News & planters' gazette. (Washington, Wilkes County [sic], Ga.) 1840-1844, October 08, 1840, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. D. COTTIMfi, Editor. No. 6.—NEW SERIES.] NEWS & PLANTERS’ GAZETTE. terms: Published weekly at Three Dollars per annum, if paid at the time of subscribing; or Three Dollars and Fifty Cents, if not paid till the expi ration of six months. No paper to he discontinued, unless at the option of the Editor, without the settlement of all. arrearages. Advertisements, not exceeding one square, first insertion, Seventy-five Cents; and for each sub sequent insertion, Fifty Cents. A reduction will be made of twenty-five jier cent, to those who advertise by the year. Advertisements not | limited when handed in, will be inserted till for bid, and charged accordingly. UX Letters, on business, must Ik post paid, to insure attention. No communication shall he published, unless we are made acquainted with the | mime us the author. Sales of Land and Negroes by Executors, Ad ministrators, and Guardians, are required by law, to be advertised, in'a public Gazette, sixty /lays previous to the day of sale. The sales of Personal Property must be adver tised in like manner, forty days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. m ’ Notice that application will be made to the Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell Land or Ne groes, must be published weekly for four mouths; notice that application will be made for Letters of Administration, must be published thirty days; and Litters of Dismission, six months. THE FOLLOWING GENTLEMEN WILL FOKWAKI) THE ! NAMES OF ANY WHO MAY WISH TO SUBSCRIBE : J. T. dp li. H. Wooten, A. />. Statham, Danburg, Mallorysville, li. F. Talom, Lincoln- j Felix tQ. Edtt.ards, l’e- ton, tersburg, Elbert, O. A. Luckett, Crawford- j tGen. Grier, Raytown, ville, Taliaferro, W r . Davenport, Lexing- James Bell, Powelton, ton, Hancock, S. .J. Hush, Irwington, Wm. B. Nelms, Elber- Wilkinson, ton, Dr. Cain, Cambridge, John A. Simmons, Go-j Abbeville District, shen, Lincoln, | South Carolina. ~ ANTI-VAN BUREN TICKET. FOR PRESIDENT : WILLIAM H. HARRISON. FOR VICE PRESIDENT : JOHN TYLER. IF®K ELEtBITOR®* (Os President and Vice President.) ELECTION ON THE SECOND OF NOVEMBER. GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe, Gcn. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden, Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee, Mss. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock, CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark, SEATON GRANTLAND, oj Baldwin, Cen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass, Ckn. W. W. EZZARD, of De Kalb, C. B. STRONG, of Bibb, JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke, Gen. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs. “ General Harrison has done more for his •country, with less compensation for it, than any man living.” President Madison. “ I profess to be somewhat acquainted with •the history of General Harrison’s political, ‘military, and private life. lam his neighbor, and live in his county. As to his private life, I know of no stain that for a moment sullies ihira.” Dr. Duncan, of Ohio. Colonel Richard M. Johnson, now Vice Pre sident of the United States, said, iu Congress : “ Who is General Harrison ? The son of one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen dence, who spent the greater part of his large fortune in redeeming the pledge he then gave, of his ‘ fortune, life, and sacred honor,’ to se cure the liberties of his country. “ Os the career of General Harrison, I need not speak ; the history of the West is his his tory. For forty years he has been identified with its interests, its perils, and its hopes. Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished by his ability in the coun cils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously distinguished in the field. Dur ing the late war, he was longer in actual service than any other General Officer; he was, perhaps, oftener in action than any one of them, and never sustained a defeat.” Colonel R. M. Johnson to General Harrison, July 4,1813, says : “ We did not want to serve under cowards or traitors; but under one [Harrison] who had proved himselftobewise, prudent, and brave.” “ Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Stale of Kentucky, That, iu the late campaign against the Indians upon the Wabash, Governor William Henry Harrison has behaved like a hero, a patriot, and a general; and that for his cool, delibe rate, skillful, and gallant, conduct in the battle of Tippecanoe, he well deserves the warmest thanks of his country and his nation.” Legislature of Kentucky, Jan. 7, 1812. On the night before the final question on the Missouri restriction was taken, General Har rison was warned by one of his associates, that if he voted against the restriction, he would ruin his popularity at the North ; he fearlessly replied:— “ I have often risked my life in defence of my country —I will now risk my political po pularity in defence of the union.” General Wm. H. Harrison says: “In all ages, and in all countries, it has been observed, that the cultivators of the soil are those who are the least willing to part with their rights, and submit them, to the will of a master.” WASHINGTON, (WILKES COUNTV, GA.,) OCTOBER S, I*lo. In a speech at Cheviot, Ohio, on the 4th of July, 1833, General Harrison made use of the follow ing language! “ There is, however, a subject now beginning to alarm them, iu relation to which. If their alarm has any foundation, the relative situation iu which they may stand to some of the States, will be the very reverse to what it now is. I allude to a supposed disposition in some individuals in the non-slaveholding States, to interfere with the slave population of the other States, for the pur pose of forcing their emancipation. * * * * If there is any principle of the Constitution of the United States less disputable than any other, it is, that the slave population is under the exclusive control of the States which possess then.. * * * * \Vhat must be the conse quence of an acknowledged violation of these rights, (for every man of sense must admit it to he so,) conjoined with an insulting interference with their domestic concerns ; * * * * Is there a man vain enough to go to the land of Madison, of Macon, and of Crawford, and tell them that they either do not understand the principles of the moral and political rights of man; or that, understanding, they disregard them ! Can they address an argument to the interest or fears us the enlightened population of the slave States, that has not occurred to themselves a thousand and a thousand times ! To whom, then, are they to address themselves but to the slaves ! And what can be said to them, that will not lead to an indiscriminate slaughter of every age and sex, and ultimately to their own destruction! Should there be nil incarnate devil who has ima gined with approbation, such a catastrophe to his lellow-citizens as 1 have described, let him look to those for Whose benefit he would produce it. * * * I will not stop to inquire into the motives of those who are engaged in this fatal and unconsti tutional project. There may be some who have embarked in it without properly considering its consequences, and who are actuated by benevol ent and virtuous principles. But, if such there are, I am very certain that, should they continue their present course, their fellow-citizens will, ere long, ‘ curse the virtues which have undone their country.’ t* * * * ***** If I am correct in the principles here ad vanced, I support my assertion, that the discus sion on the subject of emancipation in the non slaveholding States, is equally injurious to the slaves and their masters, and that it has no sanc sion in the principles of the Constitution.” In a speech, delivered at Vincennes, Indiana, (when General Harrison was before the people as a candidate for the Presidency,) speaking of the abolitionists, he says : “ 1 have now, fellow-citizens, a few words more to say oil another subject, and which is, in my opinion, of more importance than any” other that is now in the course of discussion in any part of the Union. I ajlude to the societies which have been formed, and the movements of certain individuals, in some of the States, in rela tion to a portion of the population in others. The conduct of these persons is the most dangerous, because their object is masked under the garb of disinterestedness and benevolence; and their course vindicated by arguments and propositions which in the abstract no one can deny. But, however fascinating may be the dress with which their schemes are presented to their fellow citizens, with whatever purity of intention they may have been formed and sustained, they will be found to carry in their train mischief to the whole Union, and horrors to a large portion of it which it is probable some of the projectors, and many of their supporters, have never thought of; the latter, the first in the series of evils which are to spring from this source, are such as you have read of to have been perpetrated on the fair plains of Italy and Gaul by the Scythian hordes of Atilla and Alaric ; and such as most of you ap prehended upon that memorable night, when the tomahawks and war-clubs of the followers of Te cumseh were rattling in your suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such intentions upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since, upon the examination of the publications which have been made, they will be found to contain every fact and every argument which would have been used if such had been their objects. lam certain that there is not in this assembly one of these deluded men, and there are few within the bounds of the State. If there are any, I would earnestly entreat them to forboar, to pause in their career, and deliberately consider the conse quences of their conduct to the whole Union—to the States more immediately interested, and to those for whose benefit they profess to act. That the latter will be the victims of the weak, injudi cious, presumptuous, and unconstitutional efforts to serve them, a thorough examination of the sub ject must convince them. The struggle (and struggle there must be) may commence with horrors such as I have described, but it will end with more ffrmly riveting the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause they ad vocate. Am I wrong, fellow-citizens, in apply ing the terms weak, presumptuous, and uncon stitutional, to the measures of the emancipators 1 A slight examination will, I think, show that I am not.” On the subject of selling white men for debt, General Harrison says, in a letter to Mr. Pleasants: “ So far from being willing to sell men for debts, which they are unable to discharge, I am, and ever have been, opposed to all impri sonment for debt.” In a letter, on the same subject, to the Editor of the Cincinnati Advertiser, he says: “ Far from advocating the abominable prin ciples attributed to me by your correspondent, I think that imprisonment for debt, under any circumstance but those where fraud is alleged, is at wat with the best principles of our Con stitution, and ought to be abolished.” The following paragraph, from a memoir of General Harrison, by J. R. Jackson, Esq., hears valuable testimony to his religious character : “An incident which occurred at Philadelphia, will serve to illustrate his character. On the evening preceding a Sabbath he was to spend in that city, two gentlemen waited on him, and stated, that there were two sects there, more nu merous than others ; and, therefore, it would be good policy in him to attend one of these sects in the morning and the other in the afternoon. ‘ Gentlemen,’ he replied, ‘ I thank you sincerely for your kindness, but I have already promised to attend divine service to-morrow; and when I go to church, I go to worship God, and not to electioneer.’ ” In a letter to the Hon. Sherrod Williams, dated “ North Bend, May 1, 1836,” General Harrison says: “ I have before me a newspaper, in which I am designated by its distinguished editor, PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING. 1 the bunk and federal candidate.’ I think it would puzzle the writer to adduce anv act of iny life which warrants him in identifying me with the interests of the first, or the politics of the latter.” POLITICAL. From the Richmond Whig. VAN AND THE ABOLITIONISTS. The subjoined letter from New York, is a beautiful commentary upon the attempt made yesterday morning, by the Jesuit of the Enquirer, to taint Harrison with Abo lition. We hope it will be read generally, and Seriously, assuring those who may read it, that it emanates from a source in capable of the dishonor of misstating or perverting facts. There can he, THERE IS, no doubt, that \ an Burenism is courting the Abolitionists in New York and Ohio—wooing them iri every possible mode and manner. There is just as little doubt, that the insidious game of that party from the first, lias been to gain the Abolitionists in these two States especially, by stimulating Gen. Harrison to denounce them! Without their aid, both New York and Ohio were hopeless— with their aid, one or both might be carri ed for the trickster of Kinderhook ! Need we here recapitulate the stratagems they have restarted to, to call Gen. Harrison out against the Abolitionists—the false ver sions of his opinions, tlie direct charges against him of an alliance with them, the taunts, and the insults ? All were direc ted to the same end. None of his accusers really believed him tainted with abolition ism—his public life, his recorded votes, his former and his recent acts and declar ations all contradicted the assumption, re futed it and laughed it to scorn. What was desired by the managers of the intrigue was to commit him against the Abolition ists—to goad him into a fresh denunciation of them and their schemes ; and the object of it was to lose him those of that party who were inclined to be Whigs, judged to be enough to turn the scale in New York and Ohio, Well, Harrison has denounced them, and what is the effect ? Do his Southern traducers give him any credit for it ? Do they abate of their detractions? Let the incessant assaults upon him in every hire ling print in the South give the answer.— He has renewed his condemnation of Abo lition and Abolition practices, and the re sult is just what the tactics of Van Buren ism anticipated and intrigued for. The Abolitionists of Ohio are so strongly against Gen. Harrison, since his Carthage Speech, that the Administration hopes of carrying that State have revived. In Vermont, they were very generally united in support of the Administration cause, and the letter which follows shows what is going on in New Y’ork. For ourselves, weave glad of all this. Harrison will be elected by the American People. He needs not the Abolition vote. He will come in, in despite ofit, though it be backed by the influence, corruption and gold of the Administration. He will not only come in, but come in by the vote of 20 States ; and his election, besides other Reforms which it will consummate,will con sign Abolition, and those who traffic in its wares, to the “ tomb of all the Capulets.” “ Troy, 24th August, 1840. “In corroboration of the opinion express ed by me, in a late letter to you from Sar atoga Springs, that the Van Buren Party in the North were now courting the Abo litionists, for the aid of their votes, espe cially in this State, where they are much needed, and by which alone they can have any hope of turning the tide, I must state to you what I have this moment witnessed here. A cavalcade of about thirty vehi cles, of various descriptions, preceded by a Marshal on horseback, (a portly person age, whose soubriquet, from a union in him of certain qualifications, is Prince of Schagticoke, a real Knickerbocker, who in high Federal times, preceding the War, represented in Congress the then Federal county of Rensellaer, the Patroon’s ten ants) followed by a full hand of music, and then all the Loco Focos, to be drumed to gether in this quarter to attend their meet ing, held to-day, in this city. In the pro cession were two negroes. In an open car riage, driven by a white man, I saw the disgusting spectacle of a self sufficient ne gro, seated by a white man—all in the car riage hailfellow well met Loco Focos. I wish our Virginia Loco Focos could hut see such an exhibition, such as I suppose are becoming frequent, in these times, throughout this State—as the only chance of their political salvation, the Locos well know, depends upon the Abolitionists.— Should they have made their bargain, of course they will have a right to claim their share of the spoils, which they will have a right to expect. Who is the Candidate of the Abolitionists now ? Certainly not Gen. Harrison. Their recent movements are, to some extent, injurious to him. But, as I have before said, he will not lose by them more than 3000 votes, which can be spared in this State, and yet leave him a hand some majority. “ I am told that a goodly proportion, and most of the leading men at this meeting, were called, during the late war, “ Blue Light Federalists,” and were as vehement ly opposed to Madison then as to Harrison now. And notwithstanding the abuse of Banks and of the credit system is the bur then of the song, Presidents, Cashiers anil Directors of the Banks, as well as Old Fed eralists, are the leaders of the Tories here. Notwithstanding, too, that distinguished orators of the Party came from a distance to address the meeting, (two Senators.) it was but a slim atfair, 385 all told. The county majority against them is estimated at about 800.” THE “ NULLIFIERS.” The Federal Loco-Focus are publishing, with greutglee and exultation, letters from Messrs. Calhoun and McDuffie, assigning their reasons lor preferring Mr. Van Buren to Gen. Harrison—not the true reasons— those which, on Mr. Calhoun’s part, are compounded of hatred of Ilonry Clay and a frantic ambition ; and on Mr. McDuffie’s, a submissive acquiescence in the guidance of Mr. Calhoun ; these are kept carefully locked up in their own bosoms but the ficti tious reasons invented to excuse a lore-gone conclusion. But a very few years ago, Calhoun and McDuffie were particularly odious to the Federal tribes—“ Disunion ists,” “Enemies of their country,” “Trai tors,” “Incendiaries” and Catilinos” were the epithets habitually applied to them Now —now that lor selfish ends, they have abandoned the high grounds of patriotism upon which they so long stood, and struck up a degrading alliance with the “obscene birds,” the “Rogues and Royalists,” as they and theirs delighted to call the office holding faction, they are caressed with un bounded fondness by that faction! Are, those gentlemen so little acquainted with human nature as to be deceived by these demonstrations—or to imagine that their proffered aid to Mr. Van Buren in bis pres ent difficulties will be of anv advantage to him? Are they yet to learn, Mr. Calhoun especially, that justly odious as Martin Van Buren is to the American People, John C. Callioun is, if possible, yet more so?— And that his help, at this moment of peril, is just such help as a drowning man re ceives, when another drowning man lays hold of him for extrication ? The Editor of the Baltimore Pilot, Mr. Calhoun’s connexion and friend, observes upon Mr. Calhoun’s letter : “We have often differed with Mr. Cal houn on the expediency of his career, and have, from time to time, exercised the priv ilege of a friend to remonstrate with him. j We had hoped that the present exciting e lection would pass by without imposing on i us the necessity of controverting his opin ions or giving prominence to his present po sition, so painful to his true friends, and so fatal, we fear, to his future reputation and usefulness. In commenting now on his unkind and unwise interference, by throwing the weight and influence of his name into the scale of his old and most ma lignant personal as well as political ene mies, we will not forget what is due to our present personal relations, nor to those ties which bind us together as old political as sociates. It is painful to us to sec that Mr. Calhoun lias fallen into the error too com mon to the great men of every age, that he is under a delusion as to the influence of political leaders, and has so far forgotten what was due to the character and intelli gence of his old political friends, as to sup pose that his authority would influence their preference as between Gen. Harrison and Mr. Van Buren !” “ The weight and influence of his name!” Gen. Green will pardon us for saving that the Whig party has sustained a very small detriment from this fancied weight and in fluence. We go farther, and assert, that the Whig party is under the highest obli gations to Mr. Calhoun for having formed that Coalition with Mr. Van Buren, which, by exciting a spirit of vehement indignation, has added another and powerful element to a conquering Opposition. From the Richmond Whig. VAN BUREN TACTICS AND FED ERAL TRICKS. In the South, Gen. Harrison is uniformly spoken of as the Abolition Candidate—the Abolitionists are constantly alledged to be his active supporters—and an impudent misstatement of a member of Congress that there were 30 Abolitionists in the Harris burg Convention, has been adopted and gravely retailed for truth. 1 larrison’s own declarations of utter abhorrence of the schemes of the Abolitionists—his denuncia tion of them as “weak, mischievous and unconstitutional”—his repeated assaults upon themin their strong hold in Ohio—his Virginia birth, education, impressions and attachments—his firm and Roman behavi our pending the Missouri Restrictions, when lie alone of all non-slavaholding members, threw himself into the breach to defend Southern Rights—-all these eviden ces, full, explicit, unequivocal and conclu sive, weigh not a feather with oar venera ble neighbor, “Extra” our “Bill,” ct id omne Genus. These self-constituted guar dians of Southern rights affect to believe Gen. Harrison the Abolition Candidate, and that their support of him will place him under such dangerous obligations to them as to hazard the peace and interests of the South! What an amiable solicitude for the’ South ! What fine reasoning and wise de ductions, that 6or 8000 Abolitionists, even if they did vote for Gen. Harrison, are to acquire and exercise a greater control ov er him, than the million of Anti-Abolition ists who will also vote for him! Was the public understanding ever insulted by sucli senseless stupidity before ! Would any but an unhesitating, and unscrupulous par tizan, who cared not what he said, so he might gull some booby, or else some veri table ass, address such arguments to an enlightened community ? What though every Abolitionist, man, woman and child in the Union were to vote for General Har rison—is that toimpairSouthern confidence in him, when he denounced them time af ter time and without limit ? Is a Candi date's honesty to lie questioned, because a rogue may vote for him, and is that one rogue because lie voted for the successful . candidate, to have influence enough to make j him a knave iu the discharge of his duties ? ■ Such is precise! v the reasoning of tile En quirer ami its affiliated organs in the South. It would really appear to most minds, and indeed we should think to all, except a parti/.an drunk with his zeal and passion, that Mr. Ritchie and liis followers, who betray so much tender concern and keen sensibility for the South on the score of Abolition, ought, in the nature of things, and as the necessary ecnsequence of uu in dependent, exercise of the rational faculty, to harbor some small dread of little Mar tin ! Putting this and that and the other together, quite as much as of Gen. Harri son! A sworn friend of the free negroes, \ an, in a solemn public vote in the New Y ork Convention, conferred on them the right of suffrage—that is said to the Soutli and the world, that the black ought to he allowed to bear an equality with the white, and share with him the government of this country ! DID GENERAL HARRISON EVER GIVE SUCH A PROOF AS THIS j OF A WILLINGNESS To FRATER NIZE WITH NEGROES—of a secret at- j tachment to the doctrines of the. Abolition- j ists ? If lie ever did, tell us when and j where. Within a few months, Marlin Van llu- j ren lias officially approved, as President of the United States, the nefarious priuci- j pie ofnegroesgiving evidence against w bite men—approved it under his signature— | when a word from him would have put it j down forever. Did Gen. Harrison ever give such strong evidence of his admira tion for negroes, or of sympathy with them and the views of the Abolitionists, or of a desire to hoist them up to equality with the whites, or rather, to pull the whites down to an equality with them? If he ever did, when was it and where ? In the third place, Mr. Van Buren mov ed Heaven and Earth to restrict Missouri —to prevent Southern people from migrat ing to that State with their negroes—to hem slavery in between the Potomac and Flori da—to give, by this means, the Northern States a complete mastery in the Union, and to crush the Southern. Did Harrison ever betray such hitter enmity to the South, to Southern rights, interests—nay, exist ence itself, as this implies ? So far from it, that with the devotion and heroism of Curtius, he plunged into the fiery gulf t<> save the South from the very fate which Martin Van Buren at Albany was intrigu iiig to fix upon it. All these things are mat j ters of history and of public record. And being as they are, so true and well j known, that even the office holding brass J cannot deny them, how is it, that the Fede j ral followers in the South are so terribly alarmed by Gen. Harrison, and not in the j least afraid of Martin Van Buren ? If ei ther can be suspected of a leaning to abo lition, surely it is the free Negro Advocate —the approver of Negro evidence—the Missouri Restrictionist! Van is the dispen ser of the “spoils”—that is the secret. But while Mr. Van Huron’s partisans in the South, are pretending to fear Gen. Harrison on the Abolition subject, what are his friends in Ohio, New York, and Vermont doing ? Why, wooing, flattering and cajoling the Abolitionists with all their might! There, no doubt, they thus appeal to the Abolitionists—“ Gen. Harrison was born a slave-holder, is still one in his sym pathies, denounces Abolition as “weak and mischievous and unconstitutional,” and Abolitionists as incendiaries. Mr. V. Buren so far as agrees with you in feeling, that he voted to let free negroes vote, ap proves them as witnesses against white men, and exerted himself to restrict slavery in Missouri. Have you not more to expect from Van Buren than from General Har rison ?” Who, we say, doubts, that this is the secret language of Northern Vanßurenism, to the Abolitionists ? If any doubt, let him j read the following letter, which the Na | tional Intelligencer endorses to be from a distinguished citizen ofVermont: “ Vermont, Sept. 3, 1840. An attempt is made hv the Boston Morn ing Post to give an impression tiiat the great Whig victory in Vermont is a triumph of the Abolitionists. It is precisely the re verse. It is a most signal defeat of Aboli tionism. Paul Dillingham, the Locofoco candidate for Governor, is an Abolitionist. He lost votes by his supporters electioneer ing for him on that ground. Edward D. Barber,’ the Locofoco candidate for Lieut. Governor, is the rankest Abolitionist in Vermont. For some years past lie lias been the editor of a violent Abolition news | paper, and is now, and tor years has been i Secretary of the Vermont Anti-Slaverv So- I ciety. Addison county, where Barber re i sides, sends twenty-one members to the Le gislature. Twenty of these are Whigs, j and the remaining one is an Abolition Lo cofoco, who will vote for Birney for Presi dent, and who is the only member elect of the Vermont Legislature who will so vote. The excitement in Vermont in relation to slavery has almost entirely died away, and the subject would have been scarcely allu ded to in connexion with our last election had it not been for the attempts of the Lo cofocos to make political capital out. of it. Gen. Harrison’s views upon this question N. J. KAPPEIi, Printer. are perfectly understood in Vermont, and it is as well known here as any where else that he is entirely opposed to any interfe rence with the institutions of the South.” Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech at Saratoga. SETH PETERSON’S ARGUMENT. It happened, about three weeks ago, that on ail excursion with one man only with ino,l mentioned the doctrine ofthe reduction of prices, and asked him his opinion ofit. lie said lie did not like it. I replied, the wages of labor, it is true, are reduced; hut then flour, and href, and perhaps clothing, all of which you buy, are reduced also. What, then, can he your objections ? Why, said he, it is true that flour is now low, hut, then, it is an article that may rise suddenly, by means of a scanty crop, in England, or at home ; and if it should rise from $5 to $lO, I do not know forcer tain that it would fetch the price of my la bor up with it. But while wages are high, then 1 urn safe ; and if produce chances to fall, so much the better for me. But there is another thing. I have but one thing to sell, that is, my labor ; hut I must buy many things—not only flour, and meat, and clothing, but also some articles that comes from other countries ; a 1 ittle sugar, a little coffee, a little tea, a little ofthe common spices, and such like. Now, Ido not see how these foreign articles will be brought down, by reducing wages at home ; and before the price is brought down of the only thing l have to sell, I want to be sure that the prices will fall, also, not of a part, but of all the things which I must buy. Now, gentlemen, though he will be as tonished, or amused, that I shall tell the story, before such a vast assemblage as this, I will place this argument of Seth Pe terson, sometimes farmer and sometimes fisherman on the coast of Massachusetts, stated to me while pulling an oar with each hand, and with the sleeves of his red shirt rolled up above his elbows, against the ar guments, the theories, and the speeches of the Administration and all its friends, in or out of Congress, and take the verdict ofthe country, and ofthe civilized world, wheth er he has not the best side ofthe question. SHAMEFUL AVOWAL. Gen. Jackson in his second abusive let ter concerning Mr. Clay’s speech at Nash ville, says: “it would be easy to show from the life of Mr. Livingston that the de fault here alluded to was one which did not prejudice his moral character or lessen the high standing which he enjoyed at that time.” Here is honesty and patriotism for : you !! Edward Livingston, while in office, makes way with SIOO,OOO of the people’s money, and ex-President Jackson at this day declares that this monstrous defalca tion “ did not prejudice his moral charac ter !!” Here’s a precious commentary on honesty among public servants. The President of the United States saying in effect to public officers, “ rob away, fill your pockets with the people’s money, run away, or stand your ground, as you please —your moral character will stand as high as ever.” If Gen. Jackson has a friend left in the world, he ought to prevent his wri ting letters, or he may betray his real j principles to the world ; and for the sake of our country and his own military servi ces, sucli facts ought to be buried with him. Ile cannot stop the current which is everv where rushing to produce reform.— ; N. Y. T. Sr Star. AN ImPORTA N T FACT. Martin Van Buren receives a salary of ; #25,000 per year—which is 2083 dollars per month. He was absent from his post nearly four months during the last year in the State of N. York, making stump speech es and electioneering for tho Presidency in divers ways. The season of electioneering cost the people at least SBOOO, for he ren dered no service to the public to cover any portion of his salary during his electioneer ing tour of four months—yet he drew the j full amount of his salary during that peri- I oil. An honest, hard-working overseer, | receiving only 200 dollars per year, would j he contemptuously turned away by his em ployer should he absent himself from busi | ness a single week without the best excuse in the world !!! “ O. K.”— These initials, according to Jack Downing, were first used by General i Jackson. “ Those papers, Amos, are all \ correct. 1 have marked them ‘O. K.’ ” j [oli, korhect.] The General was never good at spelling. Recently, however, they iiave anew signification. For instance : “O. K.”—“ Off to Kinderhook.” The chivalrous Gov. Poindexter, of Mis sissippi, being lately oil a visit to the Warm Springs, in Virginia, was called upon to express his sentiments concerning Gen. Harrison. He obeyed the call, and in re ference to the course of General Harrison, on the Missouri question, Gov. P. observed that he was standing at the side of the Old Hero when he gave his vote on that mo mentous question ; and that Gen. Harrison said to him personally, “I know that 1 shall sacrifice my popularity with my constitu ents, by the course lam about to pursue. But l will sooner incur the sacrifice than the Constitution of my country shall be vi olated.” The N. Y. New Era calls General Har rison “a rascal.” General Harrison cer tainly is not a rascal, but we have no doubt that, by the 4th of March, he will turn out one.— Prentice. [VOLUME XXVI.