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News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, September 17, 1840, Image 2

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l>le. Rut we are strong in the belief, that at this time, the introduction of the one term principle into the Presidential office, would be wise and salutary. Four years are long enough for the President of this Republic to exercise his authority. If he knows he is not to he re-elected, he can do. vote all his energies to the good of his country, and not to the success of his party. He can then act without fear of giving offence to party, or hope of buying favor from the people.” ABOLITION NOMINATION, IN NEW YORK. The Abolition Convention, he I'd at Sy racuse on Tuesday and Wednesday last, j denounced both General Harrison und Mr. Van Buren, and nominated Gcrrit Smith, of Madison for Governor. Charles O. Shop, ard of Gencssec for Lieutenant Governor ; Arthur Tappan of Kings, and Benjamin P. Johnson of Oneida for Senatorial electors, with 40 District Electors, pledged to sup port James G. Birnev for President, and Thomas Earle for Vice President.— JY. F. Courier A- Enquirer of the Hth trft. THE VOICE OF 70. The Newburg, N. Y. Gazette contains the following eloquent letter from Benjamin Eaton, one of the Life Guards of General Washington. To the descendants of Revolutionary Sol diers : An old soldier of the Continental Army asks for the last time to speak to his coun trymen. During the suffering service of the Revolution I was in sixteen engagements, and was one of the little band who volun teered under Sullivan to destroy ‘-the Six Nations of Indians.” I was one of that small company selected as the Life Guard of George Washington —but two of us are now living. I was at the tough seige of Yorktown, at Valley Forge, Monmouth, and thirteen other hard battles, and saw Cornwallis surrender to our old General. My service ceased only with the war. Af ter all this hardship and suffering, in the street when I go out in my old age to see the happiness I have helped to give you, I am pointed at as a British Tor}-—yes, a British Tory—l have said nothing when I have been told’ so, hut have silently thought that my old General would never have picked out a Tory to form one of his Life Guard, nor would a Tory have suffered what I have suffered for you. This abuse has been shamefully heaped upon one of your old soldiers because he is what lie was when the war broke out, and what Wash ington told us we must always be when he shook hands with us as we all were going home. I was a Whig in the Revolution, have been one ever since and am one now. Asa V hig I enlisted for the whole, war, was in favor with the other Whigs of Thom as Jefferson, went with the party for James Madison, was in favor of the last war, and to be consistent in my last vote, must give it for Gen. Harrison. He is a brave man, and was never known wherever he has been to take a penny from his neighbor or the Government that was not fairly his.— We have trod over the same ground fight ing for liberty. His father (he was one of the Revolution) signed our Independence roll, and then we all went out together to fight for it, and we proved it was true. It really appears to me that this canwot be the same government that our old sol diers helped Washington to put up here.— We fought to have a Government as differ ent from any in Europe as we could make it. Well, we done it ; and until lately things have all gone on smoothly and Eu rope was beginning to> get ashamed of the way she made slaves of her subjects by making them work and toil for seven poor cents a day with a Standing army over them to force them to it. But our Presi dent now tells the people that things have gone wrong since the Old War, and there are twenty-three miserable governments in Europe where the Kings wear crowns, the rich purple, and the poor people rags, that we must fashion after them if we want to be happy and prosperous! We had English laws here once, and they w ere the best in Europe, but we conl!d r e stand them and we put them under our feet- We used to work for mere nothing, their, and we cannot do it again. Working for a- few cents a day may do for slaves, but not for free men whose liberty cost more blood than liberty ever cost before ; why, the very first thing that started the old wan - was the Standing Army that the King kept’ quartered on us ; we told him that we w anted no soldiers over vs in time of pdace, hut lie refused to mind us and 1 saw Lord Corn wallas surrender up a part of them to honest Georgs Wash ington. Our President now proposes to have a standing fore—wfiat fbr ?—Be ware ? Jefferson never asked for armed men tore elect him or elevate his successor. Madi son asked for thi in only in the time of the late w ar, and warned the people when he left his office to he careful about keeping soldiers in time of peace. Our streets are filled with idle men who w ere active labor ers once when employment was to be had. The men ot enterprize who once employed them have been ruined by the government. And now - these honest but unemployed la borers are told by the government that when they. gf> to work agaria they must do it fbr a few cents a day—that labor must be as cheap here as it is among the slaves of Cuba or the slaves ot Europe. Ambition and ignorance on the part of Govern ment have shut up our shops- and stores, scuttled our ships, filled ou.r streets with idleness and 1 bankruptcy and given no en couragement to the tin nier as he looks at his grain. Are not these things sot? You know they are, und I have no motive in saying what may be false—l am too far ad vanced fbr office or any thing else but death —it will soon he here. My little pension, and I thank you for it, will soon stop and I gp home with the rest of the Life Guards. There is one remedy only for the safety of the country I have served. Put other men! stand at the tiller and round the cables. j and you will soon be back on the old Con stitutional track. Gen. Harrison is honest, he never deceived you and he never lost a battle, and the People wont let him lose this. Accept my advice and you all have my blessing—uiv advice is that all of you become the Life Guard ofthe country, und my blessing is that your old ago may have , less fears for liberty than mine. BENJAMIN EATON. Onr oj the two surviving Life Guards of George Washington. Newburgh, N. Y. Ail". 28. 1840. __ 2 ’ The documents to which we refer, are subject ; to us many cons!rue'ions and misconstructions as j the tlliristian’s Bible.— Extra Globe. Read that, fellow-citizens. The docti- j inents and speeches here referred to. are ; General Harrison’s letters and speeches; explanatory of his political sentiments. ! Amos Kendall says, that those letters and j speeches are as vague, uncertain, and tin- 1 intelligible as thi: word or God ! !! Let a nation s curse follow the hoary- | headed blasphemer to his grave !— Louis- \ ville Journal. USED UP— I Ono Robert Price,, who happened to ! he in Buffalo some montlrs since, and who then and there luipprved. to make ] what purports to be un affidavit, in which i he states he saw Gen. Harrison w ith a black cockade on his hat. It now appears ! by affidavits from some ten of the most re- j spectable citizens of Trumbul eo. Ohio, where Price resides, that at the time he states he saw Gen. Harrison wear the cockade, he w-as but a boy, working on his father’s farm in New Jersey—and that while a resident of Ohio, his character, for truth and veracity has been more than once impeached in courts of record. The records of Court arc given in to substanti- | ate this fact. So much fbr the Price affi- ; davit, of which the Van Buren papers made 1 much capital.— Dunkirk (Ohio) Beacon. | THE ADVANTAGES OF HISTORY, j THOUGHTS FOR THINKING MEN. Were it only a barren chronicle of the j births and deaths ot monarchs, who were i born, no one know s when, and died, no one i cares how ; or did it only record the revolt- I ing details of all the cruelties, and massa cres,and w ars, by w hich humanity has been disgraced, and afflicted, in every country and in every age; no one will dispute that the time would be idl v occupied, that might be devoted to the study of history. But it has far higher ends and purposes than this. If it tells of trifles not worth know ing, it also narrates events, and describes charac ters and actions, which will live forever in the memory of man, which even now exer cise their influence over the destiniesof na tions. Here you may trace the origin, progress, and decline of empires, and com prehend the secret, and often insignificant sources of the mightiest results. Here you may see how often the fortunes of indivi duals have been identified with the fate of nations ; how often ambition has assumed the garb of patriotism ; an affected devo tion to the people, covered the deepest and darkest designs against their rights and li berties. Here you may see how a free people are always corrupted before they are enslaved, and how surely popular cor ruptions lays the corner-stone of tyranny. Here you may see that the forms of free dom-are often retained after the spirit has departed ; and that the “ unreal mockery” of popular institutions may still be exhibit ed, like a “ whitened sepulchre, full ofdead men’s bones,” after the people themselves have been deprived of all actual participa tion in the administration of affairs. And here you may learn the prodigious influ ence of moral causes upon the destiny of nations. History ft* full of instruction upon this important subject. The same physical cause still exists in Rome, that did exist in the period of her greatest glory and pros perity. The sky of Italy is as beautiful as it was w’hen the people seceded to the Sacred Mount; Tiber still rolls his stream - as in the days of the Scipios, and tire Seven Hills retain their places as firmly and im movably as when the dignity anff virtue ofthe Roman Senate appeared as firm - and imperishable as themselves ; but a modem Italian can neither conceive the elevated principles and heroic spirit that formed the characters, and fired the bosoms of the an cient Romans, nor even realize his own des cent from sueft a noble ancestry. The same physical causes stilt exist in Greece, that were in existence there, wlieffl the Per sians were repulsed at the straits of Ther mopylae, or when Miltiades achieved the memorable victory of Marathon, but Gre cian glory lias long been buried in the grave ;’ and the brutal Turk- as he treads in disdain upon the tomb of Phociony knows no classic sympathy for the departed gran deur of the great ntotlicr-country of Re publics—the honored parent of freedom, and science, and l the arts - .- It is evident, then; tliat physical causes cannot perpetuate national power oi* pros perity. They may supply the means’ of preserving liberty, where the spirit of liberty burns; hut they cannot supply its place, where the spirit is extinct. No ! As surely as effects result from causes, popu lar degeneracy is the invariable precursor of political enslavement. As the ancient republics fell, in the height of their magni ficence, an# from the very rottenness of luxury, such mnst inevitably he the fate of ours, whenever the enn-kev of corruption shall have infected the Vitalik of the body ; politic. Vain, then, will be the physical advantages- that nature Was conferred, or that ingenuity can devise.- In van) may we boast of our extendeif empire, or of our great and growing population, or of the va riety of our soil and'products, or of our utv hounded commerce and flourishing manu factures, or of any other element that en ters into the composition of national wealth i and strength ! It will lx- in vain. No justness of territory or of numbers—no agriculture or manufactures—no arts or elegance and luxury—no railroads or ca nals—no marble statues or monumental columns, can preserve Republican Insti tutions in purity und vigor, whenever the people shall he ignorant or careless of the rights they were intended to secure, or shall I become so thoroughly debased as to care less ulxmt their loss, than the trouble or danger of preserving them. ! PUNISHMENT OF A SLANDERER. When Gan. Harrison was Governor of i thi* Indiana Territory and Indian Commis i sioncr, ho was accused of official malver sation and corruption by a land speeula j tor. whose piratical machinations and gam : bling in the Indian lands he exposed and i defeated. Gen. Harrison forthwith insti ■ tilted an action against his accuser for 1 slander, and the jury to whom was referred the decision of the issue, promptly, and j without quitting the jury box, returned a verdict for Gen. Harrison, with heavy dam ages. lie approached the defendant, and ! declared his intention not to receive one : dollar of the damages, saying, that after ! all legal charges were paid, the balance remainiugsliould he apportioned among the i widows and orphans of Tippecanoe battle 1 field. Instructions were given, and the j money distributed in conformity with the ; General’s declaration, among widows and j , orphans of his gallant companions in arms, i who fell, battling for the honor of their I country, on the field of glory. If all the j ! slanderers of the General were served in ■ I the same way methinks the widows of the ; soldiers that fell at Tippecanoe would bo richly dowered. A SLIGHT DEVIATION FROM THE i FOOTSTEPS. General Jackson, in the “ Inaugural Address,” delivered on being sworn into office, March 4th, 1829, used the follow. ■ ing language: “ Considering standing armies as dangerous i to free governments, in time of peace, 1 shall not. seels to enlarge our present establishment, nor disregard that, salutary lesson of political ex perience, which teaches that the military should be held subordinate to the civil power.” This “ Inaugural” has been engraven in copper-plate, surmounted by the “ Old Hero s” portrait, for the special benefit, wc j suppose, ofthe “Locos.”— Mobile Ad err. From the Cincinnati Republican. COLONEL JOHNSON AT CHILI. We expressed the other day our strong convictions that Col. Johnson could not have been correctly reported in the speech at Chilicothe, which was contained in the! Chilicothe Advertiser, of the 9th inst.’ and in proof of our having just grounds for this belief, we are gratified in the opportunity of spreading the following correspondence before our readers. It is well known in Kentucky, as well as in this State, that Maj. Carneal is prob ably on terms of greater intimacy with both Gen. Harrison and Col. Johnson than any individual in the West. His conduct in the following correspondence adds to the claims which his services as a Quarter Master under Gen. Harrison in 1812, and as a Senator of Kentucky, gives him to public respect : Cincinnati, 24th August, 1840. Dear Sir, —It is my object, if practica ble, in addressing the enclosed letter to Col. Johnson, to prevent any unpleasant feelings between two gallant officers ofthe late war, who from my personal knowl edge, entertained a high respect for each other. lam more than gratified to find I have not been unsuccessful in the attempt. Without communicating with either of these gentlemen, I take upon myselfthe respon sibility of authorizing you to publish the correspondence, and am, yours, respect fully. T. D. CARNEAL. ! Col. C. S. Todd. Cincinnati, August 24th, 1840’. Gen. W. H. Harrison : Dear Sir, —I immediately after reading the substance of a speech, said to be made by Col. R. M. Johnson, at Chilicothe, I addressed a letter to him, a copy of which is furnished. On yesterday I received his answer, which with pleasure I enclose to you. I view it as putting to rest now and forev er the foul slanders that have been and now are circulating against you as regards your conduct in the decisive and glorious battle of the Thames, and in my judge ment leaves no good grounds for controver sy or unpleasant feelings between two brave officers of that gallant army. Truly vour friend, T. D. CARNEAL. Cincinnati, August 24, 1840. Sir, —1 have read the correspondence between yourself and Col. Johnson, relative to him at Chilicothe. From the perusal of Col. Johnson’s letter I am satisfied that he intended me no injustice in the speech re ferred to, and that his opinions and senti ments must have been misrepresented. Thanking you for the interest you have manifested in this matter—l return the cor respomlence. W. H. HARR-ISON. T. D- Carneal. CINCINNATI, August I Sr, 1840'. My dear Colonel, —-1 enclose your speech as published in the Chilicothe Advertiser. The reporter of your speech so far as you speak of Gen. Harrison, has surely mis. conceived you. I not only so think, but have so said. An inference may be fairly drawn, that you are not only in doubt as : regarded his courage, but that you had hut little respect for him as a commanding ! General. My personal regard for you, induces me alone to call your attention to the subject und furnish you an opportunity of correcting what I - conceive to - be an er roneous and garbled report of What you did say in Chilicothe on the 9th inst. From, the; enclosed remarks of Col. C. S. Todd you will at once discover that you take issue and widely differ. If consistent with your feelings furnish me with your views on this subject. They will be pub lished or not as you may desire. Truly your friend, T. D. CARNEAL. Col. Richard M. Johnson, V. P. Mans field, Ohio. Mansfield, August 18th, 1840. My Dear Sir, —Vour favor bus been re- 1 ceived, in which you observe, that by my reported speech, an inference may be drawn that 1 am not only in doubt as re gards the courage of Gen. Harrison, but ! that I had but little respect for him as a commanding General. lam hapqoj to have , this opportunity to inform you that during my service with Gen. Harrison, I had no cause to doubt his courage, but consider him a brave man, and 1 have always expressed myself to that effect —Nor hare I ever disapproved or censured any of his measures as commanding General in the pursuit of Proctor, or in the battle ofthe Thames—every thing 1 saw met my entire approbation, and I have never spo ken of it in any other terms. In speaking of the Battle of the Thames, and the part ae- \ ted by my regiment, I did not intend to in- : crease the merit of that regiment, or to di- | minish the merit claimed by others, much less did I intend to imply that Gen. Harri- i son, or Gov. Shelby, or any officer attach ed to the army, avoided duty or danger.! Each had his part to act, and I should feel myself much degraded to supjio.se that they I did not perform their duty (earless of dan ger,—nor have I ever doubted, that these j gallant officers were precisely where duty called them. I regret that in such a battle whereourcountry was victorious, that there ! ! should he a controversy about the merit due to the actors in that battle. I claim nothing above the most humble soldier who ! performed his duty on that occasion, nor ! shall any earthly consideration ever induce me knowingly to do injustice to the com manding officer, Gov. Shelby, or any other officer in that army. I have thus confined myself to general remarks, not knowing in what particular fact, injustice is supposed ,to have been done to General Harrison. 1 should be glad to know what particular is sue is made as to the fact stated in the re ported Speech, respecting which I had no agency, I shall feel no difficulty to state facts as far as rny own personal knowledge extends, and what 1 understood from oth j ors, and not to censure or criminate, but to j state the truth as far as I know or believe j the facts. 1 expect to he in your City on Sunday, the 23d, on my way home, and I shall be happv to see you. R. M. JOHNSON. Maj. Tho. D. Carneal. | VAN BUREN DURING THE WAR. An occasional recurrence to some of the principal events in the careers of the can didates for the Presidency,is instructive,and entertaining. It is instructive, because they have both been long in public life, and the history of one is the history of the whole western country. It is amusing, because it removes the veil by which Mr. Van Bu ren would now conceal himself, and expo ses the many little tricks of which he has been guilty. It is difficult to conceive a ny thing more fantastic than Martin Van Buren as presented to us by impartial his tory ! He is the harlequin of politics.— His life has been one unbroken series of petty, not unfrequently ridiculous, strata gems, having as their uniform object the advancement of some selfish end. The following paragraph taken from the New York Times, may be regarded as a chap ter of his biography: What was Mr. Van Buren doing while Gen. Harrison was fighting the battles of his country in the late war ? Mr. Van Buren was enjoying “tho spoils” of office of Attorney General ofthe state of New York and the pay ofa Senator of the state at the same time. He was a judge of I the Court of errors ; but instead ofdischar j ging the high judicial duties of that station, he had the indelicacy—to eall it by no worse name—to act as counsel on one side of every cause that came before the eourt white no was a member of it. Suitors nat- ! urally suppose that a fee to a judge of the j court to act as counsel, was money better laid out than it would be in employing an abler man who was not a member of that body. If a cause was ever argued in the court of Errors, while Mr. Van Buren was a judge thereof, in which he was not em ployed as counsel, we should be pleased to have the Argus point it out and tell us where the opinion of Senator Van Buren cart be found. On the same days that he earned his fee by arguing a cause before the Court of Er rors he received his per diem allowance as a judge of the same eourt! In’ addition to his salary as attorney gen eral, his per diem pay as a judge of the court of Errors, and his council fees in the same court, he was employed by govern ment to aet with the Advocate in the many court martial trials that, grew out of the war ; and he received for this last ser vice enormous fees. In the trial of Gen. Hull he received a fee from government of $•">,000, and wc think, a like sum in the case of Gen. Wilkinson. Such’ were his “spoils” gleaned from the war in’ which Harrison 1 did - the fighting.— Phil. Stand. We Understand, (says'the Columbus En quirer, jthat at Meriwether, last Week, Ma jor Cooper was asked, whether or rtof f.e in tended tosupport the entire Union-Coalition- Democratrc-Repuhliean Congressional tic ket, and that he replied'that such was his in tention. This we take to be the intention also of Messrs. Black and Colquitt. And yet these are the inert who are moving heaven and earth* to induce State Rights men to vote for them-—“ because they are Nullifiers!” Oh', oh! D. C. Campbell, Joe Patterson, Alfred Iverson, Martin Van Buren, Peter Parley, Wilson Lumpkin, and Colquit, Cooper, and'Black, all Nullifiers ! You doiVt say so! Well, it may be ; but it’s a’ terrible mixture of pure and imptrre-“ of honesty and duplicity ; and 1 , as the fel low said of his beef, “I’ll be’ swam’d if there’s salt enough in that heap ro keep it from spilin’.” COMMUNICATIONS. No. 11. I will take occasion to state in this, what was omitted in my first communicatiop, that the ! claims of General Harrison to the Presidency are ! not sustained by a single abolition press in the | United States. The deluded and bigotted class of our citizens, } whose views are represented by that incendiary j portion of the public press, have put forth can j didates of their own for both the Presidency and Vice Presidency; for the first, James Birnev, of New York, and for the latter, Thomas Marie, of Pennsylvania, “an active Van Buren partisan.” It is not a little remarkable that the aboil ion ists should overlook the superior claims of Gene- j ral Harrison for the Presidency, especially as his 1 prospects for success are so very flattering, if he i is one of them, to run a man unknown and mi- ! heard of out of the immediate circle of his ac [ quaintances ; and who has not the most remote j prospect of obtaining a single vote ofthe electoral j college. The opponents of General Harrison seek to make it appear that he is a Federalist, principally upon the following grounds : That he received appointments from the elder and younger Adams; That he is favorable to internal improvements by the General Government; That he is favorable to the tariff’; and that he would give his sanction to the chartering of a United States Bank. Ist, That he received appointments from the two Adams. If his appointment to office by the elder Adams, made him a Federalist, General Washington, and other distinguished patriots and republicans, were made Federalists by a similar process, for they also were appointed to office by him. But General Harrison happens to receive j three appointments from Mr. Jefferson, and a si mi ar number from Mr. Madison. If receiving ; one or two from Mr. Adams, made him a Federal- ! ist; lie must, certainly, have been made much ! more a Republican by six appointments from Mr. j Jefferson and Mr. Madison. But lie also re ceived office from the younger Adams. This, 1 suppose, changed him back to a Federalist. But Mr. Poinsett, now Secretary of War, and j Mr. Paulding, Secretary of the Navy, and other j distinguished members of the Van Buren party, also received office from the younger Adams, j Are they Federalists! Oh, no!—they belong! to the Republican Party ; they are Van Buren men—Democrats, good and true —real hard money, silver dollar Locotocos ! Weil, really the rule is a magical one, that makes a Federal ist of one who receives office from another, while a different person may receive office from the same source, and still be a Democrat!! The truth is this, General Harrison possessed the confid ence, as an honest and capable man, of all onr first Presidents, who repudiating the base and partisan sentiment—“ That to the victors belong the spoils,” appointed to office opponents as well as friends. Besides the services of General Harrison were called into requisition by a uni versality of desire and feeling, rarely happening in any state or nation. I will pursue this pitiful branch of the charge no further; for, doubtless, the reader is as dis gusted with its shallow worthlessness as myself. But it is urged, that the late John Randolph, of Virginia, said, that General Harrison was a Fe deralist ; the latter denied the charge to his face, and disproved it, the former was convicted, and silenced. Mr. Randolph said, speaking of Gen eral Harrison :—“ We differ fundamentally and totally ; we never can agree about measures or about men.” Well, I am willing to test the j General by the contrast. Why was it that the Legislature of this State, in 1812, changed the name of one of our counties from Randolph to Jasper! Let the preamble to the Act tell : “ That the conduct ofthe said John Randolph in his official capacity, as a member of Congress, has evinced such a manifest desertion of correct principles, - and such a decided attachment to the enemies of the United States, as to render bis name odious to every republican citizen in this State,'and in the United States.” Mr. Randolph used to boast: “ That he - held his landed estate by a royal j grant; and-that be thanked God for it.” ° It was a favorite remark of his, and expressive i of his real feelings, tliat ir He looked across the - Atlantic, to England, as an lonian Greek looked to Attica.” Whatever may have been the virtues of Mr. Randolph,- for he certainly had virtues—what ever may have been bis talents and eloquence, tor he possessed both in a high’ degree—he was, certainly, air aristocrat at heart; and had, per haps, - less regard 1 for the “ Democracy” than al most any American statesman of his day. I am’ willing, then,- that the enemies of Gene ral Harrison should make all they fairly can out of the assertion of Mr. Randolph, that he and the General differed “ furtddirteiff ally and totally.” Judge’ Burnett, of Ohio, and General Solomon Van Reiisellaer, who have long and well known the General personally, - testify that he was an op ponent 6 f the Alien and Sedition Laws, and a warm - supporter of Mr. Jefferson in hits contest with the elder Adams. Had he been n black-cock ade'Federalist,-as is imputed, how happens it, tliat among all the living characters who knew him well in those exciting times, only two or three persons can be produced to prove it—and they superannuated by age, besotted with drunk enness, or convicted of falsehood ! If actions, votes, und speeches, are proper cri teriouK by which tc judge of the principles of men, let the following contrast of the opinions and acts of Mr. Van Buren and General Harri son,- show which is most justly changeable with Federalism Mr. Van Buren “ voted and argued against ex tending universal suffrage to white citizens ofthe State of Ne w York.” “ He voted against electing justices of the peace, remarking, - the further power was removed from the people, the better.” “He voted and argued against electing she riff?;/’ He ImsmiifoAnily sought to concentrate in the Chief e.xecrttrte, powers uot authorised by .the Constitution, by contending for executive unity— that the executive is a component part of thele-1 gislative authority—by seeking the control, in directly, of the public money; and disgracefully canvassing personally among the people, to per petuate his power. Not one of these misdeeds, or high-toned fede ral acts, can be charged against General llairi son ; on the contrary, he is opposed to every principle and doctrine which they advance and contain. While Mr. Van Buren, bewildered ! with the jxissession of power, and the illusive i dreams of more, seeks to throw around himself the gaudy trappings of office, and to concentrate ! in his person, powers and prerogatives not con ! ceded to, or claimed by some of the constitutional j monarchs ofthe Old World. General llarrison, simple, plain, and republi can, goes tor the naked Constitution, as it is nn | (ringed and undecorated with any of the insignia i ot regal [xjmp, and for a Chief Magistrate, under’ i tliat Constitution, unclothed with the habiliments ’ of regn 1 ]x over. Mr. Van Buren, on one occasion, voted for I Rutus King, one of the most ultra and influential ot the old Federalists, to represent the State of New York, in the Senate of the United States, lie was opposed to the late war, at one time, in 1812, and voted for De Witt Clinton, the peace candidate, who was supported by the Federalists, in opposition to Mr. Madison, the republican can didate. General Harrison, as a Major Genera! ofthe Army, in tliat war, forsook the safety, comfort, ami quiet of his home, for the clashing of arms, and the red field of battle, lie encountered a relentless and savage foe, led on by Tecuinseh— brave, wily, and treacherous—to drive them to their morasses, and force them to peace, by the severity of his chastisements. He met the brave regulars of haughty England, to bring 1 them captive to our arms, and subject her terrific i Lion to the subdued attitude of unwilling submis i sion, at the feet of the Republican Eagle. Green j are the gldries which lie won for our land and himself; and long will they be remembered by his grateful countrymen. His fame is now inti— : mutely connected with the glory and renown of the Republic, and will endure as long as the i monuments by which they will be transmitted to succeeding generations. MADISON. Washington, Wilkes County, Ga. * September 14, 1840. To the Public. I noticed in the last Independent Press, a communication from T. F. Kendrick, with an array of Certificates, to affix upon me the charge, urul substantiate the report which ho circulated sometime previously, relative to an expression of mine against ! Gen. Harrison, to wit: That I had public ly declared that 1 should he pleased to hear of ll.’s death, soon after his election, to which I gave the unqualified lie. - I do not pretend to assert that Mr. K. has reported this without authority. But tosay the least of it, I would advise him in future, if he is one ofthe deputed agents of his party to circulate reports for political effect, that he he exceedingly cautious, to satisfy his own mind, that such reports had not been garbled, or entirely metamorphosed. The first certificate which is introduced, is from the pen of W. A. Quigly—and in justice to him, I must state, that so far as he has gone with his certificate, ho has tes tified to facts. I know it is almost impos sible in ordinary street conversation, for any one to recollect the identical phrase ology which is used ; and at the time I had the conversation with this gentleman, Gen. j Harrison was not the candidate of the State Rights Party of Georgia. According to his (Quigly’s) own confessions, it took place prior to tho June Convention. The second is from Robert Moon. The certificate which has been procured from this volunteer to establish tho correctness of Mr. K.’s report, is unqualifiedly false.— There was a gentleman present who heard the conversation, and will certify to what was said. j “I do hereby certify, that I heard J. N. Wingfield in a conversation upon the Pre j sidential question, at which time Moon said! j that Gen. H. was so old, he would die be ! lore his term expired ; to which Dr. W. ! replied, that, if he (Harrison) should die two days after the election, he would be perfectly satisfied with Tyler, at the head 1 of the government —or any man in prefer ence to Van Buren. Mr. Moon lias mis represented the expression entirely. “ E. S. LENNARD.” “ Sept. 10, 1840.” The next is from A. L. Boren. It is strange that this gentleman’s memory is so treacherous as not to recollect more of the conversation; if I mistake not, he was present when I had tho conversation with; Mr. Quigly. He has suppressed a part of my conversation, so as to change the sense ofthe expression. This took place prior to the nomination of Gen. Harrison to the Pre sidency by the State Rights Party. The next is from Mr. John Kendrick, the purport of which, represents me as be ing a warm’ supporter of Tyler, which f am proud- to 1 acknowledge. The last cer tificate is from Wm. H. Moon, who certi fies that he heard me state that I wisl/Ted Gen. Harrison- would die immediately after he took his seat,- so that Tyler might ho President. Which certificate I say is false, ThisgeiMfewtfn should be certain of the cor rectness of what he certifies to—-forOs rrvust recollect he was once honored with a birth iii the Penitentiary, and if he should contract a habit of this nature, lie may be again introduced to tho same cell. All who have given certificates, have labored hard to impress tho public with the idea, that 1’ was a devoted supporter of John Ty ler of Virginia. To which I will respond —if there is a man living, whose name’ cannot be too highly appreciated, as a man of correct political principles, and integri ty of purppse, and one too who merits the unqualified esteem of every honest man, is is Tyler. Not one of the corrupt, admini stration organs in this state or elsewhere, has dared to stain his character, either pri-