasury into the very hands
of his partisans and parasites— -Globe.
Snell a treasure would doubtless be em
ployed at. some time, as it has been in all
other countries, when opportunity tempted
ambition.— Genera/ Jackson.
Who call for this measure, and who are
to be benefitted by its adoption l The ene
mies of our State banks ; the enemies of a
well-regulated credit system ; the lovelier ;
the money lender ; the recipients of fixed
salaries, and permanent incomes.— Albany
Argus.
To retain it in the Treasury unemployed
in any way, is impracticable. —General
Jackson.
It cannot succeed. — Ritchie.
From the Macon Messenger.
MR. VAN BUREN’S LETTER ON |
THE ARMY BILL.
A few weeks since the Van Buren jour- j
nals commenced defending the Standing
Army Bill—apparently seeming to believe
that their candidate was so identified with
it that they could not extricate him. They
have now changed their note. They did
not understand their man. Van has found
a mouse-hole and is out of the box ! Lie
j got his faithful and pliant Secretary, Poin
sett, to say he committed the blunder; ;
and master didn’t know nothing at all
about it. It was he that recommended a
most oppressive and unconstitutional rnea- j
sure for the sanction of’ Congress. In a
moment the Van Buren editors pricked up
their ears, took up their pens, and wrote j
down the Army Bill as unconstitutional
and inexpedient. Van came out with a
letter and said that it was as strange a
thing as if he had recommended a “mena
gerie of 200,000 wild beasts” at the public
expense. Tim Secretary submits as meek
ly as a whipped spaniel to his master’s
dictations, and honest Amos comes out, in
his Extra, and tells the People that “the
: Democracy is proud of such a representa
; live as Mr. Buren !”
This most unfortunate Army Bill has
! been a complete fire-brand in the ranks of
the Administration. It has created such
discomfiture that the ingenuity of the en
tire party has been taxed to obviate or cure
the evil that it has produced. It was, at!
first, pronounced to boa “Whig lie”—it 1
was then attempted to be explained awav ;
at last, the source and origin of the whole j
scheme, tho President himself, has been j
dragged before the public, made to purge
himself, and swear it all off, nolens vo- j
lens.
It is worth while to review the course !
that has been pursued by different presses
in relation to this Bill, as their influence
or insignificance gave them opportunities
of obtaining the proper cue: An Alabama
paper, lor instance, gave it the most un
qualified praise, arid openly declared that
the Standing Army Bill would, of its own
intrinsic merits, elect their loco foco Can
didate. The Telegraph, of this city, a
short time since, spoke of it approvingly,
and gave it a decided preference over our
own Militia system. These papers were
either too premature, or they had been
passed over at Head Quarters; certain it
I is, they had not received the proper
j cue.
Tho Macon Telegraph, although it pub
lished the Bill, which very few Adininix
i tration presses dared to do, and approved
of its provisions, issued an Extra last week
J containing'a letter of Mr. Van Buren, in
j which he unequivocally denies any knowl
edge of this most notorious Army Bill ?
l’he conclusions to which every one must
arrive, who roads this letter and tho Re
port ol Mr. Poinsett, with their conflicting
statements, must he mortifying to ever’
1 one disposed to yield a due respect to llie
official station occupied for the time by the
j Chief Magistrate of this great country.
From this most strange letter we give
! the following extract. This extract com
prises a distinct and substantive paragraph
i —the whole of which wo give :
“Mr. Poinsett’s uncontroverted account
j of the origin and progress of his plan is be
fore you. He shows, that it grew out of
a request ofhiin by tho Committee on the
Militia of the House of Representatives, at
j the close of the session before the last, in!
j contemplation of a possible collision be- i
tween this country and Great Britain, and
that it was matured and drawn forth under j
a call made upon him bv tho House at the I
last session.—Some surprise has been ex
pressed, and doubts appear even to he en
| tertained of the correctness of his declara-j
* tion, that the plan was not seen by nte, or |
submitted to my consideration, before it
j was communicated to Congress. Thus- 1
J who take this view of the subject, entirely j
! overlook the fact, that such is almost inva
{ riably the case on all similar occasions ;
j and that in replying to calls made upon
. them by either branch of the Legislature,
| the heads of Departments act for Con- j
; grass, and not for the President, except j
j only where his acts are brought in ques
} tion. Phe impracticability of pursuing a
different course, if even it were otherwise
desirable, will be appreciated, when it is
; considered how very numerous these calls
have recently been, amounting, as they
have done, to two hundred and twenty at
! a single session, independently of those j
| made on the President himself, and of let
tors from committees, requiring great re
| search, and the preparation of voluminous
! documents. Unfair as these animadver
sions are thus shown to be, this has nut
been even the worst aspect in which they
have been presented. We have been com
pelled to see, not, l should think, without
shame and mortification, on the part of ev
ery ingenious mind, whatever may be his
political preferences, the names of respect
able citizens subscribed to statements, that
1 had in my annual message, expressed
my approbation of a plan, which not only
never had been Submitted to me, but was j
not even matured until more than three
months after the message was sent to Con
gress; and an attempt to prove the unfoun
ded assumption, by the publication of a
i garbled extract from that document, with j
j its true meaning falsified by the suppres- I
ston of a material part. Nor was the a- *
vowed object of these extraordinary pro- J
ceedings less remarkable than tho acts
j themselves, being nothing less than an at- j
| tempt to fix upon me the design of estab- j
j lishing a standing army of two hundred j
I thousand men, for political and personal j
j purposes. If I had been charged with tho
design of establishing among you, at the
! public expense a menagerie of hco hundred
thousand wild beasts, it would not have sur
prised me more, nor would it, in my judg
j incut, have been one jot more preposte
rous.”
In Mr. Van Btiren’s Message, dolivor
l ed to Congress on the second day of De
; cember, 184 b, he uses the following lan
;guage:
“The present condition of the defences
I of our principal seaports and navy yards, |
1 as represented by the accompanying report
I of the Secretary of War, calls for the earlv !
j and serious attention of Congress ; ami as
| connecting itself intimately with this sub- |
ject, I cannot recommend too strong!y to
ypur consideration the plan submitted by j
that officer for the organization of the mi
litia of the United States.”
Mark the phraseology ! “The plan sub
mitted by that officer for the organization
of the Militia of the United States.” Now,
if words mean any thing, was not a draft,
an outline, a plot, a report, or a plan pre
sented, or submitted to Congress at the same .
time, and “accompanying” that Message,
which was sent to the two houses ? And
does any one, in his sober senses, suppose
for a moment that Mr. Van Buren, in the
discharge of his high functions as Presi
dent of the United States, would have said
that he could not “recommend too strorig
! ly” a plan for the organization of the Mi-
I litia which he has never seen’? Vet. Mr.
Van Buren says in his letter, dated the
12th of June, 1840, that this plan had ne
ver been submitted to him, although in his
Message, on the 2d of December, 1849,
he says, “I cannot too strongly recom
mend to your consideration the plan sub.
milted by that officer for the organization
of tho Militia of the United States.” Here
is a most glaring variance, not between
Mr. Van Buren and a third person, but
between Mr. Van Buren, President of the
United States, and Mr. Van Buren, the
writer of an electioneering letter.
Again; Mr. Poinsett, in his Report, da
ted the 30th of November, 1839—two
days before the date of the Message—uses
the following language: (Public Docu
ments, page 43.)
“It is proposed to divide the U. States
into eight military districts, and to organ
-1 ....won Van Burenism pre,,,,.
i/.c the militia in each district so as to
have a Ixxlv of twelve thousand five hun
dred men inactive service; and another
1 ‘it equal number as a reserve. This would
! give ail armed militia force of two hun
dred thousand men, so drilled and station
i ed, as to be ready to take their places in
• I lie ranks in defence of their c uiifrv.
i whenever called upon to oppose the enemy
or repel the invader. The age of the re
cruit to he from twenty to thirty-seven.—
l he whole term ol service to be eight vears;
four years in the first class, and four in the
! reserve. One fourth part, 25,000 nu n, to
j leave the service every year, passing, at
i the conclusion of the’ first term, into th
reserve, and exempt, and from ordinary du
ty altogether, at the end of the second.—
In this manner, twenty-five thousand men i
will be discharged from the militia duly 1
every year, and twenty-five thousand i'r. sli i
recruits bo received into the service. It
will he sufficient for all useful purposes,
that the remainder of the militia, under |
certain regulations provided for their gov- \
eminent, be enrolled and be mustered at j
long and stated intervals; lor in due pro- J
cess of time, nearly the whole muss of the j
militia will pass through the first and se- i
cond classes, and bo either nr mb is of
the active corps, or of the reserve, or j
counted among the exempts, who will be
liable to be called upon only in periods of I
invasion or imminent peril. The manner
of enrolment, the number of days of ser
vice, and the rate of compensation ought
to be fixed by law; bul tli details had |
better be left subject to regulation ; a plan \
of which l am prepared to submit to you.” |
Now, let it be known that this Ueporl
is addressed, not to Congress, but to |
Mr. Van Buren himself; and it was in [
his possession two days before lie transmit- |
ted his message to Congress, wiving him j
ample opportunity to examine it—which he
necessarily must have done, or it could
not have been a subject of recommenda
tion, for no honest and candid man can ap- ’
prove or condemn any measure of which j
he is ignorant.
But farther ; there is a question of vera
city here involved, between Mr. Van IJu
ren and Mr. Poinsett. Mr. Van Buren,
in bis letter, says that “this plan was not I
only never submitted to him, but was not ;
even matured until more than three months
after the message was sent to Congress ;”
whereas, in the above extract, Mr. Poinsett
says, on the 30th November, 1839, “the
plan of which (the Army Bill) I am pre
pared to submit to you.”
Mr. Van Buren has placed himself be- ‘
I fore tho People in this awkward dilemma; j
j he has, in his letter, said what facts will i
not sustain him in, or he has committed
j gross neglect of official duty, by recom
mending a report, in strong language,
| which he had had in his possession two
! days before the date of his message, but
I which he had neglected to examine.
LETTER
■ From our Hon. Representative in Congress.
° i
WALTER T. COLL l ITT.
Newnan, Sept. 7, 1836.
j Gentlemen :— A our communication re
questing my opinion whether Congress has j
the constitutional power to abolish slavery I
in the District ot Columbia, i proceed to
; answer. You will permit mo to express
: my gratification at the lively interest taken
by yourselves and associates on a subject |
deeply important to the South. On this j
subject there should be no division in this
State : but with one voice and united ac
tion. we should put forth all out* energies
in opposition to any and every interference !
upon the part of Congress with this deserip-
I tion of property. The only safeguard to
: our liberties and rights will be the vigilant
! restriction of every branch and department
| of government to its legitimate constitution- ,
I al sphere of action, and whether by con-!
struction Congress shall infringe upon the j
! rights of individuals, the peace and unity j
‘of the country are disturbed. I feel eonfi- !
j dent, from the signs of the times, that if!
ever the silken cords that bind together this
Confederacy be broken, and our happy ;
Union dissolved, the danger will spring up
from the same source from which emanates
the principle by which Congress claims
the power to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia.
1 am fully of the opinion, that Congress j
lias no power by the Constitution, to inter- ;
sere with the private property of individu- i
als in the District of Columbia, or any- j
where else; and that any attempt lo abol- 1
ish slavery in tho District of Columbia, j
would be a violation of the Constitution, i
and an unauthorized assumption of power, j
which in its exercise threatens the peace
and harmony of the country, and the per
manency of tho Union. So sensibly do I
feel the truth of these sentiments, that 1
willingly sacrifice upon the altar of the
country’s good,individual predilections,and .j
honestly resolve to support no man or mea
sure, that in my conviction, may give,,
strength and countenance, to the i xcreise
of a power so directly at war with the coun
try’s welfare.
Acting upon this conviction, i am oppo
sed lo the election of Martin Van Buren t
the Presidency, since circumstances war
rant rne in the conclusion, that his feelings
upon this question are opposed to mine, and
that he diilers with us as regards the con
stitutional powers of Congress to abolish :
slavery in the District of Columbia. Inas
much as Mr. Van Buren was an advocate I
for the restriction of Missouri upon the sub- j
ject of slave population; the fact of his/
>3 • .8 . ii Ai I s B'l fj , B* ;•* inf cr.
having vu.ed in lie convention of N. York
i v ;i provision giving to free negroes the
p ’liti• al rights of white men ; the fact that
a min.* , - entire strength of the abolition.
■ i: ex . :d ;br lus promotion; for the
further reason that he himself acknowled
ge • I ha: he is not prepared to say that
i Cyjigre.-s has not the Constitutional power
i“ ah. I h slavery in tile District of Colum
bia—these circumstances are indications
too str ugly i xpressive of his real feelings,
to pi Hair me to aid his election, at a time
when the country is so much agitated by
| the increasing of the abolitionists. 1 have
med it necessary to be thus explicit up
| ’■•’ the Pr.'-idontial election, inasmuch as
your present mouthers max’ be called on in
Ihe eharaci’ r of Representatives, to vote
for or against Mr. Van Huron for his high
appointment. 1 should deem in\ profess
ions empty and vain, if 1 should be found
supporting men for tho highest and most
respon ; file office in the country, who by
word and do ! are found giving counten
:ni -e or .support to a principle at variance
l with the gcm-ral weal. I expect to dgl
upon tins ; , m inle. ; ml tl; reby show “my
faith by my works.”
With an expr ssion of my ardent desire
■or tlie liapjim ss and welfare of our couit
i try. ton w ill accept my good wishes for
your individual prosperity and the success
j of those sentiments you represent.
Yours respectfully.
\V ALTER T. COLQUITT.
MR. HABERSHAM.
V e are pleased to remark, that this ve
ry worlbj and iaithful Representative has
so far ri covered Loin his late dangerous
illii -s as to anticipate a speedy return to
1 ilw Sis'", llis protracted sutforings have
caused much concent among his numerous
! and devoted persunul friends in this section,
j and we may add, would have created no
little anxiety with his political supporters,
; w re it not for the fact that his course iu
j Congress needs no labored defence—it re
quires no artificial excitement to be gotten
! up among the people—no barbecues to be
j given—no set of harangues to prove that
40.090 people liux'c deserted their princi
-1 pies, run away and left a few unfortunate
| Van Buren men behind. Such a.man is
| strong in his ow n integrity and stili strong
er in the popular confidence, as he has
faithfully fulfilled the trust reposed. As
one of -the faithful six,” Mr. Habersham
deserves much at the hands of his friends.
He was among the first to unfurl the ban-
I nor in the present fight and “fling it to tee
! breeze,” when all was dark and dreai
| and when defeat was the only reward a
! anticipation. He did it too, in the same
spirit with which he flung his commission
nil” tli ■ face, of a Federal Executive, when
| ordered to dishonor and disgrace his native
j State. He did it in the same spirit xvith
J which his father before him severed the
; cords that bound bun to the parent govern
ment and struck the lirst stroke for liberty
i and constitutional law in Georgia.
o
Sncii a man, whether iu health and pros
perity, or stricken down by the heavy
band ofdisea.se, cannot bo forgotten by tho
people, until they have lost all their ad
nii rati, nos official integrity and all their
. gratitude for past services. That day
| we trust, will never come; and the resuit
in October next will prove that the people
: of Georgia are as true to themselves as
i have been “the laithful six” to their most
! important interests. —Columbus Enq.
WHO ARE THE FEDERALISTS?
Alexander Hamilton. —This celebrated
j statesman who has been so lavishly abused
! by the Federal Tory papers, as a Monar
i ciiist Federalist, British Whig, &c. was
i the original proposer of the Sub-Treasury
scheme, which this Federal Administration
is now endeavoring to fasten on the country,
j In 1847, the Secretary of the Treasury
; recommended the scheme to Congress by
the declaration that it was urgently recom
mended by this Department as early as 17-
] 90.’ From 1789 to 1795 AlexanderHam
i ilton was Secretary of the Treasury. He
was an admitted Federalist patriotic maty;
! Does any one want better evidence that the
I leading measure of this administration is a
Federal measure.— Fayetteville Observer:
It was the ultraism of the federalists for
a strong consolidated government or quasi
monarchy, and the union of the purse and
j sword, now so urged by Mr. Vanßuferi iiY
Ids Sub-Treasury and Standing Army, thptf
I ruined that torv party then as it will be,the
j death of tlie loco foco tory party of to-day.
j — Star.
THE ONE TERM PRINCIPLE.
t)n this point tli” Alexandria Gazette thus
i speaks:
•• We do not know that the One Tcrni
principle, as it is called, has been brought
sufficiently before the people; but, it seems
i to us, that it is a very important one, and,
:at this time, every wav worthy of con
! siderution. It is known that Gen. Harri
son has pledged himself, if elected Presi
dent, to serve but for one term of four
vears. ‘ Experience must have satisfied ev
■ry reflecting ryian that it is dangerous for
the Chief magistrate to be a candidate for
re-election. Whilst holding office, he can 1
use the power and patronage of his office
to further his cause. It places temptation
before him, and he has the means of cor
ruption in liis own hands. We do not Say
that it is our opinion there should be any
) constitutional prohibition against serving
| for two terms, or that cases may not arise
! in which a re-election would not
, >L! >IE XXVI.
