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*ion, which “were presented and passed the Legislature of New York, in the year ilßl9, when Mr. Van Buren was a member of that body, and he voting for them ; and which goes to prove his opinions in refer ence to slavery, and its introduction into the States and Territories, I will quote them as sufficient evidence on this point : “ Whereas, the inhibiting the further exten /'Vi of slavery in these United States, is a sub let of deep concern to the people of this State ; and, whereas, we consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored, and that every constitutional bar rier should be interposed to prevent its further extension, and that thg Constitution of the United States clearly gives Congress the right to require of new States not comprehended within the original boundaries of the United States, the prohibiting of slavery as a condition of their ad mission into the Union : * “ Resolved, That our Senators be instructed, . and our Representatives in Congress be request ed, to oppose the admission as a State into the union of any Territory not comprised as afore-” said, making the prohibition of slavery an indis pensable condition of admission.” This is the “ Northern man with South ern principles.” Has he forgotten, or does ie suppose that the people have forgotten, his vote on the subject of slavery, in 1822, on the Florida question? Does he suppose that, the people of the South, have buried in oblivion his opinions upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia? Oh, he is a “Northern man with Southern prin ciples !” This is the immortal catholicon which is crammed down every man’s throat raises an objection to his acts or ad ministration; but I find this great salvo has lost much of its virtue, and the people are calling for something more substantial than Southern principles, and vetoes based upon promises. 3. Did he not vote for free negro suff rage ? This has been admitted by you and your party. If not, the records of the New York Convention, in 1821, will satisfy the most prejudiced. 4. Did he not sanction negro testimony ? You did not deny the correctness of this po sition; but I am aware that some attempt to justify Mr. Van Buren in this act of his life, (strong evidence of “Southern princi ples,”) upon the ground of there being suf ficient white testimony to have convicted Lieut. Hooe. If there ever was a more pitiful and degrading subterfuge resorted to than this, I have not been able to disco ver it Had there been sufficient white ; testimony to have convicted Lieut. Hooe of the charges preferred against him, then , was there less excuse for the President’s endorsing on the proceedings that he saw nothing in them “which required his in terference.” But when objections are rai sed by Southern men upon the grounds of admitting negro testimony into courts of jus tice to tisy a white man, we are told that it is the cbtnmon (aw of the land. This is equally destitute of truth. Time after time have the advocates of Mr. Van Buren been called upon to point out such a law and direct the public mind to it. It has not been done. They have been appealed to for precedent, and not a single isolated case has ever been produced; but, on the othpr hand, precedent can be shown against it. Did not Commodore Chauncy, in the Mediterranean, in 1816, although a North ern man, scornfully reject the effort to in troduce such testimony ? Did not Gen. Jackson set - aside a decision on the same grounds ? Did not the Court at the same place at which Lieut. Hooe was tried, (Pensacola,) refuse to receive negro testi mony in the case of Sailing Master Han dy ? And, yet, in the face of all this array of truth, we find men so callous as to justi fy an act in a President, which should call forth the rebuke and just indignation of the whole South. ■ 5. Did he not sanction and recommend Mr. Poinsett’s standing army hill? You have let this pass, and given to it your cold and mild assent, by remaining silent. But unfortunately for the President,he disavows the fact himself. As I have the documents at hand, comment is unnecessary ; I pre sent them to the fair and candid considera tion of an intelligent public, to judge for themselves. And on this part of the sub ject, I quote the remarks of John M. Botts, of Virginia, to his constituents, as contain ing my opinions in full. He says: “ The President here directly denies that he did express lhs approbation of the plan of Mr. Poinsett, which, he says, never was submitted to him, and which was not matured for more than three months after his Message was sent <o Congress. Let us see, then, what is the precise language used by the President in his annual Message. “ Here is the extract from the Message, toge ther! witli the certificate of Mr. Hugh A. Gar land, Clerk of the House of Representatives,’ which I append, because the original Message cannot be in the hands of all those Who may read this letter, and because, in the absence oi some such proof, a question of veracity might be raised by the partizans of the President, as he himself has denied that he did express his ap probation of the plan, and it would not be strange, therefore, that those who have never seen his Message, should deny it for him. l “ Extract from the Message of the President | of the United States to the two Houses of Con gress, December 2,1839 : ‘ The present condition of the defences of our principal seaports and navy yards, as represented by the accompanying report of the Secretary of War, calls for the early and serious attention of ’ Congress; and, as connecting itself intimately with this subject, I cannot recommend too strongly to your consideration the plan submit ted by that officer for the organization of the mi litia of the United States.’ ‘ Office House of Representatives, May 23. ‘ At the request of a member of Congress, I have compared the above extract from the Pre sident’s Message with the original on file in my office, and find it to be correct, and to be all contained in the Message that relates to the subject of the extract • 11. A. GARLAND, Clerk Ho. Reps. U. S.’ “ The President, then, not only recommends the plan, but he recommends it in terms not usually employed; in terms which leave no doubt of its having met with his entire and un qualified approbation. “ What plan was it that ho thus recommend ed to Congress . 1 Why, the plan submitted by that officer, the Secretary of War, for the orga nization of the militia. Submitted to.whom—to Congress ! No ! —for the Secretary had made no report, and submitted no plan to Congress. He had made his annual report to the President of the United States, in which he suggests the subject of the organization of the militia, but says, the details had better be left subject to regulation—a plan of which lam prepared to submit to you, (the President) which plan—for there has never been but one —he cannot too strongly recommend. If this was not the plan he recommended, what plan did he recommend ! Why are we kept in ignorance and darkness as to the true plan recommended ! The President discovers, on the 31st of July, alter Congress had adjourned, without adopting his recommen dation, that the plan submitted 1 by that officer,’ in his own language, ‘ could not be safely ac complished in the form proposed under the Fe deral Constitution, as it standsor, in other words, the people ,had discovered that the Presi dent had recommended a plan which they did not think could be constitutionally or safely ac complished. Congress had adjourned without an attempt to justify the measure, and he not only denies its constitutionality himself, but denies that he had recommended it; denies that he had ever seen it; denies that lie was ‘ matured,’ (mark the word !) until more than three months after his recommendation. Now, until the Pre sident shows that there were two plans, and that it was the other plan, which no eye has ever seen, that he intended to recommend, we are bound to presume that it was the plan that he says had not been matured, and which he knew nothing about- Then, what are we to think of the qualifications of a man to fill the high office of Chief Magistrate of the United States, who will recommend, and in such strong and unusual terms, a measure for the adoption of the country, and which, if adopted on Ins recom mendation, lie would be compelled, by his oath of office, to reject as unconstitutional! “ This could only be reconciled by the con clusion, that he had in all respects, followed in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor, and was not in the habit of preparing his own Mes sages to Congress, and did not understand them when prepared ; and, therefore, like him, had to send in explanatory Messages of what lie meant, and to deny the only rational and sensible con struction that could be put ujsni it. But he de nies that the plan was 44 matured” until the month of March. This raises a question of ve racity between Mr. Van Buren and his Secre tary on the one hand, and the Hon. Samuel S. Phelps, a Senator of the United States from the State of Vermont, and a member of the militia committee in that body, on the other. Hear what Mr. Phelps says, in a letter written on the 20th of June, more than a month before the adjournment of Congress, which has not yet been contradicted, denied or noticed, except in the manner denied by the President in his let ter. No member of that committee in the Se nate, either during }he session of Congress or since, has denied it—and he establishes beyond all doubt, that a plan identical with that submit ted on the 20th of March to Congress, was sub mitted with the annual Report which accompa nied the President’s Message—if not true, where is the Chairman and Administration mem bers of that committee ! Why have they not spoken, ‘ Harper’s Ferry, June 20th, 1840. ‘ Dear Sir : —ln answer to your inquiry, I have only time to say, that very early at the present session of Congress, a bill in form emanating as 1 understood, from the Secretary of War, was laid before the committee of the Senate on the militia, of which committee I am a member. That bill, which I suppose accompanied the an nual communication of the Secretary of War to Congress, was, in all important features, identical with the plan communicated by the Secretary to the committee of the House of Representatives, under the date of the 20th of March last. The bill, to which I allude, was for some time the subject of inquiry by the committee. What has become of it, or why it has not been printed, I know not—but that such a bill was reported, and submitted with the annual re;tort, is not to be questioned. ‘ 1 would explain further, but having already made a written statement, which is now in the hands of the publisher, and which will, probably, be published, I refer you to that when it shall appear. In haste, your’s, ‘ SAMUEL S. PHELPS.’ “ What, then, does the President mean by saying that the plan was not “ matured” for more than three months after ! Does he mean, that as the Secretary originally proposed to di vide the United States into eight military dis tricts, and that by his subsequent bill of details, he proposed to divide it into ten, that, therefore, the plan was not matured, or completed, or per fected, until the month of March! Such a quib ble or subterfuge would not be more contempti ble and unworthy of the high station he occupies, than another he has resorted to, not at the insti gation of his own conscience or judgment, but at the suggestion of the lowest of his pandefiers. It . is, that the President did not give his sanction, or in the language of his letter, did not express his approbation of the plan, as he only recom mended it to the “ consideration” of Congress. Not for its adoption ! Oh, no ! That never en tered into his brain. He only recommended it to their consideration, to see how preposterous— how impracticable, and unconstitutional the measure was, and for this purpose he could not 1 recommend it too strongly.’ “ Does the President not know—yes, he knows, because he had his eye to that when he penned his Message, but do not his flatterers and his apologists know that in recommending this plan 4 to the consideration’ of Congress he followed the language of the Constitution, and did precisely what that instrument authorized and required him to do ! Let us look to tiie Constitution. What is its language! 44 The third section of tire second article de clares : 4 He shall from time to time give to the Con gress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.’ 44 Now, wherein has the President departed from the language of the Constitution except by saying, he could not too strongly recommend, which is to say, it so entirely meets with my approbation, that I do not only recommend, but press—urgently press, upon your consideration the plan proposed, which he now says he never saw—never approved—and believes to be uncon stitutional ? He is only authorized to recom mend to the consideration of Congress such mea sures as he may deem expedient and necessary. 44 1 will not undertake to characterize the con duct of the Chief Magistrate of the Nation ther it be a pettifogging quibble, a gross equivo- cation, or whether it deserves a harsher epithet— when he denies that he had expressed his appro bation of the plan. I leave to those who have to pass upon his conduct, to determine.” Fellow Citizens, pardon a digression : in closing these hasty remarks, permit me to appeal to your justice and magnanimity, I believe that the settlement of the ques tions embodied in this controversy, will ei ther be productive of the good of the coun try and the South, or seal, forever seal, the liberties of the American people! How do you stand connected with this matter? Are you prepared to barter away your rights for flimsy promises And professions ? In a word, are you willing to see the flag of your country stained with blood, and your dwellings wrapped in flames by the hands of the incendiary? The question is, HAR RISON or VAN BUREN—“ Choose ye between them.” Respectfully, your fellow citizen, JAMES W. PRICE. Washington, Sept. 22, 1840. Harrison, Tyler and lie form! NEWS AND GAZETTE. PRINCIPLES (Old MEN. WASHINGTON, GA. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1840. Wilkes County Elections. The Van Buren men of this county, we understand, express strong hopes of being able to elect at least one of the candidates for the Legislature, on their ticket. Their expectations of this small success, are, pro bably, based upon the anticipation of dis union in our ranks ; but we have little doubt that they will be signally disap pointed—for that we have a majority in this county is undeniable, and no disagree ment, so far as we can learn, sufficient to affect the result of the election, exists among us. Sorne of our party, it is true, were at first dissatisfied with one of the candidates nominated, and had even gone so far as to 1 say, they would vote for one on the Van Buren ticket, in preference ; these were among most respectable, firmest and truest of the State Rights men, who heretofore have allowed no considerations of a perso nal or private nature to influence their’ votes—men of the most stern and unbend ing political integrity. They, we are con-, fident, have thought better on this subject; and are prepared to do no act, which, by any possibility, could be construed by friend or enemy, “into an abandonment of’ the principles they have contended for so long and so well. If there yet remains in the breast of any one, a disinclination to support the ticket— the whole ticket, and nothing but the ticket —nominated by the Anti-Van Buren Party of this county, we call upon such a one to remember the vast importance of the present contest between the people and power. To recollect that never since the formation of the government, have we had so much to contend against—an Adminis tration corrupt and powerful beyond any previous example in this nation ; with their agents and partizans in every corner of the country ; with a venal, scurrilous, unprin-, cipled, and unscrupulous press ; and with an organized party, strong in pecuniary re sources. To remember this, and then judge if a single vote can safely be thrown away up on a supporter of that party you are war ring against. Remember, too, that by the’ present Legislature, a Senator #o Congress is to lie elected, and your single vote against us, may possibly give this Legisla ture to the Administration, and cause us to be misrepresented for another term of six years, in the Senate of the United States. You say this is not probable. True ! but it is very possible—and not at all im probable. Recollect the close elections of last year in Virginia and North Carolina, where one or two votes decided the fate of large and populous districts ! Recollect the State of Massachusetts delivered up into the hands of a Locofoe'o Governor by a majority of ONE, out of over one hundred thousand votes polled ! Is it not possible that a simi lar case may be in this State, where the parties are confessedly nearly equally divided ? Now the simple questions to be solved by the man who hesitates to support those nominated by the party, are—Do you pre fer to vote for a candidate who, upon every party question, is certain to be against you—who has always been, and still is, your open and avowed political enemy ; who, whatever may be his talents and ca pacity, will, to the utmost of his power, ex ert them against you—and, properly, for he Will very well know that ho has not your good will to thank for his election, but the personal pique that caused you to give your suffrages to him, your foe, that his-op ponent, your political friend, might be de feated. No man of any spirit thanks ano ther for making him a tool, or scourge, to beat even his own enemies with. Jn opposition to this candidate, there is presented to you a ticket, on which tlierc is no one that has not always voted with you upon every question in which principle was involved—men who, for years, have con tended, shoulder to shoulder, in the same rank, and in the same cause with yourself, firm and unflinching supporters of Harri son and Tyler ; men who have before been tried and not been found wanting in the offi ces with which you have honored them— too deeply embarked in the good cause with you, to become changelings and trai tors, at this late day—whose worthiness it is folly to deny, and whose faithfulness, not withstanding the slanders of their enemies, requires no guarantee. We pretend not to dictate to any one, hut wo must say, that, in these times, it is the duty, pf every one of us,who has the smallest spark of patriotism in his soul, to yield not one jot or tittle of advantage to his oppo nents. Our adversaries are skilful in elec tioneering, and insidious in their attacks — they know the advantages of fence corner canvassing, and back-room caucuses— ready to catch at the slightest advantages, and to “ be all things to all men,” for the sake of gaining votes. Against a party of this sort, truth will and ho nest opposition must succeed. But such op position must be uncompromising and vigi lant—no ground must he yielded—perso nal feelings must give way for the public good. The case must be fairly laid before those unskilled in the politics of the coun try ; the vascillating must be confirmed by argument, in which truth, and the truth only should be used, for the plain and hon est man honors veracity even in an adver sary, and scorns a falsehood though it comes from the lips of a friend. Let our friends remember that the elec tion in October, will greatly influence, and probably decide that of November. The state of parties in Wilkes has been hereto fore, a good criterion of what they were in Georgia; our county has been an epitome ofthe State, so that what has been said of other States and counties may be true of us “As goes Wilkes, so goes the State in both, parties have been nearly on a balance, if we gained a victory, it was by a hard struggle, and the case was the, same with our adversaries ; we have now here an un doubted majority, and these are good grounds for believing we have a similar majority in the State, but we must not lose any part of that majority; let us not merely beat our opponents, but do it effectually that our ascendency hereafter may be un disputed and permanent. To those who will give this matter a candid and fair con sideration we do not doubt, that other, bet ter and more forcible reasons for unanimi ty in our county elections, will suggest themselves, and with such persons we leave the subject. We hold in utter scorn the vile political cant which would seek to array one class of community following a particular trade or profession against another pursuing a different occupation. Wc have seen in this county, attempts made to influence men to vote for the Van Buren ticket, be cause, as is asserted, forsooth, that ticket is composed of farmers and mechanics, an assertion that may safely be question ed. If it were so composed, we are will, ung to compare with them in this respect, aS in every other ; the candidates upon our ticket have at least as large a stake in the planting interest ofthe country as theirs though they do at the same time pursue other avocations. We honor the yeomanry of our land, the true nobility of the nation, too much to suppose for a moment that this subtle ap peal, can prejudice any againsfour ticket. We will not insult them so grossly as to suspect, for an instant, they are to be influ enced in their support of measures, and men by the consideration that, the candi dates before them, earn their bread by far ming, physicing, or the law. All, me chanic, doctor or lawyer, rich or poor, are dependent on the farmer for food and clothing, and the interest of all classes of society, are so completely identified with the planting interest, that he who attempts to molest or injure it in any way, is a mad man, and no better than a suicide. We are surprised that these politicians who are so reluctant to support any but a farmer, if they are really sincere, do not give their suffrages for Harrison the farmer, instead of Van Buren the lawyer. Away with this sophistry of our adver saries ! it is an insult to the intelligent far mers of Wilkes, to surmise that it will have any influence with them, they are not the men to be blinded by flattery, or de ceived by fallacies, they will soon say through the ballot-box and in a voice that shall astound their, insulters, who of the : candidates they think most worthy to serve ‘ them. “ Watchmen! u liat of the Night.” 1/ineoln and Elbert, Taliaferro and ■Oglethorpe, how goes the light ? Are you up and doing ? Wilkes calls to her sister counties—Wilkes, till lately last, now amongthe first in the contest. Be vigilant, or she Will surpass you. The day of the j j closing struggle approaches. Are your j sentinels watchful—are your troops un daunted—are there no Judases among you ? Are you ready !—then stand fast, and fear not; the crumbling power of your oppo nents shall he swept away before you, as dust before the whirlwind ! Elbert, Ta liaferro, and Oglethorpe, ’ the camps of tlie old State Rights guard, - your bold yeo manry have long held the wolf by his j ears, is your gripe yet firm ? Old Lin- j coin, you were caught napping last year ; hut a gust of the tornado that is swaying and surging the nation, from one end to the other, like a stormy ocean, lias swept over you. You arc roused, let us see if your proud boast of being “ foremost in the coming contest, will •prove true ! Do your best, or Wilkes will beat you ! Jlainc Eire I ion. The returns from Maine, so far as the\ have come in, are very favorable to the Whigs. It is yet uncertain whether Kent (Whig,)or Fairfield (Locofoco,) is elected Governor. To the State Senate which consists of 25 members, the Whigs have elected 14. There are three Harrison members of Congress chosen in the Districts heard from and one Van Buren. Large €ol*ll €r|i. We publish the following, from William Stone, Esq., of this place, with great plea sure. We think the crop described, can hardly be beaten. If any of our farming friends know of a plan by which as much or more corn can be raised, on the ex hausted lands of this, and the neighbor ing counties, they will do us and the com munity a favor, by letting us into the se cret. Communications, on agricultural subjects, we always gladly publish ; and we regret that those who have practical knowledge of agriculture, do not oftener send us the results of their experiments. 44 Mu. Cotting : 44 Washington, Sept. 15, 1840. “Dear Sir:—The following experiment, and unparalleled production of sixteen barrels, three pecks, and four quarts of cbm, made upon one acre of poor land, without any manure, save that of leaves, induces me to offer you this for publi cation. The following was the process: “ The land was broken up in November, and thrown into broad flat ridges, two feet wide, and six feet apart. It lay in that situation until the middle of March, we then run a furrow, with a small rooter, in the middle of the flat ridge, and a similar one on each side of the middle furrow, nine inches from it—making three rooter fur rows on each flat ridge—and dropped the corn in each rooter furrow, double the quantity we intended to let stand. When brought to a stand, our intention was to leave the stalks three feet apart in each furrow, which would give about eight thousand live hundred ktalks to the acre. When the corn was up, thinned, and had ob tained the height of six inches, we put on a coat of leaves, about three or four inches thick, cover ing the flat ridge all over and around the corn; then ploughed and hoed it, covering the leaves with soil. In about twelve days, we repeated a similar process —laid the corn by some time in May, and then covered the ground all over, be tween the rows, about six inches deep, with leaves, which were put on and covered while wet, in order that the ground might retain its moisture, to prevent the crop from tiring. • 44 The rows were 80 by 62 yards, making 39 double rows, 80 yards long. We gathered and measured three of the double rows, two on each side, and one in the middle ; the three rows produced ten bushels in the ears, which shelled out six bushels one and a half pecks. A short calculation'will show that, as the three rows pro duced six bushels and three-eighths of a bushel, the whole product of the 39 rows was eighty-two bushels, three pecks, and four quarts for about an acre. The corn being so thick, might have tired iii a dry season, and unquestionably would, if not protected by the leaves. 44 Your’s respectfullv, 44 WM. STONE.” Female Seminary. It will be seen, by reference to our ad vertising columns, that the third term of this institution commences on the first Monday in October. We feel warranted in saying, not from our own knowledge alone, but from the ob servations of others, who understand such things better than ourselves; that no better conducted institution ofthe kind exist in the Southern Country ; and it may safely in vite comparison with any ofthe boasted se minaries of the North, in the thorough manner in which instruction is communi cated, and in the regularity and efficacy of its system of government. The trustees have spared no trouble or expense in pro curing accomplished and able teachers, and in providing buildings, &c., for the convenience and accommodation of the scholars. A more eligible location for an establish ment of this kind, than this village, could hardly bo found. Remarkably healthy— with a community unusually moral and well informed—no place more fully com bines at once the advantages of a pleasant residence, with the absence of all induce ment to waste of time in frivolous and un profitable amusements. VV'e desire to excite the attention of pa- T rents and HA ato this institution ; iot we belie- * too little regarde J by the pi HER ‘ ts managers have chiefly di nrr , its merits for cele *■* n f brity , and 1 ve. osen, as some others less desen . squ< lendation have done, to sound tln/trui . 1 of their own praise. We regret t, at we are not able find room for the eloquent letter of Colonel Joseph 11. Lumpkin, of Oglethorpe, to die Coweta committee, who invited him to par take of a dinner given to th’ three great unchanged. How the Coweta committee came to suppose him a Loco Foco, canon-* ly be explained by imagining they mistook him for one J. 11. Lumpkin, a candidate on their Congressional ticket; they soon Found however, that they had waked up the wrong passenger. •m-mm—m *—■■■■-—-——MB Anti-Van It 11 ren Ticket for Lincoln County. FOR SENATOR : B. B. MOORE. FOR REPRESENTATIVES : H. W. HAGERMAN, AARON HARDY. To the Convicted Felon 4- Pink of Morality. SIR: I would inform you, that my contempt for you, is so great, I should consider myself dis graced to answer any communication, either from you, or the bipeds in the habiliments of Lo cotocoism, that write for you. As to your associ ates, toll them 1 have made it a governing princi ple to avoid Newspaper altercations with such men as can concoct assertions, and then drum up Certificates from a convict to establish their truth. J. N. WINGFIELD. Sept. 23,1840. It 4 We are authorized to announce Mr. JAMES BENTLEY, a Candidate for RE CEIVER and TAX COLLECTOR for the County of Wilkes, at the ensuing election.—July 10. 40 ts Kr* We authorized to announce Mr. JOSEPH J. POLLARD, as a Candidate at the ensuing election, for RECEIVER and TAX COLLECTOR for the County of Wilkes—Sep*. 24. (4) ts. We are authorized to announce Major JAMES H. LANDERS, a Candi date for RECEIVER and TAX COL LECTOR for Wilkes County, at the elec tion in January next.—Sept. 17. (3) ts. DAVID A. VASON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, IP A L m Y K /A „ (LEE COUNTY, ) GEORGIA, WILL PRACTICE IN TIIE DIFFERENT COUNTIES OF THE Chatahoochec Circuit, REFERENCES : Hon. Charles Dougherty, Athens. Rev. Jonathan Davis, I^ee. Johnson & Robinson, Madison, Rev. Jesse Mercer, Washington, Wilkes. I)r. John Wingfield, Madison. Z. Jackson, Esq., Lee. lion. M. J. Wellborn. Sept- 24, 1840. (4) ts. TOWN RESIDENCE FOR SALE. riIHE Subscriber has it in contemplation to re turn to his Plantation, and,therefore,offers his Town Property for sale; consisting of a FOUR ACRE LOT, with a large and conve nienf DWELLING HOUSE, eight fire-places, the necessary out-houses, |JJ!J§S and a never-failing well of excellent water. If the purchaser wish as, he can have Twenty three Acres of wood-land, well set with timber, six or eight hundred yards from the lot. Further particulars are not necessary, as the purchaser will examine for himself francis McLendon. Sept. 24, 1840. (4) ts. WAREHOU^^^MMISSIOM BUSINESS. The undersigned have asso- C&SSkB dated themselves in thelTY . -SqIeWAREHOUSE and COM-fSgggfc MISSION BUSINESS in the City of Augusta, under the Firm of BUSTIN & WALKER. They have leased the Warehouse lately occu pied by Captain A. Gumming, where they will be pleased to attend to any business confided to their care. EDWARD BUSTIN. JAMES B. WALKER. Augusta, Sept. 17, 1840. (4) st. washingtoTT - Female Seminary • npiTE THIRD TERM, in this Institution, commences on the FIRST MONDAY in OCTOBER. E. M. BURTON, Secretary. September 17, 1840. (3) 2t. Tailoring • r IAIIE Subscriber respectfully informs the Citi zens of Wilkes county, that he lias located himself at Major Johnson Norman’s, nine miles wes: of Washington, where he will be happy to serve all who may wish to have any thing done in his hue of business. All his work will be exe cuted in the most neat, faithful, and fashionable manner. The following are bis cash prices : Making first-rate Coat : : : : $6 00 Edging Do. : ; : 3 00 Ditto, second quality : : : : 5 00 Ditto, third quality : : : : 4 00 Making Pantaloons or Vest’ : : 1 50 Ditto, Overcoat. : : : : : 7 00 Cutting Coat ::::::: 50 Ditto, Pantaloons or Vest : : 25 He will be thankful for any custom in his busi ness ; and as his prices are very low, he has de termined to keep no books, and do altogether a cash business. JOHN H. RHODES. September 14, 1840. (3) ts.