News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, October 08, 1840, Image 1
NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE.
D. COTTIMfi, Editor.
No. 6.—NEW SERIES.]
NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE.
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THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FOKWAKI) THE !
NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE :
J. T. dp li. H. Wooten, A. />. Statham, Danburg,
Mallorysville, li. F. Talom, Lincoln- j
Felix tQ. Edtt.ards, l’e- ton,
tersburg, Elbert, O. A. Luckett, Crawford- j
tGen. Grier, Raytown, ville,
Taliaferro, W r . Davenport, Lexing-
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ton, Dr. Cain, Cambridge,
John A. Simmons, Go-j Abbeville District,
shen, Lincoln, | South Carolina.
~ ANTI-VAN BUREN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT :
WILLIAM H. HARRISON.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT :
JOHN TYLER.
IF®K ELEtBITOR®*
(Os President and Vice President.)
ELECTION ON THE SECOND OF NOVEMBER.
GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
Gcn. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden,
Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee,
Mss. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock,
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark,
SEATON GRANTLAND, oj Baldwin,
Cen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass,
Ckn. W. W. EZZARD, of De Kalb,
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb,
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke,
Gen. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
“ General Harrison has done more for his
•country, with less compensation for it, than
any man living.” President Madison.
“ I profess to be somewhat acquainted with
•the history of General Harrison’s political,
‘military, and private life. lam his neighbor,
and live in his county. As to his private life,
I know of no stain that for a moment sullies
ihira.” Dr. Duncan, of Ohio.
Colonel Richard M. Johnson, now Vice Pre
sident of the United States, said, iu Congress :
“ Who is General Harrison ? The son of one
of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen
dence, who spent the greater part of his large
fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave,
of his ‘ fortune, life, and sacred honor,’ to se
cure the liberties of his country.
“ Os the career of General Harrison, I need
not speak ; the history of the West is his his
tory. For forty years he has been identified
with its interests, its perils, and its hopes.
Universally beloved in the walks of peace,
and distinguished by his ability in the coun
cils of his country, he has been yet more
illustriously distinguished in the field. Dur
ing the late war, he was longer in actual
service than any other General Officer; he
was, perhaps, oftener in action than any one
of them, and never sustained a defeat.”
Colonel R. M. Johnson to General Harrison,
July 4,1813, says :
“ We did not want to serve under cowards
or traitors; but under one [Harrison] who had
proved himselftobewise, prudent, and brave.”
“ Resolved, by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the Stale of Kentucky,
That, iu the late campaign against the Indians
upon the Wabash, Governor William Henry
Harrison has behaved like a hero, a patriot,
and a general; and that for his cool, delibe
rate, skillful, and gallant, conduct in the battle
of Tippecanoe, he well deserves the warmest
thanks of his country and his nation.”
Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 7, 1812.
On the night before the final question on the
Missouri restriction was taken, General Har
rison was warned by one of his associates, that
if he voted against the restriction, he would
ruin his popularity at the North ; he fearlessly
replied:—
“ I have often risked my life in defence of
my country —I will now risk my political po
pularity in defence of the union.”
General Wm. H. Harrison says:
“In all ages, and in all countries, it has
been observed, that the cultivators of the soil
are those who are the least willing to part
with their rights, and submit them, to the will
of a master.”
WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTV, GA.,) OCTOBER S, I*lo.
In a speech at Cheviot, Ohio, on the 4th of July,
1833, General Harrison made use of the follow
ing language!
“ There is, however, a subject now beginning
to alarm them, iu relation to which. If their alarm
has any foundation, the relative situation iu
which they may stand to some of the States, will
be the very reverse to what it now is. I allude to
a supposed disposition in some individuals in the
non-slaveholding States, to interfere with the
slave population of the other States, for the pur
pose of forcing their emancipation. * * * *
If there is any principle of the Constitution
of the United States less disputable than any
other, it is, that the slave population is under the
exclusive control of the States which possess
then.. * * * * \Vhat must be the conse
quence of an acknowledged violation of these
rights, (for every man of sense must admit it to
he so,) conjoined with an insulting interference
with their domestic concerns ; * * * *
Is there a man vain enough to go to the land
of Madison, of Macon, and of Crawford, and tell
them that they either do not understand the
principles of the moral and political rights of man;
or that, understanding, they disregard them !
Can they address an argument to the interest or
fears us the enlightened population of the slave
States, that has not occurred to themselves a
thousand and a thousand times ! To whom, then,
are they to address themselves but to the slaves !
And what can be said to them, that will not lead
to an indiscriminate slaughter of every age and
sex, and ultimately to their own destruction!
Should there be nil incarnate devil who has ima
gined with approbation, such a catastrophe to his
lellow-citizens as 1 have described, let him look
to those for Whose benefit he would produce it. *
* * I will not stop to inquire into the motives of
those who are engaged in this fatal and unconsti
tutional project. There may be some who have
embarked in it without properly considering its
consequences, and who are actuated by benevol
ent and virtuous principles. But, if such there
are, I am very certain that, should they continue
their present course, their fellow-citizens will,
ere long, ‘ curse the virtues which have undone
their country.’ t* * * * *****
If I am correct in the principles here ad
vanced, I support my assertion, that the discus
sion on the subject of emancipation in the non
slaveholding States, is equally injurious to the
slaves and their masters, and that it has no sanc
sion in the principles of the Constitution.”
In a speech, delivered at Vincennes, Indiana,
(when General Harrison was before the people
as a candidate for the Presidency,) speaking of
the abolitionists, he says :
“ 1 have now, fellow-citizens, a few words
more to say oil another subject, and which is, in
my opinion, of more importance than any” other
that is now in the course of discussion in any
part of the Union. I ajlude to the societies
which have been formed, and the movements of
certain individuals, in some of the States, in rela
tion to a portion of the population in others. The
conduct of these persons is the most dangerous,
because their object is masked under the garb of
disinterestedness and benevolence; and their
course vindicated by arguments and propositions
which in the abstract no one can deny. But,
however fascinating may be the dress with which
their schemes are presented to their fellow
citizens, with whatever purity of intention they
may have been formed and sustained, they will
be found to carry in their train mischief to the
whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it
which it is probable some of the projectors, and
many of their supporters, have never thought of;
the latter, the first in the series of evils which are
to spring from this source, are such as you have
read of to have been perpetrated on the fair plains
of Italy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of
Atilla and Alaric ; and such as most of you ap
prehended upon that memorable night, when the
tomahawks and war-clubs of the followers of Te
cumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard
not the disavowals of any such intentions upon
the part of the authors of these schemes, since,
upon the examination of the publications which
have been made, they will be found to contain
every fact and every argument which would have
been used if such had been their objects. lam
certain that there is not in this assembly one of
these deluded men, and there are few within the
bounds of the State. If there are any, I would
earnestly entreat them to forboar, to pause in their
career, and deliberately consider the conse
quences of their conduct to the whole Union—to
the States more immediately interested, and to
those for whose benefit they profess to act. That
the latter will be the victims of the weak, injudi
cious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts
to serve them, a thorough examination of the sub
ject must convince them. The struggle (and
struggle there must be) may commence with
horrors such as I have described, but it will end
with more ffrmly riveting the chains, or in the
utter extirpation of those whose cause they ad
vocate. Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in apply
ing the terms weak, presumptuous, and uncon
stitutional, to the measures of the emancipators 1
A slight examination will, I think, show that I am
not.”
On the subject of selling white men for
debt, General Harrison says, in a letter to Mr.
Pleasants:
“ So far from being willing to sell men for
debts, which they are unable to discharge, I
am, and ever have been, opposed to all impri
sonment for debt.”
In a letter, on the same subject, to the Editor
of the Cincinnati Advertiser, he says:
“ Far from advocating the abominable prin
ciples attributed to me by your correspondent,
I think that imprisonment for debt, under any
circumstance but those where fraud is alleged,
is at wat with the best principles of our Con
stitution, and ought to be abolished.”
The following paragraph, from a memoir of
General Harrison, by J. R. Jackson, Esq., hears
valuable testimony to his religious character :
“An incident which occurred at Philadelphia,
will serve to illustrate his character. On the
evening preceding a Sabbath he was to spend in
that city, two gentlemen waited on him, and
stated, that there were two sects there, more nu
merous than others ; and, therefore, it would be
good policy in him to attend one of these sects in
the morning and the other in the afternoon.
‘ Gentlemen,’ he replied, ‘ I thank you sincerely
for your kindness, but I have already promised
to attend divine service to-morrow; and when I
go to church, I go to worship God, and not to
electioneer.’ ”
In a letter to the Hon. Sherrod Williams,
dated “ North Bend, May 1, 1836,” General
Harrison says:
“ I have before me a newspaper, in which I
am designated by its distinguished editor,
PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
1 the bunk and federal candidate.’ I think it
would puzzle the writer to adduce anv act of
iny life which warrants him in identifying me
with the interests of the first, or the politics of
the latter.”
POLITICAL.
From the Richmond Whig.
VAN AND THE ABOLITIONISTS.
The subjoined letter from New York, is
a beautiful commentary upon the attempt
made yesterday morning, by the Jesuit of
the Enquirer, to taint Harrison with Abo
lition. We hope it will be read generally,
and Seriously, assuring those who may
read it, that it emanates from a source in
capable of the dishonor of misstating or
perverting facts.
There can he, THERE IS, no doubt, that
\ an Burenism is courting the Abolitionists
in New York and Ohio—wooing them iri
every possible mode and manner. There
is just as little doubt, that the insidious
game of that party from the first, lias been
to gain the Abolitionists in these two States
especially, by stimulating Gen. Harrison
to denounce them! Without their aid,
both New York and Ohio were hopeless—
with their aid, one or both might be carri
ed for the trickster of Kinderhook ! Need
we here recapitulate the stratagems they
have restarted to, to call Gen. Harrison
out against the Abolitionists—the false ver
sions of his opinions, tlie direct charges
against him of an alliance with them, the
taunts, and the insults ? All were direc
ted to the same end. None of his accusers
really believed him tainted with abolition
ism—his public life, his recorded votes,
his former and his recent acts and declar
ations all contradicted the assumption, re
futed it and laughed it to scorn. What
was desired by the managers of the intrigue
was to commit him against the Abolition
ists—to goad him into a fresh denunciation
of them and their schemes ; and the object
of it was to lose him those of that party
who were inclined to be Whigs, judged to
be enough to turn the scale in New York
and Ohio,
Well, Harrison has denounced them,
and what is the effect ? Do his Southern
traducers give him any credit for it ? Do
they abate of their detractions? Let the
incessant assaults upon him in every hire
ling print in the South give the answer.—
He has renewed his condemnation of Abo
lition and Abolition practices, and the re
sult is just what the tactics of Van Buren
ism anticipated and intrigued for. The
Abolitionists of Ohio are so strongly against
Gen. Harrison, since his Carthage Speech,
that the Administration hopes of carrying
that State have revived. In Vermont,
they were very generally united in support
of the Administration cause, and the letter
which follows shows what is going on in
New Y’ork.
For ourselves, weave glad of all this.
Harrison will be elected by the American
People. He needs not the Abolition vote.
He will come in, in despite ofit, though it
be backed by the influence, corruption and
gold of the Administration. He will not
only come in, but come in by the vote of
20 States ; and his election, besides other
Reforms which it will consummate,will con
sign Abolition, and those who traffic in its
wares, to the “ tomb of all the Capulets.”
“ Troy, 24th August, 1840.
“In corroboration of the opinion express
ed by me, in a late letter to you from Sar
atoga Springs, that the Van Buren Party
in the North were now courting the Abo
litionists, for the aid of their votes, espe
cially in this State, where they are much
needed, and by which alone they can have
any hope of turning the tide, I must state
to you what I have this moment witnessed
here. A cavalcade of about thirty vehi
cles, of various descriptions, preceded by
a Marshal on horseback, (a portly person
age, whose soubriquet, from a union in
him of certain qualifications, is Prince of
Schagticoke, a real Knickerbocker, who
in high Federal times, preceding the War,
represented in Congress the then Federal
county of Rensellaer, the Patroon’s ten
ants) followed by a full hand of music, and
then all the Loco Focos, to be drumed to
gether in this quarter to attend their meet
ing, held to-day, in this city. In the pro
cession were two negroes. In an open car
riage, driven by a white man, I saw the
disgusting spectacle of a self sufficient ne
gro, seated by a white man—all in the car
riage hailfellow well met Loco Focos. I
wish our Virginia Loco Focos could hut
see such an exhibition, such as I suppose
are becoming frequent, in these times,
throughout this State—as the only chance
of their political salvation, the Locos well
know, depends upon the Abolitionists.—
Should they have made their bargain, of
course they will have a right to claim their
share of the spoils, which they will have
a right to expect. Who is the Candidate of
the Abolitionists now ? Certainly not Gen.
Harrison. Their recent movements are,
to some extent, injurious to him. But, as
I have before said, he will not lose by them
more than 3000 votes, which can be spared
in this State, and yet leave him a hand
some majority.
“ I am told that a goodly proportion, and
most of the leading men at this meeting,
were called, during the late war, “ Blue
Light Federalists,” and were as vehement
ly opposed to Madison then as to Harrison
now. And notwithstanding the abuse of
Banks and of the credit system is the bur
then of the song, Presidents, Cashiers anil
Directors of the Banks, as well as Old Fed
eralists, are the leaders of the Tories here.
Notwithstanding, too, that distinguished
orators of the Party came from a distance
to address the meeting, (two Senators.) it
was but a slim atfair, 385 all told. The
county majority against them is estimated
at about 800.”
THE “ NULLIFIERS.”
The Federal Loco-Focus are publishing,
with greutglee and exultation, letters from
Messrs. Calhoun and McDuffie, assigning
their reasons lor preferring Mr. Van Buren
to Gen. Harrison—not the true reasons—
those which, on Mr. Calhoun’s part, are
compounded of hatred of Ilonry Clay and a
frantic ambition ; and on Mr. McDuffie’s,
a submissive acquiescence in the guidance
of Mr. Calhoun ; these are kept carefully
locked up in their own bosoms but the ficti
tious reasons invented to excuse a lore-gone
conclusion. But a very few years ago,
Calhoun and McDuffie were particularly
odious to the Federal tribes—“ Disunion
ists,” “Enemies of their country,” “Trai
tors,” “Incendiaries” and Catilinos” were
the epithets habitually applied to them
Now —now that lor selfish ends, they have
abandoned the high grounds of patriotism
upon which they so long stood, and struck
up a degrading alliance with the “obscene
birds,” the “Rogues and Royalists,” as
they and theirs delighted to call the office
holding faction, they are caressed with un
bounded fondness by that faction! Are,
those gentlemen so little acquainted with
human nature as to be deceived by these
demonstrations—or to imagine that their
proffered aid to Mr. Van Buren in bis pres
ent difficulties will be of anv advantage to
him? Are they yet to learn, Mr. Calhoun
especially, that justly odious as Martin
Van Buren is to the American People, John
C. Callioun is, if possible, yet more so?—
And that his help, at this moment of peril,
is just such help as a drowning man re
ceives, when another drowning man lays
hold of him for extrication ?
The Editor of the Baltimore Pilot, Mr.
Calhoun’s connexion and friend, observes
upon Mr. Calhoun’s letter :
“We have often differed with Mr. Cal
houn on the expediency of his career, and
have, from time to time, exercised the priv
ilege of a friend to remonstrate with him. j
We had hoped that the present exciting e
lection would pass by without imposing on i
us the necessity of controverting his opin
ions or giving prominence to his present po
sition, so painful to his true friends, and
so fatal, we fear, to his future reputation
and usefulness. In commenting now on
his unkind and unwise interference, by
throwing the weight and influence of his
name into the scale of his old and most ma
lignant personal as well as political ene
mies, we will not forget what is due to our
present personal relations, nor to those ties
which bind us together as old political as
sociates. It is painful to us to sec that Mr.
Calhoun lias fallen into the error too com
mon to the great men of every age, that he
is under a delusion as to the influence of
political leaders, and has so far forgotten
what was due to the character and intelli
gence of his old political friends, as to sup
pose that his authority would influence their
preference as between Gen. Harrison and
Mr. Van Buren !”
“ The weight and influence of his name!”
Gen. Green will pardon us for saving that
the Whig party has sustained a very small
detriment from this fancied weight and in
fluence. We go farther, and assert, that
the Whig party is under the highest obli
gations to Mr. Calhoun for having formed
that Coalition with Mr. Van Buren, which,
by exciting a spirit of vehement indignation,
has added another and powerful element to
a conquering Opposition.
From the Richmond Whig.
VAN BUREN TACTICS AND FED
ERAL TRICKS.
In the South, Gen. Harrison is uniformly
spoken of as the Abolition Candidate—the
Abolitionists are constantly alledged to be
his active supporters—and an impudent
misstatement of a member of Congress that
there were 30 Abolitionists in the Harris
burg Convention, has been adopted and
gravely retailed for truth. 1 larrison’s own
declarations of utter abhorrence of the
schemes of the Abolitionists—his denuncia
tion of them as “weak, mischievous and
unconstitutional”—his repeated assaults
upon themin their strong hold in Ohio—his
Virginia birth, education, impressions and
attachments—his firm and Roman behavi
our pending the Missouri Restrictions,
when lie alone of all non-slavaholding
members, threw himself into the breach to
defend Southern Rights—-all these eviden
ces, full, explicit, unequivocal and conclu
sive, weigh not a feather with oar venera
ble neighbor, “Extra” our “Bill,” ct id
omne Genus. These self-constituted guar
dians of Southern rights affect to believe
Gen. Harrison the Abolition Candidate,
and that their support of him will place him
under such dangerous obligations to them
as to hazard the peace and interests of the
South! What an amiable solicitude for the’
South ! What fine reasoning and wise de
ductions, that 6or 8000 Abolitionists, even
if they did vote for Gen. Harrison, are to
acquire and exercise a greater control ov
er him, than the million of Anti-Abolition
ists who will also vote for him! Was the
public understanding ever insulted by sucli
senseless stupidity before ! Would any
but an unhesitating, and unscrupulous par
tizan, who cared not what he said, so he
might gull some booby, or else some veri
table ass, address such arguments to an
enlightened community ? What though
every Abolitionist, man, woman and child
in the Union were to vote for General Har
rison—is that toimpairSouthern confidence
in him, when he denounced them time af
ter time and without limit ? Is a Candi
date's honesty to lie questioned, because a
rogue may vote for him, and is that one
rogue because lie voted for the successful .
candidate, to have influence enough to make j
him a knave iu the discharge of his duties ? ■
Such is precise! v the reasoning of tile En
quirer ami its affiliated organs in the South.
It would really appear to most minds,
and indeed we should think to all, except
a parti/.an drunk with his zeal and passion,
that Mr. Ritchie and liis followers, who
betray so much tender concern and keen
sensibility for the South on the score of
Abolition, ought, in the nature of things,
and as the necessary ecnsequence of uu in
dependent, exercise of the rational faculty,
to harbor some small dread of little Mar
tin ! Putting this and that and the other
together, quite as much as of Gen. Harri
son! A sworn friend of the free negroes,
\ an, in a solemn public vote in the New
Y ork Convention, conferred on them the
right of suffrage—that is said to the Soutli
and the world, that the black ought to he
allowed to bear an equality with the white,
and share with him the government of this
country ! DID GENERAL HARRISON
EVER GIVE SUCH A PROOF AS THIS j
OF A WILLINGNESS To FRATER
NIZE WITH NEGROES—of a secret at- j
tachment to the doctrines of the. Abolition- j
ists ? If lie ever did, tell us when and j
where.
Within a few months, Marlin Van llu- j
ren lias officially approved, as President
of the United States, the nefarious priuci- j
pie ofnegroesgiving evidence against w bite
men—approved it under his signature— |
when a word from him would have put it j
down forever. Did Gen. Harrison ever
give such strong evidence of his admira
tion for negroes, or of sympathy with them
and the views of the Abolitionists, or of a
desire to hoist them up to equality with the
whites, or rather, to pull the whites down
to an equality with them? If he ever did,
when was it and where ?
In the third place, Mr. Van Buren mov
ed Heaven and Earth to restrict Missouri
—to prevent Southern people from migrat
ing to that State with their negroes—to hem
slavery in between the Potomac and Flori
da—to give, by this means, the Northern
States a complete mastery in the Union,
and to crush the Southern. Did Harrison
ever betray such hitter enmity to the South,
to Southern rights, interests—nay, exist
ence itself, as this implies ? So far from
it, that with the devotion and heroism of
Curtius, he plunged into the fiery gulf t<>
save the South from the very fate which
Martin Van Buren at Albany was intrigu
iiig to fix upon it. All these things are mat
j ters of history and of public record.
And being as they are, so true and well
j known, that even the office holding brass
J cannot deny them, how is it, that the Fede
j ral followers in the South are so terribly
alarmed by Gen. Harrison, and not in the
j least afraid of Martin Van Buren ? If ei
ther can be suspected of a leaning to abo
lition, surely it is the free Negro Advocate
—the approver of Negro evidence—the
Missouri Restrictionist! Van is the dispen
ser of the “spoils”—that is the secret.
But while Mr. Van Huron’s partisans
in the South, are pretending to fear Gen.
Harrison on the Abolition subject, what
are his friends in Ohio, New York, and
Vermont doing ? Why, wooing, flattering
and cajoling the Abolitionists with all their
might! There, no doubt, they thus appeal
to the Abolitionists—“ Gen. Harrison was
born a slave-holder, is still one in his sym
pathies, denounces Abolition as “weak
and mischievous and unconstitutional,”
and Abolitionists as incendiaries. Mr. V.
Buren so far as agrees with you in feeling,
that he voted to let free negroes vote, ap
proves them as witnesses against white men,
and exerted himself to restrict slavery in
Missouri. Have you not more to expect
from Van Buren than from General Har
rison ?”
Who, we say, doubts, that this is the
secret language of Northern Vanßurenism,
to the Abolitionists ? If any doubt, let him
j read the following letter, which the Na
| tional Intelligencer endorses to be from a
distinguished citizen ofVermont:
“ Vermont, Sept. 3, 1840.
An attempt is made hv the Boston Morn
ing Post to give an impression tiiat the great
Whig victory in Vermont is a triumph of
the Abolitionists. It is precisely the re
verse. It is a most signal defeat of Aboli
tionism. Paul Dillingham, the Locofoco
candidate for Governor, is an Abolitionist.
He lost votes by his supporters electioneer
ing for him on that ground. Edward D.
Barber,’ the Locofoco candidate for Lieut.
Governor, is the rankest Abolitionist in
Vermont. For some years past lie lias
been the editor of a violent Abolition news
| paper, and is now, and tor years has been
i Secretary of the Vermont Anti-Slaverv So-
I ciety. Addison county, where Barber re
i sides, sends twenty-one members to the Le
gislature. Twenty of these are Whigs,
j and the remaining one is an Abolition Lo
cofoco, who will vote for Birney for Presi
dent, and who is the only member elect of
the Vermont Legislature who will so vote.
The excitement in Vermont in relation to
slavery has almost entirely died away, and
the subject would have been scarcely allu
ded to in connexion with our last election
had it not been for the attempts of the Lo
cofocos to make political capital out. of it.
Gen. Harrison’s views upon this question
N. J. KAPPEIi, Printer.
are perfectly understood in Vermont, and
it is as well known here as any where else
that he is entirely opposed to any interfe
rence with the institutions of the South.”
Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech at
Saratoga.
SETH PETERSON’S ARGUMENT.
It happened, about three weeks ago, that
on ail excursion with one man only with
ino,l mentioned the doctrine ofthe reduction
of prices, and asked him his opinion ofit.
lie said lie did not like it.
I replied, the wages of labor, it is true,
are reduced; hut then flour, and href, and
perhaps clothing, all of which you buy, are
reduced also. What, then, can he your
objections ?
Why, said he, it is true that flour is now
low, hut, then, it is an article that may
rise suddenly, by means of a scanty crop,
in England, or at home ; and if it should
rise from $5 to $lO, I do not know forcer
tain that it would fetch the price of my la
bor up with it. But while wages are high,
then 1 urn safe ; and if produce chances to
fall, so much the better for me. But there
is another thing. I have but one thing to
sell, that is, my labor ; hut I must buy
many things—not only flour, and meat, and
clothing, but also some articles that comes
from other countries ; a 1 ittle sugar, a little
coffee, a little tea, a little ofthe common
spices, and such like. Now, Ido not see
how these foreign articles will be brought
down, by reducing wages at home ; and
before the price is brought down of the only
thing l have to sell, I want to be sure that
the prices will fall, also, not of a part, but
of all the things which I must buy.
Now, gentlemen, though he will be as
tonished, or amused, that I shall tell the
story, before such a vast assemblage as
this, I will place this argument of Seth Pe
terson, sometimes farmer and sometimes
fisherman on the coast of Massachusetts,
stated to me while pulling an oar with each
hand, and with the sleeves of his red shirt
rolled up above his elbows, against the ar
guments, the theories, and the speeches of
the Administration and all its friends, in or
out of Congress, and take the verdict ofthe
country, and ofthe civilized world, wheth
er he has not the best side ofthe question.
SHAMEFUL AVOWAL.
Gen. Jackson in his second abusive let
ter concerning Mr. Clay’s speech at Nash
ville, says: “it would be easy to show
from the life of Mr. Livingston that the de
fault here alluded to was one which did not
prejudice his moral character or lessen the
high standing which he enjoyed at that
time.” Here is honesty and patriotism for
: you !! Edward Livingston, while in office,
makes way with SIOO,OOO of the people’s
money, and ex-President Jackson at this
day declares that this monstrous defalca
tion “ did not prejudice his moral charac
ter !!” Here’s a precious commentary on
honesty among public servants. The
President of the United States saying in
effect to public officers, “ rob away, fill
your pockets with the people’s money, run
away, or stand your ground, as you please
—your moral character will stand as high
as ever.” If Gen. Jackson has a friend left
in the world, he ought to prevent his wri
ting letters, or he may betray his real
j principles to the world ; and for the sake
of our country and his own military servi
ces, sucli facts ought to be buried with
him. Ile cannot stop the current which is
everv where rushing to produce reform.—
; N. Y. T. Sr Star.
AN ImPORTA N T FACT.
Martin Van Buren receives a salary of
; #25,000 per year—which is 2083 dollars
per month. He was absent from his post
nearly four months during the last year in
the State of N. York, making stump speech
es and electioneering for tho Presidency in
divers ways. The season of electioneering
cost the people at least SBOOO, for he ren
dered no service to the public to cover any
portion of his salary during his electioneer
ing tour of four months—yet he drew the
j full amount of his salary during that peri-
I oil. An honest, hard-working overseer,
| receiving only 200 dollars per year, would
j he contemptuously turned away by his em
ployer should he absent himself from busi
| ness a single week without the best excuse
in the world !!!
“ O. K.”— These initials, according to
Jack Downing, were first used by General
i Jackson. “ Those papers, Amos, are all
\ correct. 1 have marked them ‘O. K.’ ”
j [oli, korhect.] The General was never
good at spelling. Recently, however, they
iiave anew signification. For instance :
“O. K.”—“ Off to Kinderhook.”
The chivalrous Gov. Poindexter, of Mis
sissippi, being lately oil a visit to the Warm
Springs, in Virginia, was called upon to
express his sentiments concerning Gen.
Harrison. He obeyed the call, and in re
ference to the course of General Harrison,
on the Missouri question, Gov. P. observed
that he was standing at the side of the Old
Hero when he gave his vote on that mo
mentous question ; and that Gen. Harrison
said to him personally, “I know that 1 shall
sacrifice my popularity with my constitu
ents, by the course lam about to pursue.
But l will sooner incur the sacrifice than
the Constitution of my country shall be vi
olated.”
The N. Y. New Era calls General Har
rison “a rascal.” General Harrison cer
tainly is not a rascal, but we have no
doubt that, by the 4th of March, he will
turn out one.— Prentice.
[VOLUME XXVI.