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AEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. D. €l. COTTING, Editor. No. 3.—NEW SERIES.] NEWS & PLANTERS OAZETTE. terms: Published weekly at Three Dollars per annum, .if paid at the time of subscribing; or Three Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid till the expi ration of six months. No paper lo be discontinued, unless at the ! option of the Editor, without the settlement of all hffearages. Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first insertion, Seventy-fire Cents; and for each sub sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will I be made of twenty-five per cent, to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not limited when handed in, will be inserted till tor- ] bid, and charged accordingly. EF Letters, on business, must he post paid, to insure attention-. No communication shall he ■jnjblished, unless we are made accjuaintcd with the name if the author. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad ministrators, and Guardians, arc required by law, to be advertised, in a public Gazette, sixty days previous to the day of sale. The sales of Personal Property must be adver tised in like manner, forty days. ‘ ’ Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published weekly for four months; notice that application will be made for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days; and Letters of Dismission, six months. THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FORWARD TIIE NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE : Wm. If. Nelms, Elber- O. A. Luckett, Crawford ton, ville, If. F. Tatum, Lincoln- TP. Davenport, Lexing . ton-, ton, John A. Simmons, Go- S. J. Bush, Irwington, shen, Lincoln, Wilkinson, James Bell, l’owelton, den. drier, Raytown, A. II Stalham, Danburg, Dr. Cain, Cambridge, J. T. Jp Cl. 11. IVooten, Abbeville District, Mallorysville, South Carolina. V v. ANTI-VAN BUREN TICKET. FOR PRESIDENT : WILLIAM H. HARRISON. FOR VICE PRESIDENT : JOHN TYLER. Old Wilkes *Mnti-l*an Horen domination. [Election on the Fifth of October.] FOR SENATOR. WILLIAM Q. ANDERSON. FOR REPRESENTATIVES : ROBERT A. TOOMBS. JAMES N. WINGFIELD. JOHN T. WOOTEN. For Congress. R. W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham, WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene, JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup, EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb, LOTT WARREN, of Sumter, THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn, ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson, JAMES A. MERRI WETHER, of Putnam, THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee. [F®i& ILHOTOKSjj [Of President and Vice President.') ELECTION ON THE SECOND OF NOVEMBER. GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe, Gen. DUNCAN L CLINCH, of Camden, Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee, Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock, CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark, SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin, Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass, Gen. W. W. EZZARD, of De Kullt, C. B. STRONG, of Bibb, J OS-IN WHITEHEAD, of Rurke, Gbn. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. POLITICAL. - ■ ■■■■■ -■■■■■ “ General Harrison has done more for his Country, with less compensation lor it, than any man living.” , President Madison. “ 1 profess to be somewhat acquainted with the history tis General Harrison’s political, military, and private life. I am his neighbor, and live in his county. As to his private life, I know of no stain that for a moment sullies him.” Dr. Duncan, of Ohio. Colonel Richard M. Johnson, now Vice Pre sident of the United States, said, in Congress : “ Who is General Harrison ? The son of one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen dence, who spent the greater part of his large fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave, of his 1 fortune, life, and sacred honor,’ to se .cure the liberties of his country. WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTY, GA.,) SEPTEMBER 17, ISI.L | “Os the career of General Harrison, ! need not speak; the his’ory of the West is Ivs Itis ’ tory. For forty years ho has been identified 1 with its interests, its perils, and its hopes. Universally beloved iu the walks of peace, and distinguished by his ability iu the coun cils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field. Dur ing the late war, lie was longer in actual service than any other General Officer; lm was, perhaps, oftenor in action than any one of them, and never sustained a defeat.” Colonel R. M. Johnson to General Harrison, July 4, 1818, says ; “ We did not want to serve under cowards - or traitors; but, under one [Harrison] who had proved himselflo bewise, prudent, and brave.” “ Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Stute of Kentucky , That, in the late campaign against the Indians upon the Wabash, Governor William Henry Harrison has behaved like a hero, a patriot, and a general ; and that for his cool, delibe rate, skillful, ami gallant conduct in the battle ; of Tippecanoe, he -well deserves Die warmest thanks of his country and his nation.” Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 7, ISI'J. On the night before the final question on the Missouri restriction was taken, General Har rison was warned by one of his associates, that if he voted against the restriction, he would ruin his popularity at the North; he fearlessly replied: “ I have often risked my life in defence of my country —1 will now risk my political po pularity in defence of the union.” Ina speech at Cheviot, Ohio, on the Ith of July, 18411, General Harrison made use of the follow ing language : “ There is, however, a subject now beginning to alarm them, in relation to which, if their alarm has any foundation, the relative situation in ‘which they may stand to some of the States, will be the very reverse to what it now is. I allude to ; a supposed disposition in some individuals in the ; non-slaveholding S ates, to interfere with the 1 slave population cf the other States, for the pur pose of it rcing their emancipation. * * * * If there is any principle of the Constitution ! of the United States less disputable than any j other, it is, that, the slave population is under the j exclusive control of the States which possess them. * * * * What must he the conse- ; quence of an acknowledged violation of these rights, (for every man of sense must admit it to be so,) conjoined with an insulting interference with their domestic concerns ? * * * * Is there a man vain enough to go to the land of Madison, of Macon, and of Crawford, and tell them that they either do not understand the principles of the moral and political rights of man; or that, understanding, they disregard them] Can they address an argument to the interest or fears of the enlightened population of the slave States, that lias not occurred to themselves a thousand and a thousand times ! To whom, then, are fhdy to address themselves but to the slaves 1 And what can be said to them, that will not lead to an indiscriminate slaughter of every age and sex, and ultimately to their own destruction! ! Should there ho an incarnate devil who has ima gined with approbation, such a catastrophe to his tellow-citizens as I have described, let him look to those for whose benefit he would produce it. * * * l will not stop to inquire into the motives of those who are engaged in this fatal and unconsti tutional project. There may be some who have embarked in it without properly considering its consequences, and Who are actuated by benevol ent and virtuous principles. But, if such there aie, 1 am very certain that, should they continue their present course, their fellow-citizens will, ere long, 4 curse the virtues which have undone their country.* * * * * * * * * * i If I am correct in the principles here ad vanced, 1 support my assertion, that the discus sion on the subject of emancipation iu the non slaveholding Slates, is equally injurious to tho slaves and their muster;', and that it has no sanc tion in the principles of the Constitution.” On the subject of selling white men for debt, General Harrison says, in a letter to Mr. Pleasants; “ So far from being willing to sell men for debts, which they urb unable to discharge, 1 ] am, and ever have been, opposed to all impri sonment for debt.” In a letter, on the same subject, to the Editor of tlie Cincinnati Advertiser, he says: “ Far from advocating the abominable prin , ciples attributed to me by your correspondent, 1 think that imprisonment for debt, under any circumstance hut those where fraud is alleged, is at wat with the best principles of our Con stitution, and ought to be abolished.” In a letter to the Hon. Sherrod Williams, dated “ North Bend, May 1, 1830,” General Harrison says: “ I have before me a newspapor, in which I am designated by its distinguished editor, ‘ the hank and federal candidate.’ 1 think it would puzzle the writer to adduce any act of j my life which warrants him m identifying me . with the interests of the lirst, or tlie politics of the latter.” j In a speech, delivered at Vincennes, Indiana, (when General Harrison was before the people as a candidate for the Presidency,) speaking of the abolitionists, he says: “ I have now, fellow-citizens, a few words more to say on another subject, and which is, in j my opinion, of more importance than any other | that is now in the course of discussion in any I part of the Union. I allude to the societies which have been formed, and the movements of certain individuals, in some of die States, in rela tion to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of those persons is the most dangerous, because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness and benevolence ; and their course vindicated bv arguments and propositions which in the abstract no one can deny. But, however fascinating may be die dress with which their schemes are presented to their follow citizens, with whatever purity of intention they may have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it which it is probable some of the projectors, and many of their supporters, have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of evils which are to spring from this source, are such as you have read of to have been perpetrated on the fair plains PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. 1 o( Italy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of I Ati’.la and Alaric ; and such as most of you ap ; pWhended upon that memorable night, when the j tomahawks and war-clubs of the followers of Te cumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard I not the disavowals of any such intentions upon j d,e part ol the authors of these schemes, since, I upon the examination of the publications which I halve been made, they will be found to contain | every fact and every argument which would have ; been used :t such hid been their objects. lam j certain that there is pot in this assembly one of those deluded men, and there are few within tho | bounds of the Etate. If there are any, 1 would : earnestly,entreat them to forbear, to pause in their i career, and deliberately consider the conse- I quences ol their conduct to the whole Union—to I the State.-- more immediately interested, and to i those for whose benefit they profess to act. That j | the latter will be the victuus of the weak, injudi- j | eious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts | to servo them, a thorough examination of the sub ject must convince them. The struggle (and j struggle there must be) may commence with I horrors such as l have described, but it will end | J with more firmly riveting the chains, or in the j utter extirpation of those whose cause they ad- I vacate. Am 1 wrong, fellow-citizens, in apply i ing the terms weak, presumptuous, and tmeon ! s'itutional, to the measures of the emancipators ] | A slight examination will, I think, show that 1 am I not ” ■ . General Win. 11. Harrison says: “ In all ages, and in all countries, it has boon observed, that, the cultivators of the soil are those who are the least willing to part with their lights, and submit them to tiie will of a nias’er.” A SHORT i I AFTER. VAN lIUiEN LEADERS VS. THE SUB-TREASURY. These treasurers, all appointed by the President, and removable by his will, with all the public monies in their actual posses sion ; in their pockets, desks, and vaults. — j Globe. j The proposition is disorganizing and re- ‘ j volutionary — subversive of tire fundamental ! principles of our Government, and its entire practice from 1780 down to this dav.— Globe. lie [thejPresidcnt] has never claimed that j it should be in the actual keeping Os Execu- I tive officers.- — Globe. Instead of suffering the President to ap j point one treasurer, ho would have him ap point as many as should be convenient.— j Globe. If he had suggested such a system, what peals of patriotic indignation would have burst from eloquent Senators against the usurper and tyrant, who desired to get the millions of the Treasury into the very hands of his partisans and parasites— -Globe. Snell a treasure would doubtless be em ployed at. some time, as it has been in all other countries, when opportunity tempted ambition.— Genera/ Jackson. Who call for this measure, and who are to be benefitted by its adoption l The ene mies of our State banks ; the enemies of a well-regulated credit system ; the lovelier ; the money lender ; the recipients of fixed salaries, and permanent incomes.— Albany Argus. To retain it in the Treasury unemployed in any way, is impracticable. —General Jackson. It cannot succeed. — Ritchie. From the Macon Messenger. MR. VAN BUREN’S LETTER ON | THE ARMY BILL. A few weeks since the Van Buren jour- j nals commenced defending the Standing Army Bill—apparently seeming to believe that their candidate was so identified with it that they could not extricate him. They have now changed their note. They did not understand their man. Van has found a mouse-hole and is out of the box ! Lie j got his faithful and pliant Secretary, Poin sett, to say he committed the blunder; ; and master didn’t know nothing at all about it. It was he that recommended a most oppressive and unconstitutional rnea- j sure for the sanction of’ Congress. In a moment the Van Buren editors pricked up their ears, took up their pens, and wrote j down the Army Bill as unconstitutional and inexpedient. Van came out with a letter and said that it was as strange a thing as if he had recommended a “mena gerie of 200,000 wild beasts” at the public expense. Tim Secretary submits as meek ly as a whipped spaniel to his master’s dictations, and honest Amos comes out, in his Extra, and tells the People that “the : Democracy is proud of such a representa ; live as Mr. Buren !” This most unfortunate Army Bill has ! been a complete fire-brand in the ranks of the Administration. It has created such discomfiture that the ingenuity of the en tire party has been taxed to obviate or cure the evil that it has produced. It was, at! first, pronounced to boa “Whig lie”—it 1 was then attempted to be explained awav ; at last, the source and origin of the whole j scheme, tho President himself, has been j dragged before the public, made to purge himself, and swear it all off, nolens vo- j lens. It is worth while to review the course ! that has been pursued by different presses in relation to this Bill, as their influence or insignificance gave them opportunities of obtaining the proper cue: An Alabama paper, lor instance, gave it the most un qualified praise, arid openly declared that the Standing Army Bill would, of its own intrinsic merits, elect their loco foco Can didate. The Telegraph, of this city, a short time since, spoke of it approvingly, and gave it a decided preference over our own Militia system. These papers were either too premature, or they had been passed over at Head Quarters; certain it I is, they had not received the proper j cue. Tho Macon Telegraph, although it pub lished the Bill, which very few Adininix i tration presses dared to do, and approved of its provisions, issued an Extra last week J containing'a letter of Mr. Van Buren, in j which he unequivocally denies any knowl edge of this most notorious Army Bill ? l’he conclusions to which every one must arrive, who roads this letter and tho Re port ol Mr. Poinsett, with their conflicting statements, must he mortifying to ever’ 1 one disposed to yield a due respect to llie official station occupied for the time by the j Chief Magistrate of this great country. From this most strange letter we give ! the following extract. This extract com prises a distinct and substantive paragraph i —the whole of which wo give : “Mr. Poinsett’s uncontroverted account j of the origin and progress of his plan is be fore you. He shows, that it grew out of a request ofhiin by tho Committee on the Militia of the House of Representatives, at j the close of the session before the last, in! j contemplation of a possible collision be- i tween this country and Great Britain, and that it was matured and drawn forth under j a call made upon him bv tho House at the I last session.—Some surprise has been ex pressed, and doubts appear even to he en | tertained of the correctness of his declara-j * tion, that the plan was not seen by nte, or | submitted to my consideration, before it j was communicated to Congress. Thus- 1 J who take this view of the subject, entirely j ! overlook the fact, that such is almost inva { riably the case on all similar occasions ; j and that in replying to calls made upon . them by either branch of the Legislature, | the heads of Departments act for Con- j ; grass, and not for the President, except j j only where his acts are brought in ques } tion. Phe impracticability of pursuing a different course, if even it were otherwise desirable, will be appreciated, when it is ; considered how very numerous these calls have recently been, amounting, as they have done, to two hundred and twenty at ! a single session, independently of those j | made on the President himself, and of let tors from committees, requiring great re | search, and the preparation of voluminous ! documents. Unfair as these animadver sions are thus shown to be, this has nut been even the worst aspect in which they have been presented. We have been com pelled to see, not, l should think, without shame and mortification, on the part of ev ery ingenious mind, whatever may be his political preferences, the names of respect able citizens subscribed to statements, that 1 had in my annual message, expressed my approbation of a plan, which not only never had been Submitted to me, but was j not even matured until more than three months after the message was sent to Con gress; and an attempt to prove the unfoun ded assumption, by the publication of a i garbled extract from that document, with j j its true meaning falsified by the suppres- I ston of a material part. Nor was the a- * vowed object of these extraordinary pro- J ceedings less remarkable than tho acts j themselves, being nothing less than an at- j | tempt to fix upon me the design of estab- j j lishing a standing army of two hundred j I thousand men, for political and personal j j purposes. If I had been charged with tho design of establishing among you, at the ! public expense a menagerie of hco hundred thousand wild beasts, it would not have sur prised me more, nor would it, in my judg j incut, have been one jot more preposte rous.” In Mr. Van Btiren’s Message, dolivor l ed to Congress on the second day of De ; cember, 184 b, he uses the following lan ;guage: “The present condition of the defences I of our principal seaports and navy yards, | 1 as represented by the accompanying report I of the Secretary of War, calls for the earlv ! j and serious attention of Congress ; ami as | connecting itself intimately with this sub- | ject, I cannot recommend too strong!y to ypur consideration the plan submitted by j that officer for the organization of the mi litia of the United States.” Mark the phraseology ! “The plan sub mitted by that officer for the organization of the Militia of the United States.” Now, if words mean any thing, was not a draft, an outline, a plot, a report, or a plan pre sented, or submitted to Congress at the same . time, and “accompanying” that Message, which was sent to the two houses ? And does any one, in his sober senses, suppose for a moment that Mr. Van Buren, in the discharge of his high functions as Presi dent of the United States, would have said that he could not “recommend too strorig ! ly” a plan for the organization of the Mi- I litia which he has never seen’? Vet. Mr. Van Buren says in his letter, dated the 12th of June, 1840, that this plan had ne ver been submitted to him, although in his Message, on the 2d of December, 1849, he says, “I cannot too strongly recom mend to your consideration the plan sub. milted by that officer for the organization of tho Militia of the United States.” Here is a most glaring variance, not between Mr. Van Buren and a third person, but between Mr. Van Buren, President of the United States, and Mr. Van Buren, the writer of an electioneering letter. Again; Mr. Poinsett, in his Report, da ted the 30th of November, 1839—two days before the date of the Message—uses the following language: (Public Docu ments, page 43.) “It is proposed to divide the U. States into eight military districts, and to organ -1 ....won Van Burenism pre,,,,. i/.c the militia in each district so as to have a Ixxlv of twelve thousand five hun dred men inactive service; and another 1 ‘it equal number as a reserve. This would ! give ail armed militia force of two hun dred thousand men, so drilled and station i ed, as to be ready to take their places in • I lie ranks in defence of their c uiifrv. i whenever called upon to oppose the enemy or repel the invader. The age of the re cruit to he from twenty to thirty-seven.— l he whole term ol service to be eight vears; four years in the first class, and four in the ! reserve. One fourth part, 25,000 nu n, to j leave the service every year, passing, at i the conclusion of the’ first term, into th reserve, and exempt, and from ordinary du ty altogether, at the end of the second.— In this manner, twenty-five thousand men i will be discharged from the militia duly 1 every year, and twenty-five thousand i'r. sli i recruits bo received into the service. It will he sufficient for all useful purposes, that the remainder of the militia, under | certain regulations provided for their gov- \ eminent, be enrolled and be mustered at j long and stated intervals; lor in due pro- J cess of time, nearly the whole muss of the j militia will pass through the first and se- i cond classes, and bo either nr mb is of the active corps, or of the reserve, or j counted among the exempts, who will be liable to be called upon only in periods of I invasion or imminent peril. The manner of enrolment, the number of days of ser vice, and the rate of compensation ought to be fixed by law; bul tli details had | better be left subject to regulation ; a plan \ of which l am prepared to submit to you.” | Now, let it be known that this Ueporl is addressed, not to Congress, but to | Mr. Van Buren himself; and it was in [ his possession two days before lie transmit- | ted his message to Congress, wiving him j ample opportunity to examine it—which he necessarily must have done, or it could not have been a subject of recommenda tion, for no honest and candid man can ap- ’ prove or condemn any measure of which j he is ignorant. But farther ; there is a question of vera city here involved, between Mr. Van IJu ren and Mr. Poinsett. Mr. Van Buren, in bis letter, says that “this plan was not I only never submitted to him, but was not ; even matured until more than three months after the message was sent to Congress ;” whereas, in the above extract, Mr. Poinsett says, on the 30th November, 1839, “the plan of which (the Army Bill) I am pre pared to submit to you.” Mr. Van Buren has placed himself be- ‘ I fore tho People in this awkward dilemma; j j he has, in his letter, said what facts will i not sustain him in, or he has committed j gross neglect of official duty, by recom mending a report, in strong language, | which he had had in his possession two ! days before the date of his message, but I which he had neglected to examine. LETTER ■ From our Hon. Representative in Congress. ° i WALTER T. COLL l ITT. Newnan, Sept. 7, 1836. j Gentlemen :— A our communication re questing my opinion whether Congress has j the constitutional power to abolish slavery I in the District ot Columbia, i proceed to ; answer. You will permit mo to express : my gratification at the lively interest taken by yourselves and associates on a subject | deeply important to the South. On this j subject there should be no division in this State : but with one voice and united ac tion. we should put forth all out* energies in opposition to any and every interference ! upon the part of Congress with this deserip- I tion of property. The only safeguard to : our liberties and rights will be the vigilant ! restriction of every branch and department | of government to its legitimate constitution- , I al sphere of action, and whether by con-! struction Congress shall infringe upon the j ! rights of individuals, the peace and unity j ‘of the country are disturbed. I feel eonfi- ! j dent, from the signs of the times, that if! ever the silken cords that bind together this Confederacy be broken, and our happy ; Union dissolved, the danger will spring up from the same source from which emanates the principle by which Congress claims the power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. 1 am fully of the opinion, that Congress j lias no power by the Constitution, to inter- ; sere with the private property of individu- i als in the District of Columbia, or any- j where else; and that any attempt lo abol- 1 ish slavery in tho District of Columbia, j would be a violation of the Constitution, i and an unauthorized assumption of power, j which in its exercise threatens the peace and harmony of the country, and the per manency of tho Union. So sensibly do I feel the truth of these sentiments, that 1 willingly sacrifice upon the altar of the country’s good,individual predilections,and .j honestly resolve to support no man or mea sure, that in my conviction, may give,, strength and countenance, to the i xcreise of a power so directly at war with the coun try’s welfare. Acting upon this conviction, i am oppo sed lo the election of Martin Van Buren t the Presidency, since circumstances war rant rne in the conclusion, that his feelings upon this question are opposed to mine, and that he diilers with us as regards the con stitutional powers of Congress to abolish : slavery in the District of Columbia. Inas much as Mr. Van Buren was an advocate I for the restriction of Missouri upon the sub- j ject of slave population; the fact of his/ >3 • .8 . ii Ai I s B'l fj , B* ;•* inf cr. having vu.ed in lie convention of N. York i v ;i provision giving to free negroes the p ’liti• al rights of white men ; the fact that a min.* , - entire strength of the abolition. ■ i: ex . :d ;br lus promotion; for the further reason that he himself acknowled ge • I ha: he is not prepared to say that i Cyjigre.-s has not the Constitutional power i“ ah. I h slavery in tile District of Colum bia—these circumstances are indications too str ugly i xpressive of his real feelings, to pi Hair me to aid his election, at a time when the country is so much agitated by | the increasing of the abolitionists. 1 have med it necessary to be thus explicit up | ’■•’ the Pr.'-idontial election, inasmuch as your present mouthers max’ be called on in Ihe eharaci’ r of Representatives, to vote for or against Mr. Van Huron for his high appointment. 1 should deem in\ profess ions empty and vain, if 1 should be found supporting men for tho highest and most respon ; file office in the country, who by word and do ! are found giving counten :ni -e or .support to a principle at variance l with the gcm-ral weal. I expect to dgl upon tins ; , m inle. ; ml tl; reby show “my faith by my works.” With an expr ssion of my ardent desire ■or tlie liapjim ss and welfare of our couit i try. ton w ill accept my good wishes for your individual prosperity and the success j of those sentiments you represent. Yours respectfully. \V ALTER T. COLQUITT. MR. HABERSHAM. V e are pleased to remark, that this ve ry worlbj and iaithful Representative has so far ri covered Loin his late dangerous illii -s as to anticipate a speedy return to 1 ilw Sis'", llis protracted sutforings have caused much concent among his numerous ! and devoted persunul friends in this section, j and we may add, would have created no little anxiety with his political supporters, ; w re it not for the fact that his course iu j Congress needs no labored defence—it re quires no artificial excitement to be gotten ! up among the people—no barbecues to be j given—no set of harangues to prove that 40.090 people liux'c deserted their princi -1 pies, run away and left a few unfortunate | Van Buren men behind. Such a.man is | strong in his ow n integrity and stili strong er in the popular confidence, as he has faithfully fulfilled the trust reposed. As one of -the faithful six,” Mr. Habersham deserves much at the hands of his friends. He was among the first to unfurl the ban- I nor in the present fight and “fling it to tee ! breeze,” when all was dark and dreai | and when defeat was the only reward a ! anticipation. He did it too, in the same spirit with which he flung his commission nil” tli ■ face, of a Federal Executive, when | ordered to dishonor and disgrace his native j State. He did it in the same spirit xvith J which his father before him severed the ; cords that bound bun to the parent govern ment and struck the lirst stroke for liberty i and constitutional law in Georgia. o Sncii a man, whether iu health and pros perity, or stricken down by the heavy band ofdisea.se, cannot bo forgotten by tho people, until they have lost all their ad nii rati, nos official integrity and all their . gratitude for past services. That day | we trust, will never come; and the resuit in October next will prove that the people : of Georgia are as true to themselves as i have been “the laithful six” to their most ! important interests. —Columbus Enq. WHO ARE THE FEDERALISTS? Alexander Hamilton. —This celebrated j statesman who has been so lavishly abused ! by the Federal Tory papers, as a Monar i ciiist Federalist, British Whig, &c. was i the original proposer of the Sub-Treasury scheme, which this Federal Administration is now endeavoring to fasten on the country, j In 1847, the Secretary of the Treasury ; recommended the scheme to Congress by the declaration that it was urgently recom mended by this Department as early as 17- ] 90.’ From 1789 to 1795 AlexanderHam i ilton was Secretary of the Treasury. He was an admitted Federalist patriotic maty; ! Does any one want better evidence that the I leading measure of this administration is a Federal measure.— Fayetteville Observer: It was the ultraism of the federalists for a strong consolidated government or quasi monarchy, and the union of the purse and j sword, now so urged by Mr. Vanßuferi iiY Ids Sub-Treasury and Standing Army, thptf I ruined that torv party then as it will be,the j death of tlie loco foco tory party of to-day. j — Star. THE ONE TERM PRINCIPLE. t)n this point tli” Alexandria Gazette thus i speaks: •• We do not know that the One Tcrni principle, as it is called, has been brought sufficiently before the people; but, it seems i to us, that it is a very important one, and, :at this time, every wav worthy of con ! siderution. It is known that Gen. Harri son has pledged himself, if elected Presi dent, to serve but for one term of four vears. ‘ Experience must have satisfied ev ■ry reflecting ryian that it is dangerous for the Chief magistrate to be a candidate for re-election. Whilst holding office, he can 1 use the power and patronage of his office to further his cause. It places temptation before him, and he has the means of cor ruption in liis own hands. We do not Say that it is our opinion there should be any ) constitutional prohibition against serving | for two terms, or that cases may not arise ! in which a re-election would not , >L! >IE XXVI.